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H. BEVERIDGE, B.C.S. (Retd.) 





Ashok Rajpath Patna-4 

The Maâthir-ul-Umara 

Printed in India 

First reprint Edition with exhaustıve mdex i 979 

Published by R.B. Singh tor Janaki Prıkashan, Ashok Rajpath. 

Patna-4 ., • 

ftinted at Mehra Offtet Press, Datya. Gi»u, New Delhi. 


The late Professor Do-vrson 1 rightly deseribed the Maâthir-uı-Umarâ 
as 'the Peerage of the Mughal Empire', and remarked 'it consists of a 
Biographical Diotionary of the illustrious men who hkve flourished in 
Hindüstân and the Dakhin under the house of Tîmûr from Akbar t o 
1 155 A.H. ' He deseribed it as the work of Shâh Nawâz Khân Şamşâm-ud- 
Daula, and referred to its two manuseript editions. The first was pre- 
pared by the author, and later restored with a few editions by Mîr Ghulâm 
'Alî Âzâd; it consisted of 261 biographies ineluding the life of the author 
by the editör. The second edition was the work of the son of ' Samsamu-d 
daula, named 'Abdu-1 Hai Khân ' who ' completed the work in its present 

form The biographies in the second edition are 731 8 in number 

giving an inerease of 569 lives not contained in the former edition. They 
are very ably written, and are full of important historical detail ; and as 
they inelude the lives of ali the most eminent men who flourished in 
the times of the Mughal Emperors of the House of Timur down to 
1194 A.H. (1780 A. D.), the Ma-âsiru-l umara must ahvays hold its place 
as one of the most valuable books of reference for the student of Indian 

From tbis brief but very succinet deseription of. the genesis of the 
Maâihir-uUUmarâ, it is clear that the work was planned and executed 
by the author whose full name ıras Mir 'Abd-ur-Razzâq, Nawwâb 
Şamşâm-ud-Daula Shâh Nawâz Khân Khawâfî Aurangâbâdî. it was 
during the period of this forced retirement of six years following the 
defeat of his patron Naşir Jang in the battle of Burhânpür on 3rd August, 
1741, and tül he was reappointed governor of Berâr in 1747, that he 
devoted himself to the compilation of the work. s in the life of the 
author by Mîr Ghulâm 'Ali Âzâd the period of his retirement is incorrectly 
given as five years 4 . After Şamşâm-ud-Daula 's reinstatement in offiee, 
the work was apparently forgotten, but in reply to a remark 6 of his son 
'Abdul Hayy he suggested that the latter should complete it. After 
Şamşâm-ud-Daula's arrest on 5th April, 1758, his house was plundered, 
and the manuseript of Maâflıir-ul- Umara together with ali his library 
was lost. it was recovered in an incomplete form a year later, and seme 
twelve years after its composition (i.e., in 1759), it was rearranged and 
completed by the author's elose friend and associate Mir Ghulâm 'Alî 
Âzâd 6 ; this constituted the so-called first edition. 7 'Abdul Hayy, who 

1 EUiot and Dowson, History of India, VIII, pp. 187-189 (1877); the aceount, 
as the editör noted, is based mainly on Morley, Dtser. Gat. Hist. MSS. Arabic and 
Persian Boy. As. Soc., pp. 101-105 (1854). 

* in reference to the number of biographies also see Beveridge's Note 1 on 
p. 33 of the translation. The biographies by the son 'Abdul Hayy are distinguished 
by the letter Qâf which is an abbreviation Alhaq or suppıement. 

8 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text ITI, pp. 727, 728. 

4 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, p. 19, Beveridge's translatipn, p. 16. 

6 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, p. 3, Beveridge's translation, p. 2. 

6 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, p. 11, Beveridge's translation, p. 10. 

7 For deseriptions of the two editions, see in addition to Morley and Çowson 
cited already, Rieu, Cat. Persian MSS. British Museum, I, pp. 339-341 (1879), 
and Ivarıow, W., JDescr. Cat. Persian MSS. As. Soc. Bengal, pp. 69, 70, Noa. 213, 
214 (1924). 



, ı l a ^r ıvreived his father's tıtle 
h^tbrtunaMy eBoap^de»^, a^wWU 3 ^ 

Î50 A D .V : H ^*^ n «3jS?t£S5ic Society of Benga Ç U£ 
infi 1887-06 (for detaıls vıde ™J™>- pu büshed up to 1914, Mr. H. 

,„v«ochı..'™)nn'™""»' 1 "', ,} Si, ky Ohulâm AB Soıdm.l AWu 
Sy Th, »' irt *f Vı :?,, , Kİ A S» »>««* '» """°SftoS 

CSt'«İ^-^^;X,,, S oH 1 y.B S 

«s. ™ ski »;s,„t ,«., o. «- -*» *-* » 

asi-(>Hows:— .. „„, uted bv M. Abdur Rahim. 

v* «-şaş ai'ssüo?.^ - v*. ... 

III (1896), bv M. Ashraf Alı. 

, - • nsmı Q5) bv M. Ashrat Alı. 
Vol. İll-Fascicles ı-xı (1890-flo), oy ^ 

Tn July, 1906, Mr. H. Ba™^^ Indtn History *ffl 
Mm. AnneUe Susanna /™dge ^^2^^ of ^f« • 
Xavs remain indebted for theır master y ^ the 5a&M> . 

^ TO „_ jff cred to P/f are İ^^EnS translation of the Jf ««£ r-«J- 
in the Bibliothem Indıca serıes * n Jf?\ me eting of November, 1908, 
%Zâ. : The Counoil of the , Socıety m £™°J oomprİ9 ing Faseıc es 
â-m-ed to ita publioatıon, and 600 pages ol m3 and 19 H. 

î: 2 3-4, and 5-6, of 200 P^^^lt-eT he a^phabetical arrangement for 
in the translation the author f^ ow ^ ^ e ; f P the vario us notices ıs qıute 
thVbioaraphies, but naturally the s equence ot ^ The ted 

SS» tİıat in the three volumes of the g ^ - m roferenC e tç> 

^Hî rft !^ı*^^^" biographies wh 

the two edıtıons anü tnc im ^ . 

"" " T ı_^, Bevoridge's translation, T>P- •*'•'• 

aeseriptive account of ^hc , autt, "^- ^ &, p . 18fl . 
mistako was poınted out by J 


wre dealt vvith under the letters A to a part of H. Unfortıınately, the 
arrangement is rather faulty and a number of biographies, whıch should 
have been dealt with under these letters, have been left out. The 
arrangement in regard to the various biographies is somewhat arbitrary, 
and as the author did not give the volume or page nunıbers for the 
biographies translated, it is not easy to find out the ones whieh have 
stili to be dealt vvith. in the table of contents, I have supplied this 
deficieney by giving the nunıbers of the volume and the pages on which 
the accounts are to be found in the Text-edition. 

The part now printed, and which with the first six fascicles vi'ill fonn 
\'olume I of the translation, consists of the remainder of the aeeount of 
Haidar Quli Khân (No. 223), and Nos. 224-254 of the letter H, Nos. 255-295 
of the letter /, Nos. 296-324 of the letter J, Nos. 325-358 of the letter K 
and Nos. 359-365 of the letter L; in ali 142 biographies. in this part an 
attempt has been nıade to revise and complete the translations, to indicate 
as far as possible the sources from which the accounts were taken, and to 
supply references to recent literatüre in the foot-notes. The references 
to printed texts are mainly to editions publis.hed in the Bibliotheca indim- 
series, and the same applies to the translations so far as these have been 
published. This, owing to the absenee of or the very defeetive indices 
available, has involved a great deal of reading, and it is likely that 
references may have been missed in several cases. it has not been 
possible to eheck ali historieal data, but names of various places 
have been corrected with reference to the modern spellings in 
the Imperial Oazetteer so far as possible. The conversion 'of the 
Hijri dates as given in the Text-edition into dates according to tht Now 
Style of the Christian Era has been eflfected with the help of Wüstenfeld- 
Mahler's Vergleichungs-Tabelkn (Leipzig, 1926). The standard scheıne 
for transliteration recently adopted by the Society has been follovred 
with slight modifications. To reduce the cost of publication the formol 
and type for the new part were changed from the more expensive form 
used in the earlier fascicles to that used for the Journal of the Society. , 
For facilitating reference the volume and page numbers of the biographies 
dealt with in this part are given under the names of the nobles as also 
in the Contents. The names of the nobles dealt vrith are also printed as 
page-headings över the accounts. 

I am fully conscious of the shortcomings in the work as now issued , 
but these are natural when one is editing a posthumous \vork from an 
imperfect manuseript. An entirely new version would probably have 
resulted in a better translation, but this was not possible, as the only 
eonsideration which ıveighed with me in agreeing to complete the »vork 
vvas to preserve the work of Mr. Beveridge. The translation of a text of 
some 2,700 pages must have been a stupendous undertaking and entailed 
no end of hard work for the author in his advanced age — -Mr. Beveridge 
was 92 years of age when he died on 8th November, 1929, and the work 
was begun by him when he was well över seventy. While craving the 
indulgence of my readers for the imperfeetions in the translation, formaf, 
ete, I hope that this great monument of the seholarship, industry and 
devotion of the late Mr. Henry Beveridge will prove useful to students of 
Indian History particularly for the Mughal Period. 

I am grateful to my colleague Dr. B. S. Guha, the General Secretary 
of the Society for faeilities provided in conneetion with this \vork. M}' 


)1 „„ ts „ rp , lue to mv friend Sir Jadunath Sarkar, the leading authority 

■fin, ian Histo rv "f the Mo-hul Period, for his valuable suggestıons and 

the b o ~ wİİriro,,rhİB personal library. I am also indebted t o 

^îW& G^TBiSS'of the Baptist Mission Press in the 
expeditious printing of thıs work. 

Mttseum House, 

31stAugust, 7941. 

Batni Prashad. 



1. The Maasir-ul-Umara ı (Text I, pp. 1-10) 

2. Note of Editör to Second Edition (Text I, pp. 10-13) 

3. Life of Nawab Samsâmu-d-daulah Shâh Nevvâz Khân, eti 

(Textl, pp. 14-41) .. 

4. Prefaee to the Table of Contents (Text I, p. 42) 



5. 'Abdu-l-'Azîz Khân Bahâdur (Text II, pp. 836-839) Q. 33 

6. 'Abdu-l-'Aziz Khân, Şhaikh (Text II, pp. 686-688) Q 34 

7. 'Abdü-1-Hâdi Khwâja (Text I, pp. 772, 773) Q. . . 35 

8. 'Abdu-l-]VÎajîd of Herat (Asaf K. Khwâja)— (Text I, pp. 77-83) 36 

9. 'Abdu-1-Matlib Khân (Text II, pp. 769-771) Q. . . ..40 

10. 'Abdu-N-Nabi Sadr (ghaikh)— (Text II, 560-564) . . 41 

11. 'Abdu-1-Qawi (İ'timâd K. ghaiki)— (Text I, pp. 225-229) . . 44 

12. 'Abdu-r-Rablm Beg Uzbeg (Text II, pp. 793, 794) Q. . . 48 

13. 'Abdu-r-Rahîm of Lucknow (ghaikh)— (Text II, pp. 564, 

565) .. .. .. .. ..49 

14. (Mîrzâ) 'Abdu-r-Rahîm Khân-Khânân (Text I, pp. 693-713) 50 

15. 'Abdu-r-Rahîm Khân (Text II, pp. 812, 813) Q. 65 

16. 'Abdu-r-Rahîm Khân (Khwâja)— (Text I, pp. 792, 793) Q. . . 65 

17. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân, Afzal Khân (Text I, pp. 115-117) .. 66 

18. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân Sultan (Text II, pp. 809-812) Q. 68 

19. 'Abdu-r-Razzâq K. Lâri (Text II, pp. 818-821) Q. 70 

20. (Saifu-d-Daula) 'Abdu-S-Samad Khân Bahâdur Diler Jang 

(Text II, pp. 514-517) Q. .. .. . . 71 

21. 'Abdu-1-Wahâb Aqziu-1-Qazât Qâzi (Text I, pp. 235-241) .. 73 

22. (Saiyid) 'Abdullah K. Bârha (Text II, pp. 489-491) Q. .. 79 

23. (Saiyid) 'Abdullah Khân (Text II, pp. 400, 401) Q. . . 80 

24. 'Abdullah Khân S'aîd Khân (Text II, pp. 807, 808) Q. 81 
25 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg (Text II, pp. 764-769) . . . . J82 

26. (Khwaja) 'Abdullah Khân (Text I, pp. 832, 833) Q. . . 84 

27. 'AbdıdlahKhân(Shaikh)— (Text II, pp. 573-583) .. 85 

28. (Mullâ) 'Abdullah Ansâıî Makhdûmu-1-Mulk (Text III, 

pp. 252-257) . . . . . . »3 

29. 'Abdullah K. Firüz Jang (Text II, pp. 777-789) . . 07 

30. (Mir) Abû-1-Baqâ Amir Khân (Text I, pp. 172-174) .. 105 

31. Abü-1-Fath (Text I, pp. 558-562) . . . . . . 107 

32. Abü-1-Makâram Jân Nişar Khân (Text I, pp. 537-540) Q. .. 110 

33. Abu-1-Fath K. Deccanî and an aecount of the Mahdavî 

Religion (Text I, pp. 120-125) . . . . ..113 

1 The spellinga of the names and titles for the first 219 biographies and tho 
introductions are given as they are printed in the fascicles published up to 1914. 
For faeilitating reference to the Text the volume and page numbers of the Text- 
edition are, however, given within brackets after each nanıe. The supplenıentaı\ 
biographies by 'Abdul Hayy are distinguished by the letter Q. 
































. Abu-1-Fazl 'Allâmi Fahâmî (ghaikh)— (Text II pp 608-0">2) 
(Khyvâja) Abü-1-Hasan of Turbat (Text I, pp. 737-739) 
Abul Kjıair K. Bahâdur imâm Jang (Text I, pp. 363-365) O 
Abu-1-M'a âlî (Mir Shâh)— (Text III, pp. 186-191) 
(Mirza) Abu-I-Maali (Text III, pp. 557-560) 
Abu-1-Manşör K. Bahâdur Şaftlar Jang (Text I, pj). 365-368) 

Abû Kaşr Khân, son of Shaista Khân (Text I, pp 29-' 293) O 
(Mirza) Abû S'aîd (Text III, pp. 513-516) ' 

(Mir) Abü Tıırâb Gujrâti (Tcxt III, pp. 280-285) 
Adhanı Khân Koka (Text I, pp. 67-73) 
Afzal Khan (Text I, pp. 65-67) . . ' ' 

Afzal Khân 'Allanıl Mullâ »Shukrullah Shîrâzî (Text I 

pp. 145-151) Q. .. .. V 

Aghr- (Aghuz) Khân Pir Muhammad (Text I pp '>74-977) q 
Ahmad B.-g Khân (Text I, pp. 194, 195) 
Ahmed Beg Khâ ı Kâbulî (Text I, pp 126 127) 
(Mir) Ahmad Khân (Text III, pp. 662-666) 
(Mir) Ahmad K. The Second (Text III. pp. 760-765) 
(Naiyid) Ahmad K. Bârha (Text II, pp. 378, 379) O 
Ahmad Nâitha (Mullâ)— (Text III, pp. 562-566) 
Ahmad Khân Niyazi (Text I, pp. 185-188) 
Ahmad (Shaikh)--(Text II, pp. 554-556) 
Ahsan Khân Sultan Hasan (Text I, pp. 301-303) Q 
(Hakini) Almd-l-Muİk Shîrâzî (Text I, pp. 562, 563) ü 
Ajit Singh Râthor (Mahârâjah)— (Text III, pp' 755-760) O 
(Saryid) 'Alam Bârha (Text II, pp. 454-456) Q 
(Mir) 'Ali Akbar Müsavi (Text III, pp. 231 , 232) 
(Mirza) 'Ali Beg Akbar Shâhi (Text TII, pp. 355-357) 
'Alî Khân (Mirzada)— (Text IIT, pp. 257, 258) Q. 
(Hakim) Alî Gîlânî (Text I, pp. 568-573) 
'Alî Manian Bahâdur (Text II, pp. 773-775) Q. . . 
'Alî Mardan K. Amîru-1-Umarâ (Text II, pp. 795-807) 
Alî Mardan K. of Haidarabad (Text II, pp. 824, 825) O 
Alî Muhammad K. Rohilla (Tcxt II, pp. 841-843) Q 
'Ali Qulî K. of Andarâb (Text II, p. 764) Q. 
'Alî Murâd Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh K. Zafar Jane 
(Text I, pp. 817-819) Q. . . . . ' 6 

Alî Qulî Khân Zaman (Text I, pp. 622-630) '.'. 

Alif Khân Âmân Beg (Text I, pp. 191-194) 

'Aliverdî Khân Mirza Band.î (Text II, pp. 843-847) Q. 

Allah Qulî Khân üzbeg (Text I, pp. 189-191) 

Allah Yâr Khân (Text I, pp. 182-185) 

Allah Yâr K. Mir Tuzak, ete. (Text I, pp. 216, 217) Q. 

Âmân Ullah Khân Zaman Bahâdur M. (Text I, pp. 740-748) 

Âmân Ullah Khân (Text I, pp. 293-295) . . '.] 

AmânafK. Mîıak M'uînu-d-Dîn Ahmad (Text I,pp. 258-268) 

Amânat Khân The 2nd (Text I, pp. 287-290) 

(Râo) Aınar Singh (Text II, pp, 230-237) Q. ' . . '.' 

Amîn K. Deceanî (Text I, pp. 352-357) 



















145 l 
















1 63 






































210 I 


212 i 


212 ' 


219 \ 


221 ; 


230 > 



1 20. 




Amînu-d-Daulah Aminu-d-Din Khân Bahâdur Sambalî (Texl 
T, pp. 357, 358) Q. .. ■■ ■■ 

■ Muhammad) .Amîn. Khân Mir Muhammad Anım (loxt 111, 
pp. 613-620) 

(Saivid) Amir K. Khawâfi (Text II, pp. 476, 477) Q. 

Amir Khân Mir Miran (Text I, pp. 277-287) 

Amir Khân Sindhi (Text I, pp. 303-310) 

'Aqil Khân 'Inayat Ullah (Text II, pp. 790-792) Q. 

(Rajah) Anüp Singh Badgûjar (Text II, pp. 220-223) 

Raj'ah Anurüdha Gaur (Text II, pp. 276, 277) Q. 

'Aqil K. Mir 'Askarî (Text II, pp. 821-823) Q. . . 

•Arab Bahâdur (Text II, pp. 771-773) 

'Arab Khân (Text II, pp. 794, 795) Q. 

Arslân Khân (Text I, p. 277) Q. 

Asad Khan Mâmüri (Text I, pp. 140-142) . . 

Asad Khân Asafu-d-Daula-Jaınla-al-Mulk (Text I, pp. 310- 

Âsafu-d-Daula Anıîru-1-Mamâlik (Text I, pp. 368, 369; Q. .. 
5saf Khân Khwâja Ghîyâsu-d-l)in 'Alî Qazwinî (Text T, 

pp. 90-93) •- •• •■ •■ 

Asaf Khân Mirza Qi\vâmu-dDîn J'aafar Beg (Text 1, pp. 107- 

Asaf K. known as Âsaf Jâhi (Text I, pp. 151-160) 
Aklat K. Mir 'Abdu-1-Hâdî (Text I, pp. 167-172) 
Asâlat Khân Mirza Muhammad (Tcxt I, pp. 222-225) 
Ashraf Khân Mir Mıınshl (Text I, pp. 73-75) 
Aşhraf K. Khwâja Barkhürdâr (Text I, pp. 206, 207) Q. 
Ashraf K. Mir Muhammad Ashraf (Text I, pp. 272-274) . . 
'Askar Khân Najnı Sânî (Text II, p. 809) Q. 
Âtiidı K. Habşhi (Text I, pp. 188, 189) Q. 
Atish Khâıi Jân Beg (Text I, pp. 255-258) Q. . . • • 

'Azdu-d-Daula Iwaz K. Bahâdur Qaswara Jang (Text II, 

pp. 832-836) Q. 
A'zim K. Koka (Text I, pp. 247-252) . . • • 

A'zim Khân Mir Muhammad Bâqir, otherwıse Iradat Khan 

(Text I, pp. 174-180) 
'Aziz Koka M. Khân A'zam (Text I, pp. 675-693) 
'Aziz Ullah Khân (Text II, pp. 789, 790) Q. 
'Aziz Ullah Khân (Text II, pp. 823, 824) Q. 


Bâbâ Khân Qâqshâl (Text I, pp. 391-393) 

Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 393, 394) Q. . . 

Bahâdur K. Bâqî Beg (Text T. pp 444-447) . . 

Bahâdur Khân Robîla (Text I, pp. 415 424) 

Bahâdur Khân Shaibânî (Text I, pp. 384-387) . . 

Bahâduru-1-Mulk (Text I, p. 398) Q. 

Bahâdur K. Uzbeg (Text I, p. 400, 401) Q. 

Baharjî, Landholder of Baglânâ (Text I, pp. 412-415) 

(I'tiqâ'd K. Mirza) Bahmaıı Yâr (Text I, pp. 232-234)- 





















122. Bahrâm Sultan (Text I, pp. 431-444) 

123. Bahramand Khân (Text I, pp. 454-457) 

124. Bairâm Khân Khan-Khanân (Text I, pp. 371-384) 

125. Bairâm Beg Turkamân (Texi I, pp. 399, 400) . . 

126. Bâljü Qulîj ghamsher Khân (Text I, pp. 404, 405) Q. 

127. Bâqi K. Celah Qalmâq (Text I, pp. 427-429) . . 

128. Bâqî Khân Hayât Beg (Text I, pp. 458-461) 

129. Bâqî Muhammad Hıân (Text I, p. 394) Q. 

130. Bâqir K. Najm Sâni (Text 1, pp. 408-412) 

131. Basâlat K. M. Sultan Nazr (Text I, pp. 461, 462) Q. 

132. Barkjjürdâr (M. Khan 'Aİam)— (Text I, pp. 732-736) 

133. (Rajah) Bâsü (Text II, pp. 157-160) Q. 

134. Bâz Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 387-391) 

135. Bebadal Khân Saidai Gîlânî (Toxt I, pp. 405-408) 

136. Beglâr Khân (Text I, pp. 401-404) 

137. (Rajah) Bethal Dâs Gaur (Text II, pp. 250-256) Q. 

138. (Rajah) Bhagwant Dâs (Text II, pp. 129-131) . . 

139. (Rao) Bhâo Singh Hârâ (Text II, pp. 305-307) Q. 

140. (Rajah) Bhâratha Bandîla (Text II, pp. 212-214) Q. 

141. (Rai) Bhoj (Text II, pp. 141, 142) Q. 

142. (Rajah) Bihâra Mal (Text II, pp. 111-113) 

143. (Rajah) Bikramâjit (Text II, pp. 139-141) Q. . . 

144. (Rajah) Bikramâjit Rai Rayân (Text II, pp. 183-195) 

145. (Rajah) Bir Bahâdur (Text II, pp. 361, 362) Q. 

146. (Rajah) Birbar (TextII,pp. 118-122) 

147. (Rajah) Bir Singh Deo Bandîla (Text II, pp. 197-199) Q. 

148. Biyân K. (Text I, pp. 462, 463) Q. . . 

149. Burhanu-1-Mulk S'aâdat K. (Text I, pp. 463-466) Q. 

150. Buzurg Umed Khân (Text I, pp. 453, 454) Q. . . 

151. (Rajah) Cabila Ram Nâgar (Text II, pp. 328-330) Q. 

152. (Khân 'Alam) Çalma Beg (Text I, pp. 632-635) . . 

153. (Rajah Candar Sen (Text II, pp. 336-338) Q. . . 

154. (Mirza) Cin Qulij (Text III, pp. 351-354) 

155. Cüraman Jât (Text I, pp. 540-548) 


156. (Rao) Dalpat Bundila (Text II, pp. 317-323) Q 

.157. Dânishmand Khân (Text II, pp. 30-32) 

Kj8. Dârâb Khân (Text II, pp. 39-42) 

fcJÖ. Dârâb Khân Mîrzâ Dârâb (Text II, pp. 14-17) 

160. Darbâr K. (Text II, pp. 1-3) 

161. Daryâ Khân Rohilla (Text II, pp. 18-21) 

162. Dastam Khan (Text II, pp. 3-5) Q. . . 

163. D'aüd Khân (Text II, pp. 63-68) Q. . . 

164. D'aüd Khân Qorcshî (Text II, pp. 32-37) 

165. Daulat Khân Lodi (Text II, pp. 5-8) 

166. Daulat Khân Mayî (Text II, pp. 24-30) 






167. (Rajah) Debi Singh Bandîla (Text II, pp. 295-297) Q. . . 471 

168. Diânat Khân (Text II, pp. 59-63) . . . . . . 472 

169. Dîânat Khâa (son of the above)— (Text II, pp. 70-80) .. 475 

170. Dîânat Khân Qâsim Beg (Text II, pp. 8, 9) Q. . . . . 483 

171. Diânat Khân Hakim Jamâlâ Kâshi (Text II, pp. 37, 38) Q. 484 

172. Dîânat Khân (Text II, pp. 22, 23) . . . . . . 485 

173. Dilâwar K. Bahâdur (Text II, pp. 68-70) Q. . . . . 486 

174. Dilâwar Khân Kakar (Text II, pp. 9-14) . . . . 487 

175. Diler K. 'Abdu-r-Rauf Miyâna (Text II, pp. 56-59) Q. . . 491 

176. (Saiyid) Diler Khân Bârha (Text II, pp. 412-415) Q. .. 493 

177. Diler Khân Daüdzai (Text II, pp. 42-56) .. ..495 

178. Dindar Khân of Bokhara (Text II, pp. 23, 24) Q. .. 505 

179. (Rai) Durgâ Sîsodia (Tfext II, pp. 142-148) Q. . . . . 505 


180. Ekatâz Khân 'Abdullah Beg (Text III, pp. 968-971) . . 509 

181. Faiz Ullah Khân (Text III, pp. 28-30) . . 512 

182. Faizi Fiyâzi (ghaikh Abu-l-Faiz)— (Text II, pp. 584-590) . . 513 

183. Fâkhir Khân (Text III, pp. 26-28) Q. .. ..518 

184. Farhat Khân (Text III, pp. 1-3) Q. . . . . . . 519 

185. (Ihtişhâm K. Ikhlâş K. Sbaikjj) Farid Fathpürî (Test I, 

pp. 220-222) Q. .. .. .. . . 520 

186. (Shaiki) Faıîd Murtaza Khân Bokhârî (Text II, pp. 633- 

641) .. .. .. .. ..521 

187. (Mirza) Farldûn Khân Bârlâs (Text III, pp. 354, 355) Q. . . 527 

188. Fath Jang Khân Miyâaa (Text III, pp. 30-32) . . . . 528 

189. Fath Jang K. Rohilla (Text III, pp. 22-26) . . . . 529 

190. Fath Khân (Text III, pp. 3-10) . . . . . . 532 

191. Fath Ullah Khwâjagi (Text I, pp. 669-671) Q. . . . . 536 

192. Fath Ullah Khân Bahâdur 'Âlamgîrshâhî (Text III, pp. 40- 47) 537 

193. Amir Fath Ullah Shîrâzi (Text I, pp. 100-105) . . . . 543 

194. Fazâîl Khân Mir Hadi (Text III, pp. 38-40) .. ..546 

195. Fâzil Khân (Text III, pp. 18-21) . . . . . . 548 

196. Fâzil K. alias Mullâ 'Alâu-L-Mulk Tünî (Texfr III, pp. 524- 

530) .. .. •• ■• ..550 

197. Fâzil Khân Burhânu-d-DIn (Text III, pp. 34-38) . . 553 

198. Fâzil Khân ghaikh Makhdüm Sadr (Text III, pp. 32. 33) Q. 556 

199. (Mir) Fazl Ullah Bokhârî (Text III, pp. 361-365) . . 556 

200. Fedai Khân (Text ni, pp. 10-12) .. .-. .. 558 

201. Fedai Khân (Text III, pp. 12-18) . . . . . . 559 

202. Fedai Khân Muhammad Salih (Text III, pp. 33, 34) Q. . . 563 

203. Fîrüz K., the eunuch (Text III, pp. 21, 22) Q. . . . . 564 

204. (Mirza) Füldâ (Text III, pp. 258-264) .. ..565 


205. (SJhaiki) Gadâl Kambü (Text II, pp. 539-541) . . 568 

206. (Rajah) Gaj Singh (Text II, pp. 223-226) Q. . . . . 570 

207. Ganj 'AH Khân 'Abdullah Beg (Text III, p. 155) Q. . . 572 

208. (Rai) Gaur Dhan Süraj Dhwaj (Text II, pp. 195-197) . . 572 



209. (Mir) Gesü of Khurâsân (Text III, pp. 249-252) 

210. Ghairat Khân (Text II, pp. 863-865) 

211. (ihairat Khân Muhammad ibrahim (Text II, pp. 869-872) Q. 

212. Ghâlib Khân Bîjâpûrl (Text II, p. 865) Q. .. 

213. Ghazanfar Khân (Text II, pp. 866-868) 

214. (Mirza) Ghâzi Beg (Tarkhâıı)— (Text III, pp. 345-348) 

215. Ghâzi Khân Bada İdisin (Text II, pp. 857-862) 

216. Ghazîu-d-Dîn K. Bahâdur Flrüz Jang (Text II, pp. 872-879) 


217. (Amiru 1-Umarâ) Ghâziu-d-Din K. Bahâdur Firüz Jang 

(Textl, pp. 361, 362) Q. 

218. (Rajah) GRVpâl Sing Gaur (Text II, pp. 340, 341 ) Q. 


219. Habşh Khân (Text I, pp. 579-583) 

220. Hâdî Dad Khân (Text III, pp. 941-943) Q. 

221. Haidar 'Ali Khân Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 611-613) Q"\ 

222. Haidar Muhammad K. Akhta Begî (Text I, pp. 554-557) Q. 

223. Haidar Quli Khân Mu'izzu-d-Daulah (Text III, pp. 746- 

' 751) Q. . . .. 

224. Hâkim Beg (Text I, pp. 573-576) . . 

225. Hâkim Hâdhiq (Text I, pp. 587-590) 

226. Hakim Humâm (Text I, pp. 563-565) 

227. Hakîm-ul-Mulk (Text I, pp. 599, 600) Q. 

228. (Saiyid) Hâmid Bokjjâri (Text II, pp. 396-399) Q. 

229. (Mu'izz-ud-Daulah) Hâmid Khân Bahâdur Salâbat Jang 

(Text III, pp. 765-769) Q. 

230. Hamîd-ud-Din Khân Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 605-611) Q. 

231. Haqiqat Khân (Text I, pp. 590, 591) Q. 

232. (İkram Khân, Saiyid) Hasan (Text I, pp. 215, 216) Q. 

233. (Muqarrab Khân Shaikjj) Hasan, known as Hassü (Text III, 

pp. 379-382) . .' . . 

234. Hasan 'Ali Khân Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 593-599) 

235. Hasan Beg 1 Badakhshi Shaikh 'Umari (Text I, pp. 565-568) 

236. (Mirza) Hasan Şafavî (Text III, pp. 477-479) 

237. Hâshim Khân (Text III, pp. 940, 941) Ç. 

238. Hayât Khân (Text I, pp. 583, 584) Q. 

239. (Saiyid) Hidâyat Ullâh Sadr (Text II, pp. 456, 457) Q. 

240. Himmat Khân Mir 'Isâ (Text III, pp. 946-949) 

241. Himmat Khân Muhammad Hasan and Sipahdâr Khân 

Muhammad Muhsin (Text IIİ, pp. 949-951) .. 

242. (Saiyid) Hizbr Khân (Text II, pp. 415, 416) Q. . . 

243. Hizbr Khân son, of Ilâhvardi Khân (Text III, p. 946) Q. 

244. Höshdâr Khân Mir Höshdâr (Text III, pp. 943-946) 

245. (Amîr-ul-Umarâ, Saiyid) Husain 'Ali Khân (Text I, pp. 321 


246. (Ikjjlâs Khân) Husain Beg (Text I, p. 151) Ç. 

247. Husain Beg Khân Zig (Text I, pp. 591-593) 

1 The word Khân has inadvertantly Ijeen omitted after Beg. 


575 I 


576 f 


577 ' 


579 1 

580 '. 


582 ■ 




587 | 

592 ! 


593 * 




594 | 


597 | 


597 j 


599 s 




600 5 


602 S 


604 f 



607 } 

608 I 



610 î 



611 1 






































(Saiyid) Husain Khân Bârah (Text II, pp. 500-502) Q. . . 640 

Husain Khân Khweshgi (Text I, pp. 600-605) . . . . 641 

Husain Khân Tukriyâ (Text I, pp. 551-554) . . . . 644 

(Khân Jahân) Husain Qıılî Beg (Text I, pp. 645-653) . . 645 

(Mir) Husâm-ud-Din (Text III, pp. 323, 324) . . . . 649 

(Mir) Husâm-ud-Din Anjü, Murtadâ Khân (Text III, pp. 382- 

384)' . . . . ' . . . . . . 650 

Husâm-ud-Din Khân (Text I, pp. 584-587) . . . . 651 


(Shaikb) ibrahim son of Shaikh Mûsâ (Text II, pp. 570-572) 

Q. .. . .. .. . . 653 

ibrahim Khân (Toxt I, pp. 295-301) .. ..653 

ibrahim Khân Fath Jang (Text I, pp. 135-139) ., 657 

ibrahim Khân Üzb<g (Text I, pp. 75-77) Q. .. .. 659 

Iftikbâr Khân Khwâja Abül Baqâ (Text I, pp. 200-203) . . 660 

Iftikhâr Khân Sultân Husain (Text I, pp. 252-255) . . 662 

İhtimam Khân (Text I, pp. 160-162) Q. .. . . 663 

(Khân 'Alam) Ikhlâs Khân (Text I, pp. 816, 817) Q. . . 664 

Ikhlâs Khân Ikhlâs Keslı (Text I, pp. 350-352) Q. . . 665 

Ikhlâş Khân Shaikh Ilâhdiya (Text I, pp. 198, 199) Q. . . 666 
(Saiyid) Iklıtisâs Khân, or Saiyid Firüz Jang ' (Text II, 

pp. 473-475)' Q. .. .. .. ..667 

Ilâhwardî Khân (Text I, pp. 207-215) . . . . 668 

Ilâhvardi Khân (Text I, pp. 229-232) . . . . 672 

Ilangtösh Khân Bahâdur (Tcxt III, pp. 971, 972) Q. . . 673 

'Imâd-ul-Mulk (Text II, pp. 847-856) Q. .. . . 674 

'Inâyat Khân (Text II, pp. 813-818).. .. ..678 

'Inâyat UUâh Khân (Text II, pp. 828-832) Q. . . . . 680 

(Râja) Indarman Dhandera (Text II, pp. 265, 266) Q. . . 682 

Irâdat Khân Mir Jshâq (Text I, pp. 203-206) . . . . 683 

îraj Khân (Text I, pp. 268-272) . . . . . . 685 

Irshad Khân Mir Abül-'Alâ (Text I, pp. 290, 291) Q. .. 687 

'Isâ Khân Mabin (Text II, pp. 825-828) . . . . 687 

(Mirza) İsa Tarkiıân (Tt-xt III, pp. 485-488) . . . . 689 

(Mû'tamaıı-ud-Daula) Isbâq Khân (Text III, pp. 774-776) Q. 690 

Iskandar Khân Uzbeg (Tcxt I, pp. 84-87) . . . . 691 

islâm Khân Chishti Fârûqî (Text I, pp. 118-120) . . 692 

islâm Khân Mashhadî (Text I, pp. 162-167) . . . . 694 

islâm Khân Mir Diyâ-ud-Dîn Husain Badakjifehî (Text I, 

pp. 217-220) ' . . ' . . • • . . 696 

islâm Khân Rûmi (Text I, pp. 241-247) .. ..698 

Ismâ'îl Beg Dûldî (Text I, pp. 64, 65) Ç. . . . . 701 

Ismâ'îl Khân Bahâdur Panî (Text I, pp. 370, 371) Q. . . 701 

Ismâ'îl Khân Makhâ (Text I, pp. 291 , 292) Q. . . . . 702 

Ismâ'îl Qulî Khân Chü-al-Qadr (Text I, pp. 105-107) . . 703 

I'tibâr Khân Khwâjâsarâ (Text I, pp. 134, 135) Q. . . 704 

I'tibâr Khân Nâzir (Text I, p. 65) Q. . . . . 705 

ı For Firüz Jang road FIrûz Khân. 





290. I'tinıâd Khân Gujarâtî (Text I, pp. 93-100) . . . . 705 

291. I'timâd Hıân Khwâjâsarâ (Text I, pp. 88-90) . . . . 708 

292. I'tiqâd Hıân Farrukh-Shâhî (Text I, pp. 339-346) . . 709 

293. I'tiqâd Hıân Mîrzâ Shâpür (Text I, pp. 180-182) . . 714 

294. 'Iwad Hıân Qâqshâl (Text II, pp. 776, 777) Q. . . . . 716 

295. Izzat Hıân Hnvâja Bâbâ (Text II, pp. 775, 776) Q. . . 716 

296. Jâdü Râo Kâııtîh (Text I, pp. 520-523) . . . . 717 

297. (Mfl'tnıin-ul-Mıılk) Ja'far Hıân (Text IİI, pp. 751-755) Q. 719 

298. JaTar Hıân Taklü (Text I, pp. 507-509) . . . . 721 

299. Ja'far Hıân 'Umdat-ul-Mulk (Text I, pp. 531-535) . . 722 

300. Jagan Nâth (Text I, pp. 514-516) Q. .. . . 724 

301. (Kunwar) Jagat Singh (Text III, pp. 149, 150) . . . . 725 

302. (Râja) Jagat Singh (Text II, pp. 238-241) Q. . . . . 726 

303. Jagmâl (Text I, pp. 510, 511) Q. .. . . . . 727 

304. Jagrâj, also known as Bikramâjit (Text I, pp. 526, 527) Q. 727 

305. Jahângîr Quli Hıân (Text I, pp. 512-514) . . . . 728 

306. Jahângîr Quli Khân (Text I, pp. 524, 525) . . . . 729 

307. (Râja) Jai Râm Badgüjar (Text II, pp. 241, 242) Q. . . 730 

308. (Mîrzâ Râja) Jai Singh Kachwâha (Text III, pp. 568-577) Q. 731 

309. (Dhîrâj Râja) Jai Singh Siwâ'i (Text II, pp. 81-83) Q. . . 735 

310. Jalâl Kakar (Text I, pp. 530, 531) Ç. . . . . 736 

311. Jalâl Hıân Qürchî (Text I, pp. 509, 510) Q. .. ..737 

312. (MîrSaiyid) Jalâl Şadr(Text in, pp. 447^51) .. .. 737 

313. (Khwâja) Jalâl-ud-Dîn Mahmüd Khurâsânî Bujüq (Text I, 

pp. 615-618) . . . . . . . . 740 

314. (Shaiki) Jamâl Bakitiyâr (Text II, pp. 566, 567) Q. . . 741 

315. (Mir) Jamâl-ud-Dîn Injü (Text III, pp. 358-360) ..742 

316. (Mîrzâ) Jânî Beg Arghün (the ruler of Thatha)^(Text III, 

pp. 302-314) . . . . . . . . 743 

317. Jânish Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 511, 512) Q. .. ..748 

318. Jân Nithâr Hıân (Text I, pp. 527-529) . . . . 749 

319. (Mahârâo) Jânöjî Jaswant Nimbâlkar (Text III, pp. 806, 

807) Q. .. .. .. . . 750 

320. Jân Sipâr-Khân (Text I, pp. 535-537) . . . . 751 

321. Jân Sipâr Hıân (Khwâja Bâbâ)— (Text I, p. 530) Q. .. 752 

322. Jân Sipâr Hıân Turkanıân (Text I, pp. 516-519) . . 752 

323. (Mahârâja) Jasıvant Singh Râthör (Text III, pp. 5!H)-604) . . 754 

324. (Râja) Jujhâr Simjh Bundela (Tcxt II, pp. 214 218) Ç. .. 756 


332. KhalÜ Ullâh Khân (Text I, pp. 775-782) . . . . 767 

333. (Mir) Khalil Ullâh Yazdı (Text III, pp. 335-342) .. 770 

334. Hıân Daurân (Text I, pp. 782-785) . . . 774 

335. Hıân Daurân Amir-ul-Umarâ (Text I, pp. 819-825) Q. . . 775 

336. Hıân Daurân Naşrat Jang (Text I, pp. 749-758) . . 778 

337. Hıân Jahan Bahâdur ?afar Jang Kökaltâsh (Text I, pp. 798- 

813) .. •• •• •- ..783 

338. Khân Jahân Bârah (Text I, pp. 758-766) Q. . . . . 791 

339. Khân Jahân Lödi (Text I, pp. 716-732) . . . . 795 

340. Khân Zaman (Text I, pp. 785-792) . . . . . . 804 

341. Khân Zaman Mewâti (Text I, pp. 829-832) . . . . 808 

342. Khân Zaman Shaikjj Nizâm (Text I, pp. 794-798) . . 809 

343. Khidmat Parast Khân (Text I, pp. 718-716) .. ..811 

344. Khidr Khwâja Khân (Text I, pp. 613-615) . . . . 813 

345. Khudâ Banda Khân (Text I, pp. 814-816) . . . . 815 

346. Khudâwand Khân Deccanî (Text I, pp. 659, 660) . . 816 

347. Khudâyâr Khân (Text I, pp. 825-829) Q. . . . . 817 

348. Khushhâl Beg Kâshgharî (Text I, pp. 773>, 774) Q. . . 819 

349. Khusrau Be (Text I, pp. 673-675) .. .. ..820 

350. Khusrau Sultân (Text I, pp. 767-772) .. ..820 

351. Khwâja Jahân Herâti (Text I, pp. 630-632) . . . . 823 

352. Khwâja Jahân Kâbuli (Text I, pp. 672, 673) . . . . 824 

353. Hwâja Jahân Khavâfi (Text I, pp. 748, 749) Q. . . 825 

354. Khwâja,Qulî Khân Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 834, 835) Q. .. 825 

355. Khawwas Khân Bakbtiyâr Khân Deccanî (Text I, pp. 774, 

775) Q. .. .. .. ■• ..826 

356. Kırat Singh (Text III, pp. 156-158).. ..827 

357. (Râja) Kishan Singh Bhadâwariya (Text II, pp. 228-230) Q. 828 

358. Kishan Singh Râthör (Text m, pp. 150-152) . . . . 829 

359. Lashkar Khân (Text III, pp. 161-163) .. ..830 

360. Lashkar Khân Abûl Hasan Mashhadi (Text III, pp. 163-168) 831 

361. Lashkar Khân, otherwise Jân Nithâr Khân (Text III, pp. 168- 

171) .. .. .- •• ..834 

362. (Rukn-ud-Daula Saiyid) Lashkar Khân Bahâdur Naşir Jang 

(Text II, pp. 359-361) .. .. ..835 

363. (Râi) Lûnkaran Kachwâha (Text II, pp. 116, 117)0- •• 836 

364. Lutf Ullâh Khân (Text III, pp. 171-177) . . 837 

365. LutfUllâhSâdiq(TextIII, pp. 177, 178) Q. .. ..840 


325. Kakar 'Ali Khân (Text III, pp. 148, 149) Q. . . . . 757 

326. Kakar Hıân or Hıân Jahân Kakar (Text III, pp. 152, 153) Q. 758 

327. Kamâl Hıân Gakkhar (Text III, pp. 144-148) . . . . 758 

328. Kâmgâr Khân (Text III, pp. 159, 160) Q. .. . . 760 

329. (Rânâ) Karan (Text II, pp. 201-208) Q. .. . . 761 

330. (Râo) Karan Bhürthiya (Text II, pp. 287-291) Q. . . 764 

331. Kârtalab Khân (Text III, pp. 153, 154) Q. .. .. 766 

The Maasir-ul-Umara. 

İn 1 the Name of God, the Mercifüi,, TfiB CoMPASâioNAîE. 

Boundless praise and countless benedictdons are due to the king 
of kings, for the aots of famous princes and thedeedsofgreatminis- 
ters spring from His almighty power and absoîute yriJl He is the 
Ruler whose commands sway the hearts and handa of mortals. The 
tiniestatom cannot move without the permit of His glorious power, 
nor without His atringent order can any movent oease. He is an 
Arranger who has given grace and glory to Space by the personal- 
ities of princes of lofty Hneage and thereby made it a cradle of rest 
and peace. He has associated high-thoughted nobles with enthroned 
princes so that they may be as limbs to the heart, and may bring 
to a happy issue the affairs of nations. He is a supreme Ordainer 
who by the one word " Be " (Kun) hath brought worlds on worlds 
of creations from the secret places of non-existence into the expanse 
of Being — aconsummate. Artist, who in His creations has produced 
such marvellous excellencies that the masters of Wiadom feel help- 
less before them and are unable fully to appreciate them. As it has 
been written 


O God, by Thy commanding, within the uni verse 
Earth is stationary, Heaven movent. 
Giver of greatness to men and genii 
King of kings of the world art Thou ! 

Salutations without number to a Leader who af ter showing 
his mission to the followers of the Divine commands regarded not 

1 This is the prefaee to the second edition, but it eomes flret in the text. it 
is by 'Abdu-1-Hayy, the son of the original author. 



the paucity of adherents nor the plurality of adversaries, but at- 
tacked and routed the misleading heretics and founders of error, 
and by successive victories requited them according to their deeds, 
till at length his firm faith dominated the world and obtained 
universal currency. As it has been written 

Muhammad, King of Realm and Religion 
Whose sword o'erthrew the foundation of malice 
Crown-wearer of the company of the apostles 
On him is the seal of power and prophecy. 

Blessinge also upon his hoLy family and upon his well-born 
companions for they are the strong pillars of the arch of rule and 
the gates of approach to him. 

Let it not be conoealed from the readers of this work that as 
Mir ' Abdu-r-Razzâq, who afterwards received the title of Samsâmu- 
d-daulah, the deceased father of the writer of these lines, who had 
acquired sueh knowledge in the science of biography, that the ac- 
counts of the Indian prinees of the house of Timur and of their 
officers were ali on the tip of his tongue, and had such skill ingene- 
alogies that nıany persons applied to him for information about their 
ancestry, whilein retirement in the Qutbpüra - 1 quarter of Auranga- 
bad occupied himself in composing this book which contains an 
aeeount of the officers of the aforesaid prinees. He had made rough 
drafts of many biographies and had also faired out many notices. 
Aftenvards when Nawâb Aşaf Jâh (the Nizâmu-1-mulkof Haidara- 
bad) became well-disposed towards him and summoned him to his pre- 
sence and ordered him to engage in his public business, and also later 
when the martyred * Nizâmu-d-daulah made över to him the charge of 
the Diwânl of his establishment (Sarkar), the completion of the book 
remained wrapped in the v e il of abeyance. One dav the writer of 
these words represented to him that a good foundation had been 
laid, would that it might be completed ! That great one replied, 
" Do you finish it." Afterwards he became the minister of Nawab 

Maasir III, 107, 

2 That is Naşir Jang, 



Şalâbafc ' Jang, and at lasfc gave his life in that service. His houfle 
was plunder ed* and the chapters dispersed. Some years afterward» 
a few portions came to hand. Mir Ohulam ' Alî Azad — peace be 
upon him — who was an intimate friend of the deceased — gathered- 
those portions together and wrote a preface and an introduetion and 
anotice of the author. 

After that some other portions were reoovered. As the com- 
mandof that great man continued to gnaw at my soul I was always 
anxiously thinking about it, and at last I made a beginning in 
1182 (1768-1769) and compiled from historical worksaupplementary 
biographies, and I also supplied a preface which my deceased father 
had written at the beginning of the work, and which I had copied 
out into a commonplace book, as well as a preface and introdue- 
tion which Mîr Azâd had written, and four biographies, also written 
by Mîr Azâd. The list of books which I consulted at the time of 
composition is as fbllows :— 


1. Akbarnâmah by ghaikh Abu-1-Faşl s. Mubârak. 

2. Tabaqât Akbarî by Khwâjah Nizâmu-d-dîn Ahmad. 

3. Muntakhabu-t-tawârîkh by Şhaikh 'Abdu-I-Qâdir 


4. Gulshan Ibrâhîmî, commonly known as the Târîkh 

Ferishta by Muhammad Qâsim. 

5. 'Âlâm Ârâî by Sikandar Beg, the secretary (munshl) of 

Shah ' Abbâs (the İst) , the ruler of Persia. 

6. Haft Iqlîm by Amîn Ahmad Râzî. 

7. Zubdatu-t-tawârîkh by Nüru-1-Haqq. 

8. Iqbâlnâmah by M'utamad Khan Bakhşhî. 

9. Jabângîrn&ma * in which Jinnat-Makânî (Jahangir) wrote 

the account of twelve years of his reign. 

1 A brother öf Naşir Jang. 

5 Ghulâm 'Ali was alive when this 
was written. He survived the writer 
of this preface who died in 1196, April 
1782, whereas Ghulâm 'Ali did not die 
«11 1200, 1786. He is buried at Khul- 

dâbSd or Rawz5 (Haig, Historic 
Landmarks of th» Deccan, p. 58). 

3 As pointod out in ElliotVI, 279, 
the (son of the) author does not seem 
to have had access to a. cöpy of the 
Memoirs extending beyond the first 



10. Zakhîrau-1-Khwânîn ' by Şhaikh Farîd of Bhakkar. 

11. Majma'u-1-Afghânî 4 written by someone for ÎL? an Ja an 

Lodî. , 

12. Pâdşhâhnamah by Mullâ 'Abdu-l-Hamîd of Lahore, and 

Muhammad Wâris. 

13. 'Amal Salih by Muhammad Şâlih Kambü. 

14. Waqâî s Qandahar. 

15. 'Âlamgirnâmah, by Muhammad Kâzim Munshî. 

16. Mirâtu-l-'Âlam by Bakhtawâr K. the eunuch. 

17. Târîkh* Sshâm. 

18. Khulâşatu-t-tawârîkJ î) vvritten by a Hindu 6 m the time 

of Aurangzeb. . . 

19 Târîkh • Dilkushâ, aitten by a Hindu and contaınıng 
the account of some events of Aurangzeb's reıgn. 

20. Maasir 'Âlamgîrî, by Musta'ad Khân Muhammad Shafı. 

21. Bahâdur 8 Shâhnâmâh, by Ni'amat Khân 'Âlı. 

22. Labb Labâb, by Khwâfi Khân. 

23. Târîkh Muhammad 9 Shâhî. 

24 Fathiyyah, by Yûsuf Muhammad Khân. 10 
25. TheTazkira" (anthology) called Majma'u-n-nafaıs by 
Sirâjud-dîn 'Âlî Khân Ârzü. 

twelveyears. The Jahângîrnâmah of 
Ghairat K., i.e, Kâmgâr Husainî, is 
not mentioned İh the üst, but is refer- 
red to at II, 865 in the account of 
Ghairat K. 

1 Presumably this is the work men- 
tioned by the writer's father, I, p. 8, 
as being by Shaikh. M'arüf of Bhak- 

2 This must be the Makhzân Afghâ- 
ni of Bieu I, 210, 212 and EUiot V, 
67. it is by N'îamat Ullah. 

8 Apparently the Latâîfu-1-Akhbâr 
of Rieu I, 264b. it is an account of 
Dârâ Shikoh's unsuccessful siege of 

* By Shihâbu-d-dîn Talish, Rieu I, 
206a it is also called Fathiyah-i- 
•Ibratiya. See A.S.B.J. for 1872, 
p. öl. 

6 The author was Sujân Rai of 
Batâla in the Gûrdâspür district of the 
Panjab. ; See R.A.S.J. for 1894, 
p. 733, Rieu 230a and Elliot VIII, 5. 

6 The author was Bhîm Sen. Rieu 
I, 271. it was translated by Jona- 
than Scott. 

7 Should be Sâqi, Rieu I, 270. 
s Rieu 272a. 

» This m ay be the Nâdiru-z- Zama- 
nı of Khûshhâİchand, Rieu I, 128, and 
Elliot VIII, 70, or it may be the work 
by Yûsuf Muhammad K. mentioned 
in EUiot VIII, 103. 

ıo This may be the work mentioned 
in Elliot VIII, 70, or it may be the 
JinSna-1-Firdausof do. 413. See Rieu 
138a and III, 1081a. 

a See Sprenger's Oudh Catalogue, 



26. Mirât Wâridât,' by Muhammad Shafî, with the poetical 

name of Wârid. 

27. Jahân 4 Kushâ, a history of Nâdir Shâh. 

28. and 29. Sarv S zad and Khazâna 'Âmrâ, both by Mîr 

Ghulâm 'Âlî Âzâd. 

30. Mirâtu-ş Şafâ, 3 by Mir Muhammad 'Alî of Burhânpûr. 

31. Târikh Bangâla.'* 

My hope is that readers of this work will correct omissions or 
mistakes if they find any, and that they will pardon defects. 

Be it knovvn that the deoeased compiler of this work arranged 
the lives according to the date of death, and where, as in some 
cases, that date was unknown, the date down to which the biogra- 
phy was carried, was treated as the date of death. 

Heaven be praised ! This delightful work was finished in 
1194 (1780) and the chronogram is — 

The pen decked the garden with a verbal Spring, 
Approved by the wise, 'tis the pleasure-ground of every sage. 

The sheet produced by the writer's Spring-creating pen dissipa- 
ted the glories of Iram 6 and emulated Paradise. Reason, the 
Secretary, wrote the year of completion. Bravo! " Learned 
Associate (editör) of the Maasiru-1-Umarâ " (1194=1780). 

Peeface which the pardoned author (Shah Newâz) of the 
book wkote at the commencement * of his wobk. 

From the beginning of my years of understanding and discretion 
I had, in spite of the time given to ordinary lessons, a love for 

l Rieu I, 275, and Elliot VIII, 

* The work translated into French 
by Sir William Jones. 

3 Rieu I, 129, and Elliot VIII, 25. 

* Rieu I, 312b. it is observable 
that in the above list no mention is 
made of the Mulasklikhaş or Abridge- 
ment of 'Inâyat K. 'Ashnâ. it is com- 
•nonly known as the Shâh Jahânnâ- 

moh and is referred to in Maasir II . 
762, and elsewhere. See EUiot VII, 
73. The author seems to have used 
the Mulakhkhaş in his account of the 
taking of Qandahar by the Parsians. 

5 A fabulous garden in Arabia. 

6 The author states in the biogra- 
phy of his grandfather Muhammad 
ICSiiim, III, 721, that hu was born on 


investigating biographies and chronicles. Whenever I had any 
leisure, I devoted some of it to the instructive annals of former 
kings , and some to the accounts of highly-placed officials . Sometimes 
the words of philosophers and saints enlarged my vision, and some- 
times I was stirred up by the rhythmical ufcterances of poets. At 
length, in the third decade of existence, touched with contrition, 
when there is a ohange in life, Time cast me into the struggles of 
service and my days were spent in the acquisition of a iivelihood. 
Af ter that, prosperity and pleasure threw me into other occupa- 
tions and I ceased to be in ' touch with books, and the love of 
literatüre left me. Though the thought of my inanuscript colleo- 
tions occasionally affected me, and I wished to offer a pilgrim's 
present to the rising generation, yet time kept saying to me with 
the tongue of gesture (zabân-i-hâl). 

The brain o'er heaven, the heart at foot of golden idols* 
How can I speak ; where is the brain and where the heart ? 

Suddenly the wondrous working of destiny gave me in 1155, 
1 742, retirement and solitude. Outwardly the year was pregnant 
with a thousand troubles and anxieties, but the heart was im- 
pledged to calm and composure, and regarded the unexpected leisure 
as great gain. The same old desire took f ull possession of my soul and 
ancient wishes flowered anew. But a revision of my design dissua- 
ded me from composition, for my f orerunners had completed books 
of every kind or fashion which I had thought of, and other subjects 
had been dealt with by great thinkers and artists both directly 
and indirectly, and at large or in abridgment. So my heart did 
not indine towards my composıtions , and I judged them as belong- 
ing to the olass of the common-place. Suddenly there shot into 

28 Ramzan 1111 (8th March 1700), 
and that he becarae diwSn of Berar in 
1145 (1732-33), in bis 34th year. 

1 Masa*. Two B.M. MSS. have 

l Mvhrbütân. Apparently this re- 
f ors to the gold coins called hün in the 

Deccan, the pagodas of eariy travellers, 
which were a!so called büt-ashrafi on 
acoount of their having an idol or 
temple repreeented on them. See 
Bahâr-i-'Ajam a.v. "The brain o'er 
heaven ' ' seems to refer to his lofty 


my heart the thought that if I wrote from the beginning of the 
reign of 'Arşh İshiyânî (Akbar), of which the chronogram is 
Naşrat Akbar (" Victory of Akbar" or "Great Victory," and 
equal to 963, or 1556) to the present time, an account, in alpha- 
betical order, of the iives of great Amirs and exalted nobles, — some 
of whom had, at the time of their glory, by dint of fortune and 
good conduct, been the authors of great deeds, and carried the ball 
of a famous name to an honourable goal, while others had, by the 
wind of their arrogance and presumption, heaped up final ruin for 
themselves, — and should append to the biographies remarkable 
sayings , strange narratives , prudent enterprises , great actions, extra- 
ordinary campaigns, and exhibitions of courage, and should inci- 
dentally describe the events during two centuries of the illustrious 
princes of the Timuride dynasty in India — Thanks be to God for 
their achievements — and should make mention of many ancient 
families, assuredly a new work would be produced and one which 
would stand apart from the writings of other authors. According- 
ly, my heart firmly deoided upon this singular undertaking, and 
the countenance of purpose displayed itself in a conspicuous 

Although a book by îâhaikh M'arûf of Bhakar called the 
Zakhîra-al-Khwânîn ' which contains an account of Amirs came to 
my notice at this time, and many of its statements have been in- 
cluded in the present work, yet as it is foünded upon hearsay, and is 
contrary to the ascertainments of themastersof thisscience, whereas 

1 Text Khwâqîn, but the entry 
No. 10, in the îiat of authorities by 
author's son, and the reference at II, 
p. 260, showa that KhwSnîn, as given 
in the variant, is right. it is stated 
at t he laat place above referred to (viz., 
the life of Amânat K.) that the book 
was written in 1060 (1650). At p. 75 
of Vol. III mention is made of a S. 
M'arûf who was Şadr of Bhakar, but 
probably this waa the grandfather of 
the S. M'arûf, th« author. No histori- 
eal work called the ZakhIra-al-Khw5nîn 
is mentioned by Rieu, though at 

p. 1047a of his catâlogue mention is 
made of an extract from the Zakhîr- 
at-ul-Khw5nin which ig described as 
another name for the Zakhîrat-ul- 
Mulük, a treatise on practical ethics, 
by the Kashmir saint Shâh Hamadân. 
it is mueh to be wished that S. 
M'arüf's book could be found, for ap- 
parently it was full of interes'ting gos- 
sip. At p, 288 of Vol. II the author 
of it is Bpoken of as Şhaikh Farîd 
Bhakri. See also the list of works 
eonsulted by 'Abdu-1-Hayy, No. 10. 

^ F* 


the basis of my book is trustworthy writings, the originality and 
superiority of the latter are evident. 

As in the time of Akbar, when the limit of rank for Amîrs was 
5000 — though in the end of his reign two or three persons attained 
to 7000 — royal service had a high value and manşabs were greatly 
respected, many persons in small positions were possessed of influ- 
ence and excellence, and therefore I have for that period included 
officers down to the rank of 500. For the reign of Shah Jahan and 
up to the middle of Aurangzeb's reign — after which many offices 
and dignities came into vogue — T have noticed holders of 3000, and 
the possessors ' of drums and flags. After that on account of the 
Deccan campaigns full of contrarieties (isâqpürmashâq), the increase 
of servants, and decrease of produce of the country, such superiori- 
ties did not continue. Gradually the circle became larger, and for 
the present time — vacant of goodness or blessing — when many haft- 
hazârîs (holders of the rank of 7000) are at aixes and sevens (bahaft- 
u-hasht, " at seven and eight ") and are damaged in reputation 
and honour, and when in every disfcrict and direction many a 
shash-hazârl and panchrhazârî (holder of 6000 or 5000) isinpreplex- 
ity from the buffetings of f ortune, I have thought it enough to stop 
at 5000 or 7000. Many anceators who had brushed the eorner of 
obscurity have acquired the fame of eternal life as appendages to 
their celebrated posteri ty, and many sons and grandsons, who from 
want of merit did not rise to high office, have had their names 
blazoned because of their illustrious ancestry. Some who did 
not obtain to high rank have been noticed on account of their noble 

Thiş work, which is a collection of numerous marka (işar), has 
been designated Maasiru-1-Umarâ, " Marks of Amîrs." in the 
family of Timuride princes each heavenly father and püre mother 
received a title; as for instance Şâhib Qirân (Lord of Conjunction) 
denotes Amîr Timur, Firdüs Makânî is Zahîru-d-dîn Muhammad 
Bâbar, Jinnat Âshij'ânî is Naşiru-d-dîıı Muhammad Hümâyûn, 
'Arşh Âshiyânî Jalâlü-d-dîn is Muhammad Akbar, Jinnat Makânî, 

1 From a statement in the Tuzak J. it appears that drums and flags were 
bestowed on holders of office of the value of 3000, 


Nûru-d-dîn Muhammad Jahangir, Firdüs Âshiyânî and 'Alî Hazrat, 
Şhihâbu-d-dîn Muhammad Şâhib Qirân Şânî is Shah Jahan, Khuld 
Makân, Muhîu-d-dîn Muhammad is Aurangzeb ' Slamgîr Ghâzi, 
Khuld Manzil Qutbu-d-dîn Muhammad M'uzzam Shah 'Alam 
is Bahâdur Shâh ; vvhile the venerable mother of 'Arsh Âshiyânî 
(Akbar), viz. HamîdaBânü Begam, has the title of Miriam-Makânî, 
and the honoured mother of Khuld-Makân, viz. Arjmand Bânu 
Begam, is entitled Mumtâz Mahal (Tâj Mahal), and his elder sister, 
Jahân Ârâ Begam, is called Begam Şâhiba. Accordingly, when- 
ever there was occasion to mention them in this book, it was suffi- 
cient to do so by their titles. With regard to other princes, their 
correct names have been given, except that in some places Muham- 
mad Shâh Pâdishâh has been styled Firdüs Ârâmgâh. 

Preface ' and Introduction which Mir Ghulâm 'Alî Azâd— may 
God prolong his life-placed at the head of the chapters after 
they had been collected. 

(Note of Editör to Second Edition.) 
(As this composition hasbecome well-known, and as it contains 
a life of the deceased author (Shah Newâz), the writer of these lines 
('Abdul-1-Hayy the son) has included it in the book.) 

Praise to the King of Kings who has bestowed upon kings the 
exalted position of the rule of the world and has given to their 
Amîrs, the adorners of the throne, the office of assisting them. 
And Peace and Salutation be upon the Protector of the world 
(Muhammad) who has so gloriously guided the acts of the nations, 
andhascontrolledgeniiandmenby the God-given seal of prophecy ; 
and upon the illustrious family who are honourable princes, and on 
the companions of holy lineage who are sublime Viziers. 

But to proceed. This book is charming, and a masterpiece 
which has no fellow. it is the pıoduction by God 's help of that 
congeries of human perfections Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah Shâh 
Newâz Khân— may God have mercy upon him— who composed it 

1 This is the preface to the first edition. See account of Glıulâın 'Alî in Beale 
b.v. Azâd and in Colonel Wilks' " Sketches of the South of India," I. 237. and 
267 n. 


„Uh . magio pen, .»d far Av. years devoted ali the pow.r» of hi. 

'"""e I' « ac,oainted with hietory ean jodge how .nnoh 

la boo 'The nobfa anthor be*t„wed npon it, and how far he earned 

out hia reaearohe» and .trov. after aoenraoy. 

Rnt the nages which had been »ritten rema.ned nearly twelye 

yj, l h S« »t fargetfoine.., and the favely peaeoch .pread 
h , ptamage in the eell of a Tinae did not allow of the b «k 
»eLoUherooghdraffabeingchanged into the «h.tenes. of the 

«hed page, L of the fang ^ «£»»££??£ 

, *• ~f i,;» lihrarv were at one stroke dıspersed. ıue 
%Z£Z .li^LTtyiei. laad *- W* f Biigr^- 
2 on term. of esoeeding fri.nd.bip with the deceased, and 
Zte hia hLe in aorrow wh,„ the nnrivailed masterpeçe <to- 
:;pl£ and for a fang thne porsned the thread, o, aearoh över 

th ° Cre «. no «i- of wbitber it bad gono and inte .wta. fay, and I inn.«liate ly roiled np 
^Zvetoarrange and whiten and mend tbe ^rn gar» -t* 
tofonldraftand fa atitch the .oattered pagea As ^h. ma^enpt 
had teken fflght from the library in detaebmen.» ^ had Mlen m 
^ariona plaoee, the ehapter. did ■"£*£ iaboor ti 
to be gathered like the leave. of antumn. After fc™> 

'tt^hefof ,r P Jd, O^bn-i-nnik e. m e to hand .ithan^- 



perfect beginning. The author had not written the biographies ' 
of Nawâb Xşaf Jâh and of his suocessor the martyred Nawâb 
Nizamu-d-daulah. The jealousy of fortune had not granted him 
leisure for this. The eminence of these four Amîrs was as clear as 
, the sun, and it was imperative that their biographies should be in- 

cluded in the work. By chance I had put together ali four biogra- 
phies in my book the Sarv Âzâd. I copied out the biographies of 
Qutbu-l-mulk,NawâbÂşaf Jâh, and the martyred Nizâmu d-daulah 
| from the Sarv 5 zad. For the biography of Amîru-1-Umarâ Saiyid 

I Husain ' Alî Khan I retained ali that came to my hand and supplied 

| the beginning from the Sarv 5 zad. Some other necessary bio- 

i graphies were wanting in the ehapters, such as the biography of S. 

I Abül Fazl,* the author of the Akbarnâma, whose pre eminence does 

; not need to be mentioned. The deceased author used to imitate 

i his style in his compositions. The biography of S'aad UUah K., 

I grand vizier of Firdûs Âshiyânî (Shah Jahan), was also wanting. 
| The author in several places refers to intended notices, and these 
! are not forthcoming. The inference is that they were written but 
i that the violent blasts of accidents had carried them away. 
| The noble author, who has been received into mercy, has also 

i in various places recorded his intention of writing (such and such) 
I a notice, but it has not been found at the position indicated. 
İ Whatever has been done has been done, and whatever was not done 
remained undone. Now, who has the brains to compile such 
notices and to add them as a supplement ? The author himself 
completed his preface, but the writing of praise and prayer was 
wanting, so I wrote some words of praise and suppiication and pre 
fixed them. The first biography in this place is that of the author. 
After that the body of the work commences. May God grant 

ı Liı 

, « Ho^uch blood oozed from the vein of his thoughts." 

1 The Hves of Ghâzlu-d-dîn the son 
of Nijşümu-l-mulk" and of his son 
' Im5du-d-dln seenı ali to be by Ghu- 
l&n ' Alî as they appearin his Khazana 

4 Apparently the life of Abfi-1-fazl 
Wuafterwards found by Shah New5z's 
•on, for there is a long one in the 2nd 

vol. and the son does not mark it as 
his, and Ghulâm ' Alî does not say he 
wrote it, The life of S'aad üllah, the 
prime minister of Shah Jahan, appears 
in Vol. II, p. 441, of the Maasir under 
the style of 'Allâmi S'aad UUah Khan. 
it is by the son ' Abdul-1-IIayy. 


12 the maasır-ul.-umara. 

Life ' of Nawab Samsâmu-d-dattlah Shâh Newâz Khân Shahîd 


His real name was Mîr 'Abdu-r-Razzâq, and he was of* the 
family of the Saiyids of Khwâf. His ancestor (great, great, great- 
grandfather) Mîr Kamâlu-d-dîn 3 came to India from Khwâf in 
the time of Akbar and became one of his chief servants. His son 
Mîrak Husain was a distinguished servant in the time of Jahangir, 
and his grandson Mirak M'uînu-d-dîn received the title of Amânat 
Khân and obtained high office under Shah Jahan. During the 
reign of 'Âlamgîr, he became diwân of Lahore, Multan, Kabul and 
Kashmir, and when the subahdârî of Multan was assigned to the 
Prince Shah ' Alam, Amânat K. was made naib-subahdâr in addi- 
tion to his diwânship. He acted in keeping with his name (amâ- 
nat, "trust") and served with perfect honesty and trustworthi- 
ness. A royal order was sent to him in the time of his Diwânî to 
send a certain person to court, and he summoned hjm and pressed 
him to go. The person said that he would go if Amânat K. would 
guarantee his being treated with respect. Amânat K. replied that 
he had no confidence in a person who had behaved in such and 
such a way to his father and brothers (Amânat referring thereby 
to Aurangzeb's treatment of his father and brothers), how then 
could he be a guarantee ? Talebearers carried this remark to the 
king, and he became angry and deprived Amânat of his office and 
his fief. He rem&ined a long time unemployed, but at last the king 
was struck with the thought : " This person (Amânat) fears God 
and regards not me." He became the patron of such a praise- 



I Translated by H. H. Wilson, 
Quarterly Oriental Magazine. IV. 2t>9. 

i By the female side. 

3 No servant of this name is mentioıı- 
ed in the Aîn. but aeveral Kaınâls are 
spoken of in the A. N. İH. At p. 259, 
Vol. I, of the Maasir the author calls 
his ancestor Mîrak Kamâl and says he 
was the son of Mîr Hasan and came 
to India with his son Mîrak Husain. 

Kamâl came to India to his ınater- 
nal ııııcle Shamsu-d-dîn Khwâfî, for 
wlıom see Blochmann 445. The state- 
ment of Ghulâm 'Alî that Mîr Ka- 
mâl became one of Akbar 's chief ser- 
vants, or that he became a servant at 
ali, is not borno out by the Ain or by 
Shah Nevvâz's own aecount of his 
anoestry, in his life of Amânat Khân. 
See Maasir I, p. 259. 

worthy officer. The king took him again into favour and restored 
to him his rank, his fief, and his diwânship. He became impressed 
by his personality and relied fully upon him for every thing, both 
for word and deed. When the king was in Upper India and the 
subahdârî of the Deccan was committed to Khân Jahân Bahâdur 
Kokaltâsh, the diwânship of the Deccan, the paymastership and 
recordership were given to Amânat Khân. He managed the di- 
vâni with consummate ability, and Khân Bahâdur used of ten to 
eome to his house. He also had charge of the Nizâmat (the criminal 
jurisdiction) of Aurangabad. 

Four of his sons were distinguished. The first waş 'Abdu-1- 
Qâdir Dîânat Khân, the second Mîr Husain Amânat Khân ; the 
first was made Divrân-i-tan, 1 and the second, Diwân-i-khâlşa (diwân 
of the exchequer). Amânat K. (the second son) was also made 
governor of the port of Surat, and on his death * Dîânat K. (his elder 
brother) succeeded him. This Dîânat K. had been diwân of the 
Deccan before he became governor of Surat, and af ter becoming 
governor, he again became diwân of the Deccan. The third son 
Mîr ' Abdu-r-Rahmân Wazârat K. had the poetical name of Girâmî 8 
and was made diwân of Malwa and diwân of Bîjâpür. He wrote 
excellent verses and they were collected into a divân. The follow- 
ing are specimens : 


Ere the caravan-leader of the ecstatics took an omen for the 

Our madman girt up his loins for the desert. 

1 The office of looking after the 
tankhtuâh or assignments of land to 
private individuals. 

_» in 1111, 1699— 1700. See Maasir 
' Alamgirî, 412. 

8 Girâmî's divân is mentioned in 
8tewart's Cat. of Tippoo Sultan's 
Library. See also A.S.B. Cat. 114, 
and Sprenger Oudh Cat. 412,andEthe 
Cat- I. O., p. 889, No. 1625. 

* I found both verses in the A.S.B. 

MS. of Girâmî's divân. The first ot- 
cıırs before the middle of the MS. (not 
paged) and the second is towards 
the end of the volume. I n the MS. 
the second üne comes before the first. 
The divân seems to consist chiefly of 
love-songs. Thepoet says he made an 
ill-timed repentance in the season of 
flowers as that is the time of enjoy- 






Another verse. 
The flower-season came and I made an ill-timed renunciation 
How hard was I on the bowl, and how I abused the glase 
Separâted from my companions I could not join the march 
Alas ! I trod the fields of ecstacy alone. 

The fourth was Kâfim K. the Diwân of Multan. Mir Hasan 
Alî the son of Kâzim K. was the father of Nawâb Samsâmu-d- 
daulah Shâh Newâz K. On his mother's side Samsâmu-d daulah 
was descended from Mîr Husain Amânat K. above mentioned 
(secondsonof AmanatNo. 1) Mir Fi asan 'Ali, the father of Samsâmu- 
d-daulah, died at the age of nineteen ' and had no opportunity of 
developing himself . 

Be it known that the descendants of Mîrak M'uînu-d-dîn 
Amânat K. became very numerous and occupied a large ward 
(Qutbpüra) in the city of Aurangabad. The diwânî of the Deccan 
and other high offices became appurtenances of the family. A 
world of men obtained shares in the bounties of the family. The 
diwânî of the Deccan af ter Mîr 'Abdu-1-Qâ<ür Diânat K. fell to his 
heir 'Ali Naqî K. and he got his father's title of Diânat K. After 
his death this great office fell to his son Mîrak Muhammad Taqî 
who obtained the title of Wazârat K. After his death his brother 
Mîr Muhammad Husain K. was appointed. He served in the 
time of Nawâb Âşaf Jâh afterwards, and was fully trusted. At 
last he received the title of Yamînu-d-daulah Manşür Jang. He 
and Samsâmu-d-daulah were martyred on the same day. 

I now proceed to give an account of Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah. 
Thevirtues of his incomparable Amir are beyond the pawers of the 
pen to deüneate, nor could a wide expanse of parchment contain 
them. Truly the eye of the world never beheld another Amir with 
such a combination of excellencies, nor have the ancient heavens 
ever weighed in the balânce of a vision a statesman of such an uni- 
versality of talents. From the beginning of his development the 
marks of rectitude appeared on his forehead, and the lights of 

1 He died in Lahora, and Samsâmu-d-daulah wae a poathumoııs child. 
Maajir. III, 721. 

future excellence shone on the brow of his actions. He was born 
on 29 Ramzân l 1111, 9th March, 1700, in Lahore. As many of 
his relations were in Aurangabad, he went there in early youth.* 
in the beginning he had an office on the establishment of Nawâb A saf 
Jâh, and some time after he was appointed to the imperial diwânî 
of Berar. He was long in this office and discharged the duties well 
so that the Nawâb 5şaf Jâh remarked one day, bhat the work of 
Mîr 'Abdu-r-Razzâq had vigour and smartness 3 (nimakî dârad). 
When Muhammad Shah the ruler of Delhi summoned Nawâb 
Sşaf Jâh to his presence in 1150, 1737, and Nawâb Âşaf Jâh went 
off to the capital, leaving his son and heir Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah 
Nâsir Jang as his deputy, Samsâmu-d-daulah became associated 
with the son. The latter made him diwftn of his own office as 
well as royal diwân, and he conducted the duties of both offices 
with supreme ability and integrity. 

When Nawâb gaf Jâh returned from Hindustan to the Deccan, 
wicked men instigated Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah to oppose his 
honoured father. Such was not the opinion of Nawâb Samsâmu-d- 
daulah. On the contrary he urged him to agree with his father. 
As a great crowd of wicked men were gathered from every side, 
the words of Samsâmu-d-daulah were of no avail. On the day 
when the son and the father met in battle, Samsâmu-d-daulah was 
on a elephant foüowing that of Nizâmu-d-daulah (i.e. Naşir Jang). 
When Nizâmu-d-daulah 's army was defeated and Âşaf Jâh's men 
captured his elephant, Harz-Ullah 4 K., the grandson of S'aad 

1 28th. 15 days after his father's 
death. Maaşir. III, 721. 

4 it appears from 1,611 that he was 
in Lahore in 1127, 1715, where he saw 
Hamîdu-d-din. He was then 15. He 
lef t for the Deecan in that same yeaı 
for he telis us at III. 722 that he left 
for the Deccan in the year that Husain 
'Ali the Bâr ha Saiyid left for the 
Deccan, and this waa in 1127, or 1715. 
He was made diwân of Berar in 
1145, or 1732. in the biography of 
his grandfather Muhammad Kâaim 
the author indulges in much rhetoric 

about himself. At III, 728 he say s 
he spent about six yearsinretirement. 
At p. 740 of Vol. III in the biography 
of Mubâriz the author mentions that 
he was with the Nizâmu-1-mıılk in his 
campaign of 1136, 1724, when Mıı- 
h8Tİzwas defeated and killed. From 
ths ıjray in which he describes the 
battle ete. , it would seem that he would 
Iıave preferred if Mubâriz had been 

3Maagir IIT, 722. 

* $ee Maaşir II, 521, apparently 
he vraatha great-grandson of Shah 






UUah K. Vizier — wlıo had an acquaintance with Samsa mu- d-dau- 
lah — said to him, " Nizâmu-d-daulah is going to his father'shouse, 
vvhere are you going ? You have fulfilled the conditions of loyalty 
as far as was proper , you should withdf aw f rom this dangerous 
place." Samsâmu-d-daulah got off the elephant and \vithdrew. 1 
For a time he was under Nawâb Aşaf Jâh's displeasure, and lived 
in retirement. During this period he engaged in drafting and 
writing the Maaşiru-1-Umarâ. He spent five years in this way. 
At last Nawâb  şâf Jâh at the close of his reign withdrew the ban 
in 1160, 1747, and made him diwân of Berar as formerly. Shortly 
aftervvards Âşaf * Jâh died and Nizâmu-d-daulah sat on the mas- 
nad. He summoned Samsâmu-d-daulah from Berar and made him 
his own diwân as formerly. He thoroughly discharged the duties 
of the entire diwânî which consisted of the viziership of the six prov- 
inces of the Deccan. When Nizâmu-d-daulah at the summons of 
Ahmad Shah the ruler of India proceeded towards Shahjahanabad 
(Delhi) he lef t Samsâmu-d-daulah in the Deccan, and at the time 
of departure gave him his o\vn ring saying to him that it vvas 
Solomon's seal (indicating that it was the seal of the prime minis- 
ter). But when tne Nawâb had come as far as the Narbadda he, 
in accordance with the orders of his sovereign, returned to the 
Deccan. When his army marched to Arcot, and he was victorious 
över Mozaffar 3 Jang, Samsâmu-d-daulah represented to him that 
he should no'tremain there, but should leave Muhammad* 'Alî K. 
Anwâru-d-dîn K. Shahâmat Jang of Gopâmau (in Oudh) there 

Jahan's Vizier. Seewhat seems to be 
a not altogether candid aecount of the 
affair in Maasir III, 725—726. 

1 He went to the house of Mataha- 
war K., for an aecount of «hum Bee 
Maasir U. III, 108 in notice of Qutfcu- 
d-dîn Khweshgî. Matahawar died in 
1156. There is a long aecount of 
Matahawar K. in the third volume , 
p. 776. it is stated at p. 793thetthe 
author was enabled by the exertions 
of Matahawar to take up his abode 
in the Deccan. Probably this means 
that he ınarricd into Matahawar's 

family, for he mentions at p. 722 of 
the same article that he married and 
so became fixed in the Deccan. 

* He died in 1161, 22 May 1748 
(Beale). Colonel Wilks in his Hist. 
Sketches I, 258, gives 24 March 1784 
aa the date, and saya it happened on 
the same day as the battle of My- 

8 His sister's son and the grandıon 
of Aşaf J5h. His real name was Hid- 
ayat Mohîu-d-dîn (Wilks). 

1 Burke's Nawab of Arcot. 

along.with the English in order that they might chastise the Prench 
Christiansof Pondicherry. Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah did not listen, 
and some short-sighted men who wished, for their ownselfishends, 
to stay there, induced theJSTawâb to remain in that country until 
there happened what happened. 1 

Af ter the martyrdom of Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah, the rule 
came to Mozaffar Jang. He turned away from the country, and 
was killed * near the city of Kurpa (Cudappah). Then Nawâb Şalâ- 
bat Jang Amîru-1-Mamâlik s. 5şaf Jâh became ruler, and proceeded 
to Karnül from Kurpa. Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah was with 
the army up to this point, but in Karnül he separated and went 
rapidly to Aurangabad. The writer of this notice accompanied 
him on this occasion. Samsâmu-d-daulah remained 3 for some 
time in his house and on 9 Rajab 1165, 12 May 1752, went to 
Haidarabad in order to appear before Nawâb AmîruJ-Mamâlik 
(Şalâbat Jang). He appeared before him and was appointed to the 
Subahdârî of Haidarabad. After some time he was dismissed from 
this appointment and went into retirement. At last Nawâb 
Amîru-1-Mamâlik came to Aurangabad, and on 14 Şafr 1167 11 
December 1753, he gave him a robe of honour and made him prime 
minister and gave him the rank of Hafthazârî (7000) together with 
7000 horse, and the title of Samsâmu-d-daulah. He filled the 
office for f our years and discharged the duties in gross and in detail 
in an excellent manner. in spite of the want of materials he did 
vvonders so that the wise were amazed. When he became prime 
minister, the affairs of Naw&b Amîru-1-Mamâlik were in an extra- 
ordinary condition so that from want of money his household furni- 
ture had to be sold. Samsâmu-d-daulah put things to right in an 
admirable manner so that the waters which had departed returned 
to their channels (a phrase) and disorganization was succeeded by 
order. The refractory put the ring of obedience in their ear, and 
the crooked in thought the saddle eloth of reetitude on their 

1 Naşir Jang's assassination which 
took place on 5 December 1750, Wilks 
«i. I, 267, note, and Grant-Duff II, 

2 February 1751. He was killed at 


Raiohoutee about half of hisjourney to 
Oolconda, Wilks. I, 272, and Beale. 

3 He was dismissed for a time at 
Bussy's inıtanoe and then restored by 
the same infinence. 



shoujder. Peacequicklyreturned to the eountry, and the peasant- 
ry, and subjects generally, enjoyed repose in the coolness of justice. 
in the space of four years he equalised the income and expendi- 
ture, and he used to say that next year, Please God! the receipts 
would exceed the disbursements. 

To be brief , af ter he was established in the ministry he set 
the standarda of Nawâb Amîru-1- mamâlik in motion and proceeded 
towards Berar in order to ohastise Raghû Bhonsla. He defeated 
him aııd took five lacs of rupees as tribute. From Berar he pro- 
ceeded to Narmal. 1 Suryâ Râo, the zamindar of Narma] , had been 
in rebellion from the time of 5 eaf Jâh and had repeatedly defeated 
the government troops. Samsâmu-d-daulah contrived to imprison 
him, and confiscated his territory. He accomplished these two 
great things in the first year of his ministry. He spent the rainy 
season in Haidarabad and in the second year 1168, 1755, he brought 
Nawâb' Amîra-l-mamârik to Mysore and took fifty lacs of rupees 
from the Rajah of Mysore as tribute. in the beginning of the rainy 
season he returned to Haidarabad. At this time the Sultan of 
Delhi '5lamg;r the 2nd sent the insignia of * Mahî-u-Marâtib to 
Samsamurd-daulah. Some one made this versified chronogram. 


From the Shah of Ind came mahl and also marâtib 1168. 
(Az Shah Hind âmid mahl u ham marâtib.) 

in the third year 1169, he assisted Rao Bâlâjî. The eircum- 
stances are these. Rao Bâlâjî besieged the city of Savânür. 3 The 
Af ghans strengthened the fort of Savânür and defended it vigorous- 
ly. They made f requent sallies and smote the men in the batteries. 
Râo Bâlâjî was in difficulties and asked help from Samsâmu-d- 
daulah. Good God ! Râo Bâlâjî who took possession of the terri- 
tories of the Deocan and of Hindustan, and who shook the emperor 

l in Telingânah, Jarrett II, 237, 
the Neermul of Grant-Duff's map ; it 
is E. Nandair. 

» "The fish and dignities." See 1 
Irvine, Army of the Moghuls, 33. 

8 it seems also to be called Banka- 
pfir, Wilks. I, 19. Savânür is in the 
J)h5rwar district of the Bombay 



of Delhi and the pillars of his throne, turned tor assistance to 
Samsâmu-d-daulah ! He brought Nawâb Amîru-1-mamâlik to his 
help, and conveyed an army to Savânür. He set up batteries and 
put artillery in position so that the Af ghans changed their tone and 
proposed peıace. After this Samsâmu-d-daulah set about the over- 
throw of the Christians. 

Be it known that when Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah Naşir Jang went 
to Arcot in order to put down Mozaffar Jang, the latter with the 
help of the Frenoh Christians at Pondicherry showed fight and was 
defeated. The Christians slunk back to Pondicherry and Mozaffar 
Jang was made prisoner. The Christians again made adisturbance 
with the help of the Afghans, and they martyred Nizâmu-d-daulah, 
and raised Mozaffar Jang to power. As I ha ve described at length in 
the Sarv Âzâd, the Christians before this were confined to the ports 
and did not stretch their feet beyond their limit. They became 
bold after the martyrdom of Nizâmu-d-daulah and perceived the 
sweets of conquest. Part of the Arcot territory came into the pos- 
session of the French, and part was seized by the English. The 
also prevailed över Bengal and took the castle of Surat, et cetera. 
Stich was the beginning of the Christian power. 

in short, after the martyrdom of Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah, 
Mozaffar took the French Christians into service, and made them his 
supporters. After he waskilled, the Christians became the servants 
of Nawâb Amıru-1-mamâlik, and took as their fiefs Sîkâkul (Chica- 
eole), Rajbandarî (Rajahmahendri) and other places, and became 
powerful. M. Bussy , the head of the Christians, received the titles 
of Saifu-d-daulah (Sword of the State) and 'Umdatu-1-mulk (Pillar 
of the Kingdom) and acquiredfame. Haidar Jang became the man- 
ager of his affairs. Haidar J Jang's extraction and position were as 
follows. His real name was 'Abdu-r-Rahmân, and his father 
Khwâja Qalandar was of Balkh and oame in the time of Nawâb 
5taf Jâh from Balkh and obtained consideration. He became 
governor (faujdâr) of Machlîbandar (Masulipatam), and the govern- 
ment accounts were in his charge. He had in Masulipatam become 
acquainted with some Christians and owing to this connection he 

ı See Wilks. I, 390. 



went to Pondicherry and lived under the protection of the Chris- 
tians. Haidar Jang was young then and the governor,» i.e., the 
captain or Hâkim of Pondicherry, took a great fancy to him 
When Mozaffar» Jang became Chief, the governor placed with him 
a body of Christians under the command of M. Bussy. 'Abdu-r- 
Rahmân was sent along vvith M. Bussy to be a link between the 
Muharamadans and the Christians. As he was a man of ability he 
got great promotion and had full control of the affairs of the 
Ferınghis and received the title of Asad Ullah (Lion of God) Haidar 

in fine, Samsâmu-d-daulah, after disposing of the affair of the 
Afghans of Savânür, wanted to drive out the Christians and 
Amıru-1-mamâlik at his instigation dismissed them from his service 
They went off to Haidarabad, and got possession of it. Nawâbâlik followed them and besieged the city for nearly 
two months. There was fightîng, but at last, owing to the trea- 
chery of officers, peace was made, and 'Umdatu-1-mulk (Bussy) and 
Haidar Jang came and had an interview (with the Nawâb) As 
during the siege the fiefs of the, Christians had become disorganised 
'Umdatu-1-mulk and Haidar Jang took leave and went off to Raja- 
mahendrî and Chicaoole and put the estates in order. Samsâmu-d- 
daulah spent the rains in Haidarabad and left it in the fourth year 
of his ministry 1170, 1756-57. Râm Candra* Mahratta held pos- 

1 Text Küründür »*>)£ nâm kap- 
tân y'ani hâkim. Wilson 1. c. 278 
has Captain Graven. There does not 
appear to have been any such person, 
but if the word was so written in 
VVilson's MSS. it might stand for 
Kerjean or De Kerjean, the Kirjean 
of Örme, who was Dupleix's nephew 
and a noted soldier, though he never- 
was governor of Pondicherry. Mr. 
Irvine has suggested Godeheu who 
was the governor after Dupleix, but 
he only came to Pondicherry in 1754 
when flaidar could hardly have been 
very young (khurd sal) and the spell- 
Ung doeu not agree. I have no doub* 
that the word i 8 the Portuguese 

Governador or Gobernador and that 
the first letter should be a G, Gaf and 
not Kâf. The fact of its coming from 
the Portuguese accounts for the d. 
See Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed., 390. in 
a Persian petition of one Shâh Alâud- 
dîn Muhammad in the Marsden MSS. 
B.M. Add. F 9585, the word Küründür 
occurs, as applied to a Portuguese 

_* Ghulâm 'Alî says in his Kh azana 
' Amra that Mozaffar was the first 
man to emplöy Feringhi soldiers (in 
the Deccan) and Örme says the same 

8 RSm Candra Jadow, Grant- 
Dufl Hist. of Mahrattas, II, 106. 



session, from the time of Aşaf Jâh, of Bhâlkî > and other estates ap- 
pertaining to the province of Bîdar and W hich yielded lacs of rent 
al From a bad disposition he did not perform the dutıes of a 
suoject, and Samsâmu-d-daulah desired to take his estates from hım. 
Ram Candra made preparations for war, but after some vam 
attempts he put the ring of submission in his ear, and his jagırs 
except Bhâlkî. were confiscated. in the begmmng of the rams 
Samsâmu-d-daulah came with Nawâb Amîru-1-mamâ lık to Aurang 
abad At this time a force was sent to besiege Daulatabad. The 
fort was taken from the Bokhara Saiyids who had held it from the 
time of ■ Âlamgir (Aurangzeb). After this, the jugglıng heavens 
began to turn the page and girded up their loins for the d 1S comnture 
of Samsâmu-d-daulah. They took back from him allhis vnsdom and 
understanding. The brief account of these events is as f ollows. The 
pay of the soldiers was much in arrear. Wicked men sfcirred them up, 
andtheymade clamorous demands. Samsâmu-d-daulah could have 
nuelled the disturbance by the expenditure of two lacs of rupees 
but as the time of his do^ynfall had come, he did not exert hımselL 
0n6Zî-l-qada 1170, 23July 1757, the soldiers brought Nawab 
Shuiâ r -ul-mult Basâlat Jang, the son of NawâbAşaf Jâh, out of ms 
house and produced him before Amiru-ul-mamâlik. They madelnm 
dismiss Samsâmu-d-daulah* and give the Khilât of the pnme mm- 
istry to Basâlat Jang. There was a general not, and the rabble 
and the market people made a commotion and wanted to fail upon 
thehouseof Samsâmu-d-daulah. But circumstances occurred ^hıch 
postponed the attack till evening. At night the leaders o .«he ™ 
dispersed. Samsâmu-d-daulah was apprehensive that ı on the 
morrow they made a demonstration, he would not be able to con- 
tend with his master. it would be better for him to withdraw. 
At midnight he put loads of necessary chattels on elephants and 
leftpropertv worth lacs, and varioue curiosities, and proceeded 
İowa P rds P the fort of Daulatabad along with his househo^ m£e 
andfemale. Of his followers nearly 500, horse and foot attended 
him. Torches were lighted, and he came out armed from his 

1 The Balkee of Grant-Duff's map. 
İt is N. W. Bidar and Haidarabad. 

î Grant-Duff Hist. of Mahrattas, II, 



house. He took the road to the Zafar gate of the city wall. The 
guards of the gate could not stand against him and fled. They 
(Samsâmu-d-daulah's party) broke the bolts of the gate and came out. 
Near morning on the 8, ZH-q'ada 1170, 25 .Tuly 1757, they 
reached Daulatabad. After his departure some of his goods were 
plundered, but most of them were confiscated to the government. 
After some time an army \vas appointed by the Government and the 
fort of Daulatabad was besieged, and fighting went on. 

Samsâmu-d-daulah was adorned with pleasing qualities and 
amiable dispositions, but it sometimes happens that the Almighty 
casts his servants out of public favour, and in order to adjust their 
final rank places them in the world's judgment-hall, and exposes 
them to the evils of trial. This was exemplified in Samsâmu-d-dau- 
lah's case in spite of his qualities and merits, he was now aban- 
doned by ali, high and low, courtiers and costermongers (darbârî-u 
bazârl). No one uttered a word except '' Seize hini and kili him." 
If anyone stood firm on the path of fidelity and preserved his affec- 
tion for him, where had he the courage to say anything or to set 
in motion the chain of investigation ? This poor man was the only 
one who made an agitation, and disregarded the enmity of the 
whole world. T had interviews with Nawâb Shujâ'-ul-mulk and 
laid the foundations of a reconciliafcion. in order to bring about 
peace I repeatedly went to the fort, and by ali sorts of stratagems 
and contrivances protracted the siege of the fort. The terms of 
peace had not been f ully settled, when Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah the 
2nd who was Nazlın of the provinee of Berar came from Elchîpür 
to Aurangabad. The Nawâb Amîru-1-mamâlik made him his 
successor and gave him the title of Nizâmu-1-mulk Aşaf Jâh. He 
sent for the writer of this notice , and charged him with conciliatory 
messages for Samsâmu-d-daulah. He signed the list of his con- 
ditions in accordance with his (Samsâmu-d-daulah's) request and 
made it över to the writer. I took the list and went to the fort, 
and made Samsâmu-d-daulah eager to come into the Presence. 
The Nawâb Âşaf Jah sent the chief officers to welcome him, and 
Samsâmu-d-daulah came out of the fort on 1 Rabî'-al-awal 1171, 
13 November 1757, and had an interview, in the precincts of 
the fort, with the officers who had come to raeet him. On the 



same day he waited upon Nawâb 5şaf Jâh 2nd, and Nawâb 
Amîru-1-mamâlik, and was the object of various favours. 

At this time Bâlâjî Râo approached Aurangabad with hostile 
intentions, and made his son Bisvrâs Râo his general. Rajah Râm 
Candra had come from his own country in order to interview 
Nawâb Amîru-l-mamâük , and had reached ' Sindkhair , 30 kos from 
Aurangabad. The Mahrattas besieged him there and put him 
into straits. Nawâb Âaaf Jâh marched from Aurangabad to Sind- 
khair and delivered * Râm Candra from the whirlpool of danger. 
There were great fights on the way and Nawâb Âşaf Jâh gave 
proof of heart and courage. A number of the enemy were slain by 
the sword. On this occasion Samsâmu-d-daulah waited on his 
stirrup. Meanwbile news came that " Umdatu-1-mulk M. Bussy 
and Haidar Jang had disposed of the affairs of the jagirs and intend- 
ed to interview Amîru-1-mamâlik. They arrived at Haidarabad, 
and Haidar Jang wrote letter after letter to Samsâmu-d-daulah. He 
showed such sincerity that Samsâmu-d-daulah fully believed in his 
honesty. He became quite oblivious of his trickery. The victori- 
ous army had returned from Sindkhair and had encamped in Shah- 
garha when Haidar Jang came to the Presence, and the whole 
camp came to Aurangabad, and settled down on the north side of 
the city. 

Samsâmu-d-daulah completely surrendered into the hands of 
Haidar Jang the bridle of control, and the latter moved along the 
path of deception, gathering up the nets of fraud and deceit. 
Though acquaintances who knew his trickery, openly, andby hints, 
told Samsâmu-d-daulah about him, he did not believe them. He 
relied upon the honesty of foes and did not weigh in the balance of 
consideration the well-wishing of friends. At last on 26 Rajab 1171, 
5 April 1758, Amir-ul-mamâlik 3 went to visit the garden Bagh Begam 
in Aurangabad. Haidar Jang made ready his plot there, and when 
Samsâmu-d-daulah and Yamînu-d-daulah — who has been mentioned 
— came, in obedience to a summons — to that garden, both of them 

l it is east of Aurangabad. 

5 Grant-Duff speaks of the rescue 

a farce, II, 109, 

8 " He went to pay his devotions 
at the tofrıb of his father Bome mile» 
from Aurangabad." Wilks I, 390, 



were put under arrest. They were taken to the camp and put into 
separate tents. Mir 'Abdu-1-Hayy K., Mîr 'Abdu-s-Sâlâm K. and 
Mîr 'Abdu-n-nabî the sons of Samsâmu-d-daulah were also sent 
for and oonfined in their father's tent whieh was surrounded by 
Christian sentinels. Samsâmu-d-daulah's house was plundered of 
what had been a second time gathered together and the veiled 
ladies of the Saiyids were turnedoııtof doors. Samsâmu-d-daulah's 
connexiohs and those who were in his confidence and were possess- 
ed of abilities were put into strict confinement. Their money was 
taken from them, and such was the oppressions practised on the 
Saiyids that the catastrophe of the Karbalâ was renewed. 

Tn fact these proceedings did not turn out well for Haidar 
Jang. The Nawâb A saf Jâh 2nd conceived the idea of wiping out 
his existence. One reason for this was that Haidar Jang had 
broken faith with Samsâmu-d-daulah and that he could not be 
trusted. Another reason was that Haidar Jang had first deprived 
Âşaf Jâh of his plumage, and then imprisoned Samsâmu-d-daülah. 
The account of this is that Nawâb Âşaf Jâh brought a powerful 
army from Berar, and took the management of political and finan- 
cial affairs into his hands. Haidar Jang saw that this influenee 
could not exist along with Âşaf Jâh's, and set about overthrowing 
him. By various tricks he separated the troops from the Nawâb, 
and distributed from his own purse eight lacs of rupees as the 
soldiers' pay. Thus he reduced the Nawâb to eolitude. After that 
he imprisoned Samsâmu-d-daulah, and so made himself at ease 
on both sides. He wished to send Âşaf Jâh to Haidarabad on the 
pretence of making him the Şubahdâr thereof, but intended to 
confine him in the fort of Golconda. The field would then be öpen 
for his own evolutions. He did not know that fate (taqdlr) 
laughed at plans (tadbîr). On 3 Ramzân 1171, 11 May 1758, 
at about midday l Haidar Jang came to the tent of Âşaf Jâh who 
had already determined with his councillors to assassinate him. 
The household servants seized and killed him. and Âşaf Jâh 
mounted a horse and came out alone from the camp. The whole 
park of artillery of the Feringhis remained in empty bewilderment 

Çarib ba istaıvâ. Istaw5 is again used in the sense of midday at p. 37. 



andÂ,af Jâh displayed a courage - such as threw into the shade the 
feats of Kustum and Afrâsyâb. After the slaughter of Haidar Jang, 
■Umdatu-1-mulk M. Bussy and the other officers lost their senses. 
During the confusion, the waitersupon events martyred Samsamu-d- 
daulah, his young son Mîr <Abdu-l-Ghanî, and Yemînu-d-daulah. 
The good thing wa* that Haidar Jang, the real murderer of these 
Saiyids was killed four hours before them! Samsâmu-d-daulah 
heard with his own ears of his death and said " Now our safety 
does not appear tome" (does not look likely) and so he devoted 
himself to prayer (Ut. sate fixed in contemplation of the qıbla). At 
lastLachmanân, a Hindu, one of the followers of the Christians, came 
and killed them. Father and son were buried in the grave of their 
aneeetors on the south side of the city, near the shrine of Shah 
Nür • and Yemînu-d-daulah was buried in the grave of his ancestors 
at the foot of Shâh Nür' s dome. The writer found the date of the 
martyrdom of ali three Saiyids in the glorious verse. Wujuh (un) 
yavrmiz (in) musfirah* " On that day the faces of some shall be 
brigM" 1171- He also put the death of Samsâmu-d-daulah into 
this verse. 


Samsâmu-d-daulah went from the world, 
The third of the illustrious month of Ramşân 

l The oourage consisted in ordering 
an assassmation, and then flying ! 
The Naw5b fled to Burhanpur 150 m. 
N. of Aurangabad Haidar Jang was 
stabbed to the heart, and notslain by 
having his throat cut as the transla- 
tion of the Siyar Mutafchirîn has it. 
Örme ed., 1778, II, 349, says Nizâm 
'Ali fled at midnight to Brampur ( Bur- 
hanpur) and after he knew of the kilkng 
of Shah N»waz and his son. it was 
this circumstance whioh disconcerted 
his plans. Bussy judged it better not 
to try to catch the Nişçam and bring 
bim to justice. GhulSm 'Alî repeats 
his account of these matters in the 

Khazina •Ânira and gives the same 
details about ibrahim K. GSrdî. See 
his account of Şalâbat Jang. 

2 A saint who died 2 February, 
1 693, and is buried near Aurangabad 
(Beale 367). 

8 This verse is in the 80th Sura, 
entitled " He frowned *' , verse 38, and 
is translated by Sale " On that day 
the faces of some shall be bright, 
laughing and joyful," ete. The 
letters w, j, u, h, y, u, m, i, z, m. s, 
f, r, h' giv» 1171 (1758) according to 
dbjad. The ehronogram i» a neat 


The Saiyid himself deolared the year 
"Slain we by 'Abdu-r-Rahman " (1171). 1 

Tbe writer also composed this quatrain. 


Samsâmu-d-daulah the great Amîr, the sage, 

Wrongfully slain in treaohery's ambush, Alas for the op- 

presed, alas ! 
izâd presents the date. Hear, O friends ! 
" Wretches martyred the Saiyid " 1171, " We are God's.* " 

Be it known that Mir 'Abdu-1-Hayy and Mîr 'Abdu-s-Salâm 
remained saf e on the day of their father's martyrdom. The reason 
was that Mîr 'Abdu-1-Hayy had been separated from his father 
one day before, and that Mîr 'Abdu-s-Salâm had been sent from 
the tent to a house on account of sickness. Because the lives of 
both brothers were predestined, God put it into the hearts of their 
enemies to separate them from their father. in the safety of Mîr 
«Abdu-1-Hayy and Mîr 'Abdu-s-Salâm, the writer of this notice re- 
ceived the flash of inspiration that " Names descend from heaven." 
The names Hayy (God) and Salam 3 (safety) did their work and 
preserved both their namesakes. 

Af ter Haidar Jang was killed, Amîru-1-mamâlik, Shujâ'-al 
mülk, 'Umdatu-1-mulk M. Bussy, and Zü-l-fiqâr Jang the brother 
of Haidar Jang— who became his representative— went off to 
Haidarabad. After coming there Zü-l-fiqar Jang went off to his 
fiefs of Rajamahendri and Chicacole, and 'Umdatu-1-mulk went to 
Pondicherry . War broke out between the Zamindar of Chicacole and 
Zü-l-fiqâr Jang and the latter was shamef ully defeated. His soldiers 
were routed and the contents of his j evvel room and wardrobe as well 
as his elephants and artillery fell into the hands of the Zamindar. 



1 it would have been more correet 
to say that they were killed by Aşaf 
Jâh the 2nd for it was his assassina- 
tion of Haidar that caused their 

» InnS Allah " We are God's, and 
unto Him shall we surely retum ' ' 

Koran, Sura II, v. 161. (Sale) The 
words, shahîd nSkasan Saiyidrâ yield 

8 Salam is öne of the names of God 
and Hayy means • ' The living ' ' (God) ; 
see Redhouse R.A.S.J. for January 
1880, on " the most comely names." 

He and a few others saved their lives. Lacmanân ' the murderer of 
Samsâmu-d-daulah was killed and also Muhammad Husain the 
Jam'adâr of the Gârdîs. 4 He had been put in charge of Samsâmu- 
d-daulah and his friends and connexions, and had ill-tfeated them, 
and both he and his men were killed. 

'Umdatu-1-mulk M. Bussy who went towards Pondicherry, be- 
seiged Cînâpatan (Madras) the English port and made several fiery 
attempts (âtish kârzâi). At last the English were victorious and 
' ümdatu-1-mulk had to fly, completely broken, to Pondicherry. 
in a few months retribution 8 for the blood of the Saiyids 
blossomed out. Or rather, retribution in the case of Haidar Jang's 
person was heard of by Samsâmu-d-daulah with his own ears. 

Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah was a congeries of perfections and 
was familiar with ali the sciences. The questions of every science 
were present in the treasury of his memory and he was unique m the 
comprehension of poetry. He knew well the idioms of the Persıan 
tongue andforeign Mîrzâs (Persİan literati) who met hnn were 
astonished at his idiomatic knowledge. He used to say " I lay 
claim to two things. One is justice, for in intricate questıon 8 I 
arrive at a right conclusion, and I distinguish between truth and 
falsehood. The other is a knowledge of poetry." One day he 
said to the writer " This opening stanza of Faizi's is well known. 


Two griefs have befallen me in love's path 

I'm the doomed one, and the beloved is the slayer. 

According to the apparent meaning, one grief is that the 
lover is slain, and the other is that the beloved is the slayer 

1 Grant-Duff II, 114. Hethinkshe 
was probably killed at Condore in the 
battle between Forde and Conflans in 
Deeember 1758. 

« See Siyar Mutâkharîn trans. III, 
356 n. Girdi is from the French 
garde. See Hobson-Jobson, new edi- 

S ŞalSbat Jang Amîru-1-mamSlik 
alac had a violent death. He was 

imprisoned by his brother Nizam 'Alî 
(the same man who killed Haidar 
Jang) and after two years was mur- 
dered by Ni^am 'Âli's ordera in 1763. 
See Beale, Wilks I, 479, and Khazina 
•Amr5 61. 

* The verse is quoted in the Aîn, 
Blochmann 635, but the translation 
there given is wrong. 



Therefore escape is impossible. But another meaning occurs to 
me. One grief is that the lover is the doomed one (Jçhüngirifta 
'at the point of death'), God forbid that another than the 
loved one should slay him ! The second grief is that the beloved 
has become a murderer. God forbid that he should kili anyone 
but the lover ! Both of these things are unendurable by the lover ! " 
He was an unrivalled Secretary, and his letters have a special 
charm. Alas that they have not been collected ! If they were, 
readers would have an exquisite 1 eye-salve. He was the unique of 
the age in historical knowledge, especially as regards the history of 
the Timuride kings of India and their ministerS; This book, the 
Maaşiru-1-Umarâ, is a proof of it which masters of the science will 
recognise. He had collected a largo library of Arabic and Persian 
books, and he often compared and corrected them with his own 
hand. At this time his library is in conrusion. His virtues were 
greater than can be described. He had a lofty nature and a firm- 
ness of mind such that Aristotle might have been his pupil. He 
had a sedate and majestic soul, and was also affable, sympathetic, 
just and modest, faithful, püre, straighfcforward, truthful. He was 
very indignant against f alsehood and never esteemed a Har. When- 
ever he got money, he spent a tenth of it on the needy and he had 
a separate tithe-treasury and disbursed from it to the deserving. 
He was an office-adorning officer. When he sate on the masnad he 
graced it without formahty. Two days in the week, Tuesdaysand 
Fridays, were set apart for the administration of justice. He had 
plaintiff and defendant brought before him, and exerted himself 
to get at the real issue. He had at his finger-ends the regulations 
of the country, and in the matter of consultations about public 
matters he had no off-time either by day or by night. He had no 
privy councillor. The wise of the day were mirrors of astonishment 
on beholding his lofty perception and hispowers of reasoning. Af ter 
reciting the morning prayer he set to business and was occupied 
tül midday when he took a siesta. Then he recited the afternoon 
prayer and again occupied himself with business. Up to midnight 



or even later he was engaged in political and financial matters. 
ge esamined ali applicants face to face and had no one to ıntro- 
d ace them. He presided with dignity on the bench, and he was 
homble and pleasant in privacy. 

Nawâb Salar Jang Bahâdur related that Samsâmu-d-daulah 
af ter coming out of the fort of Daulatabad said to him " I have 
come to know that these external ' circumstances (of prosper- 
ity) which have been gathered round me have no permanency." i 
( i e. Salar Jang) asked him "how he knew " and he replied " God 
hasinformed me." The same Nawâb told that " On the day they 
took the mihistry from him, and there was a great commotion I 
and many others spent the night in his house and could not sleep 
on account of anxiety. At dawn when I met him he said 
' This night I slept quietly.' " He also told that the Nawâb 
Samsâmu-d-daulah said to him " Before going into the fort, stock 
was taken of the carpet store-room and there were found 200 odd 
carpet and rugs ; on the day 1 went to the fort not one carpet was 
found. ' ' Under these circumstances there was not the least change 
in his feelings. The writer of this notice telis that when Nawâb 
Nizâmu-d-daulah came to Arcot and was victorious över Mozaffar 
Jang, the officers of the district were summoned to the presence. 
On account of the Dimânl a tent had been pitched for them, at 
Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah' s entrance. One day I came out of his 
tent, and a man came running up and said, « Hâjî 'Abdu-sh-Shakûr, 
a former officer says, ' I'm in the hands of the sazâmals (apparitors) 
and am not allowed to movej ' Do you push severity to such an 
extent as this ? " I had no acquaintance with the officer in ques- 
tion, but I saw that it would be cruel not to visit him. I went, and 
he complained about the calling for accounts, and his being con- 
fined by the sazâıvals. I immediately went back to Samsâmu-d-dau- 
lah and said, " Hâjî 'Abdu-sh-Shakûr an officer ('âmil, a collector) 
who is reckoned among the officers is at the entrance, and you 
should send for him. ' ' The Nawâb replied " it is not according to 
rule that a collector whose accounts are under examination should 

1 This is very doubtful if, M the writer »»ys, they were tnodelled on Abûl 
Faıl'a. See I.O.M.S. Eth*, 1464, p. 14», for F»İEİ'BCouplet. 

ı Thesentence is obscure, but apparently vh. meaning is that Sams5mu-d- 
daulah felt that the present return to favour would !not last. 



be bröught into the Presence." I said " I don't say that he should 

be excused his rendering accounts, but stili I should like that he 

should be summoned to your presence." The Nawâb was for re- 

fusing, but I persisted. At last the Nawâb sent for him, and 

saw his condition, and was very sympathetic. He said ' ' To-morrow 

be present at the door of Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah 's house." He 

also charged the ushers to let him knovv whenever he came. Next 

day Hâjî 'Abdu-sh-Shakûr appeared at the door and the usher 

(chöbdâr) reported the fact. Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah fepresented 

to Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah. " Hâjî 'Abdu-sh-Shakür, a collector 

among the collectors whose accounts are under examination has 

been summoned. Mir Ghulâm ' Alî told me he should be introduced , 

and I said that a collector under examination does not come into 

the Presence. Though I persisted in my refusal, the Mir would 

not let me off , so I was helpless and sent for him. Now I make 

the same petition to you, viz., that he may be önce for ali brought 

into the Presence." Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah ordered that he 

should be introduced. As soon as he came in at the door, the 

Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah looked at him, and what dİd he see '? A 

bowed old man (pir) ninety years of age ! He had his tunic (pîrâ- 

fmn) on his breast, a green turban on his head, and a staff and 

rosary in his hands. He was a saintly figüre and an object of cora- 

passion. Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah called him to his side and gave 

him a seat and asked after his health. He put the signature of ac- 

quittance on his accounts and assigned him a daily maintenance and 

gave him a carriage (samâri) from the government store, and then 

dismissed him. 

The description of the virtues of Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah 
which has been made is but a drop from the clouds, and a single 
ray from the sun. May God receive the deceased into special 
mercy and adorn the chief place of Paradise with his presence ! 

Be it known that after the martyrdom of Samsâmu-d-daulah 
when the army went to Haidarabad, Mir 'Abdu-1-Hayy K. was 
taken with them and imprisoned in the fort of Golconda. Mîr 
•Abdu-s-Salâm K. remained in Aurangabad on account of sickness 
and was sent to the fort of Daulatabad. Nawâb Aşaf Jâh Sânı 
(the 2nd) after the küling of Haidar Jang went offrapidlyon horse 



back towards Berar. He prepared an army and addressed himself 
to the chastisement l of Jânojî, the son of Raghû Bhonsla. Though 
he had a small force and the enemy was numerous he was victori- 
ous. After that he went to Haidarabad. Nawâb Amîru-1-mamâ- 
lik, who had göne to Masulipatam to arrange matters, turned his 
reiîı and the two brothers had an interview in Haidarabad. Navâb 
Sşaf Jâh according to the former arrangement sate on the masnad 
of theheirapparency,andtook the bridle of the management of the 
political and financial affairs into his hands. On 15 Zül-q'ada 
1172, 29 June 1759, Mîr 'Abdu-1-Hayy* was brought out of the fort 
and had fresh life granted to him. His old title was Shamsu-d-daulah 
Düâwar Jang, but after coming out of the fort he received his 
father's title of Samsâmu-d-daulah Samsam Jang and the rank 
6000 with 5000 horse, and was an object of favour. Mir ' Abdu-s- 
Salâm K. was also, in accordance with orders, brought out of the 
fort of Daulatabad, and met his family. May the Peace of God 
be upon them ! 

8 in the name of God the merciful, the compassionate. 
Praise be to God and peace be upon true beüevers ! 
The poor man 'Abdu-r-Razzâq Alhusainî Alkhwarazimî Alaur- 
angabâdî who from the beginning of the years of understanding, 

1 Grant-Duff II, 118. 

2 Ghulâm 'Alî has a jıotioe of 
'Abdu-1-IIayy in the K. -Amrâ lith. 
p. 296. There his pen-name seems to 
be given as Sinaram which might 
mean ' My plane tree." But though 
Sinaram seems to be the reading in 
the I.O.M.S. of theK.A.,No. 2979.. 
p. 224b, it is probable that the true 
reading is Sârim " a sharp svvord 
as given in 'Abdu-1-Hayy's conelusion 
to the Maasir III, 974. He there says 
that this pen-name was adopted on 
account of its associations with his 
other title, and as Samsam means a 
sharp sword, Sârim seems apprppriate. 
Ghulâm 'Ali says 'Abdu-1-Hayy's pen- 
name was at flrst Waqâr. 

8 This is the pious ejaculation 

which as Ghulâm 'Alî has said above, 
he added to 'Abdu-r-Razzâq's pre- 

This life by Ghulâm 'Alî should 
be c.ompared with Shah Newâz's 
account of himself and his ancestors 
in the biographies pf his great grand- 
father Amânat K. and his grand- 
father Muhammad Kâzim K. at Vol. 
I, p. 258, and Vol. III, 715, of Bib. 
Ind. ed. of the Maasir. Şee also Elliot 
and DoWSon VIII, 187. At Vol. III, 
p. 117, the author, inhis biography of 
Qil'adâr K. informs us that his 
grandmother was one of the four 
daughters of Qil'adârK. by a daughter 
of M. Jamshid Beg. At p. 680 of 
the Maasir, Voî. III. Shah Newâz men- 
tions the interesting fact that he vvas 



'Preface to Table of Contents (p. 42 of Vol. I 


it should be known that some of the biographies written by 
the founder of this work were left as imperfect draf ts owing to 
exce'ss of materials and to postponements. I have done my best to 
complete and correct them, and I have supplied a list of the bio- 
graphies, and have added in red ink ( the letter qâf to the supple- 
mentary names so that the words of that great man (his father) 
may be distinguished from those of an insignificant person like 
myself. The glorious collection contains 730 biographies as the- 
following list shows. 

very intimate with Khâfî Khân, the 

ForGhulam 'Ali's own biography see 
his Yad Baiza and his Maasir-ul-Ikrâm. 
He was born at Bilgrâm on Sunday, 
25 Şafr 1116, 18 June 1704, and was 
the son of Muharnmad Nuh. He 
went in 1143, 1730-31, to Scinde and 
returned in 1147. He went to Meeca 
in 1150. 

1 This preface is by *Abdu 1-Hayy. 
He has marked his additions with Q5f 
as an abbreviation f or Ilhâq ' ' supple- 
ment " See Rieu I, 341, col. 2, and 
Ethel. O. Cat., pp. 253-55, 'Abdu-1- 
Hayy's list does not contain quite 
730 biographies*, but perhaps the dis- 
orepancy is the result of his mode of 
eomıting. Occasionally two or more 
names are put under one head. His 
list does not alvvays tstlly with those 
in the 3ib. Ind. ed. in the index vol. 
İn the latter there are one or two 
omiasions, the result of oversight. 
The total of the lists in the index 
voluıne is 720. The total in 'Abdu-1- 
Hayy's list according to the total 
numbers for each letter comes to 726. 
As a matter of faot the number of the 
biographies contained in the three 
volurnes is considerably more than 726 
for nıost of the notiees end with 
accounts of the sons and grandsons 
of the subject of the biography. 

At the end of the thırd volume of 

the Maasir III, 973, 'Abdu-1-Hayy, 
the son of the origmal compiler of the 
work, gives a short account of himself 
and some specimens of his verses. 
He says he was born in 1142, 
1729-1730, and that in 1162, he 
receive 1 a mansab and the title of 
Khân from the martyred Naşir Jang 
and was made Diwan of the pro vince 
of Berar, and superintendent of Naşir 
Jang's fiefs there. in the time of 
Salâbat Jang he was made governor 
of Aurangabad and governor of the 
fort of Daulatabad Afterwards the 
N5wab Nizamu-1-mulk Nîzâmu-d- 
daulah patronized hira and he receivod 
his hereditary title and was made 
Diwân of the provinces of the Deccan, 
and the Nawâb's companion in the 
battle and the banquet. The title 
of Samsâmu-1-mulk was oonferred on 
hini and he assumed the pen-name of 
Sârim (a sharp sword). *Abdu-l-Hayy 
Saımâmu-l-mulk died at the fort of 
Kaulas. 15th Jumâda I, 1196, (28 
April 1782) and was buried in his 
gardan (cemetery ?) at Haidarabad 
(Rieu I, 342). Kaulas, marked in 
some maps Kovrîass, is in Haidarabad 
State and N. N. W. of Haidarabad 
and N. of Bidar. There is an account 
of 'Abdu-1-Hayy in the Yad Baiza of 
Ghulâm 'Ali, and also in the Khazîna 
'Âmrâ lithograph, p. 296, under the 
name of Sârim. 




Sbaikh Maqbül-i-' Alam (a world-favourite) was descended tom 
S. FarMu-d-dîn Ganjshakar-May his grave be holy^ Ihe abode 
of his ancestors was the village of Asiya > near Bı gram. His 
gl .andfatherwascalledS. -Alau-d-dîn. but was commonly known as 
S. Alhadiya. They say that Saiyid Abû4-Qasun S. Satpd K 
Muharnmad S. Saiyid Mahmüd of Tatta • had three sone <M them 
Saiyid 'Abdu-1-Hakîm and Saiyid 'Abdu-1-Q â dir were the offsprmg 
of a wife who was one of his kinsfolk. By another wıfe he had 
Saiyid Badru-d-dîn who married in the vdlage of Asıya A. 
Saiyid Badru-d-dîn had no son, his wife adopted her ^ brother 
or Lter's child and he got the name of S. Alhad iy a (the &t). 
When Saiyid F*l S. Saiyid • Abdu-1-Hakîm was actmg ; „ dtvvan of 
one of the Amirs in Daulatabad, S. Alhadiya was wıth hm, The 
*mîr perceived his oapabilities and sent him to the royal camp as 
his a.ent. As S. Alhadiya behaved well ir, business he gradually 
prosplred. He had three sons, and the third of the m was 
Abdur-Rasül K. who was the father of the subject of this notıce. 
Fîrüz Jang (Ghâzîu-d-dîn) Bahâdur introduced hım ( Abdu-1- 
<Aziz) to royal service in the time of Aurangzeb Afterwards he 
obtained suLble rank and the name of Khidmat Talab Khan, and 
was made governor of the fort of Naidrug in the provmce ^of 
Slpur, and also of Ausa in the province of Muhammadabad 
B dar. Afterwards he was, in the time of Nı.amu-1-mulk A,af 
S made governor of the fort of Junair, and became a favounte 
of his. When the Ni.âmu-1-mulk left Na,ir Jang the martyred m 
the Deccan and went off to Muharnmad Shâh, and Ba,ı Rao 
the Mahratta leader, raised the head of sedition, and the carpe 
f strife was widespread, Nâ ş ir Jang was concerned abou 

„ • ^ , r , mmnne d <Abdu-l-'Azr/. from Junair, as he was 
collectıng men and summonea a""" u rQt t fl 
famed for courage and was acquainted wıth the Mahra ta 
ıameu o war wıth the 
tactics, and consulted \vıtn mm. «.* 

l The Asiyûn of J. II, H8, and 
the Asîwan in tho Unao district of 
Oudh of the I.G. VI. 13. See also 
Beames A.S.B.J., for 1884, p. 227. 

î Text Bhata, but B.M.M.S. has 
Tatta and this is probably the correct 



Mahrattas was ended, he made him Naib (Deputy) Sübahdâr of 

ftoTu T r^ aft6r ^ r6tUrn ° f **™^ A B af Jah 

on T v r Fe ^ " «""H*"™* between father and 

son, and Naşn- Jang retired to the Khuldâbâd cemetery 

Dau atabad, 'Abdu-l-'Aziz took leave and went off from the Rau*a 
to leaf Jah. He, on perceiving a want of favour, made a pretezt 
to come to Aurangabad, and by letter and message induced Nftsir 

Mulhau- and collected a force and cama against his father in front 
of Aurangabad and then there happened what happened. When 
the busmess faüed, 'Abdu-l-'Azîz went off to Junair After that 
hav ing t d by various .neans-the best of which was the 
clemency and prudence of Âşaf Jah-to have his offences forgiven 
he secretly wrote and sent verbal messages to the court oi 
MuhammadShah and asked tor , sanad in i own name 7 \ h ° 

WheT 1?Z T 1'J hİCh ^ " ^ P ° SSe8SİOn ° f ^eMahratt^ 
When A şa f Jah had Ms camp near Trichinopoly, he ('Abdu-l^AzIz 
enhsted many men and proceeded towards the province. The 
Mahrattas stopped him on the way and a battle took place, and 
as fate would have it, <Abdu-l-<AzIz was martyred in 1156 1743 
He was a bold man and acquainted ™th the work of making eol- 
lectıons (<a m ildari). He had no scruples about getting in monev 
wıth or w,thout reason. One of his sona was Mahmüd 'Alam 
K who after his father was made governor of the fort of Junair 
and sfctyed there a long time. When the Mahrattas became verv 
po^erful, and there was no hope of assistance, he received an 
estate from the Mahrattas and surrendered the fort to them At 
the tüne of writin g he is stili alive. Anocher son was ö idmat 
laiab K. who was at last made governor of the fort of Naldrug 
and dıed. (Q.) & 

A connection of S. 'Abdu-1-La.tif • of Burhanpur. As Aurang- 
zeb had many associations with the latter, or rather was devoted 

1 Cf. II, 77, nine j^^ fro|n foot 
hilm u gumaht. 

2 Khâfî K. II, 553, ete. 



to him on account of his virtues and piety, the Şhaikh recommend- 
ed 'Abdu-l-'Azîz, and he was enrolled as a servant. in the battle 
with Maharajah Jeswant Singh he showed zeal and received one 
and twenty wounds, and was rewarded with a robe of honour and 
a horse. When Aurangzeb marehed from Agra to Delhi in pursuit 
of D&râ ghikoh, 'Abdu-l-'Azîz received the rank of 1,500 with 500 
horse and the title of Khân, and was made governor of the fort 
of Raisîn in Malwa. in the 7th year he was summoned to court, 
and in the same year he was made, on the death of Mîr Bâqir K. , 
faujdâr of the Chakla of Sirhind. Afterwards he was made gover- 
nor of the fort of Asîr, a dependeney of the province of Aurang- 
abad, and in the 20th year when Sîvâ Bhonsla got his men up 
to the top of the fort by means of lassoes, he w as aetive and slew 
them, and for a long time remained Rrm there. in the 29th year 
corresponding to 1096, 1685, he died. After him, his son Abü-1- 
Khair succeeded him, and in the 33rd year had charge of the fort 
of Râjgarha. When the Mahratta army ' sent him a measage to 
evacuate the fort, he became terrified and asked for quarter and 
came out with his family and necessary effects. The Mahrattas 
cast aside the agreement and seized whatever property they could 
get. When this transaction was made known to the emperor, he 
dismissed Abü-1-Khair and appointed a strict sazâtml to see that 
he went to Mecca. Though his mother made great efforts and 
obtained a revocation of the order, yet before this came 
he had already embarked at the port of Surat. On his return he 
again became an object of favour and received his father 's title, 
and was put in charge of the tomb of Shâh ' Abdu-1-Latîf which was 
in the city of Burhanpur. His son was Muhammad Naşir K. alim 
Miyân Mas'tî (the mad Miyân) , who is serving other people. At last 
he too has göne to the final lodging. (Q.) 


Eldest son of Şafdar K. Khwâja Qâsim. in the beginning of 
Shah Jahan's reign he was in the tpwn of Sâronj which was his 

1 KhSfî K. 11,392. On the same 
page mention is made of 'Abdu-1 
'Azîz as a slave who had been brought 

up by the family of Bairâm K. Khân- 
Khânân and ashaving been in charge 
of the fort of the Klıaibar. 



father's fief . in the 4th year when Khan Jahân Lodî in concert 
with Dariyâ K. Rohilla hastened frorn the Deccan to Malwa, and 
came to that town, he took charge of its protecüion. Up to 
the 20th year he had a mansab of 900 with 600 horse, and in the 
21st year he rose to the rank of 1,500 with 800 horse, and in the 
23rd year he had an increase of 200 horse. in the 26th year he 
went off with Prince DârâŞhikoh who had been appointed to take 
Qandahar. At the time of departure his rank was 2000 with 1000 
horse and he had the gift of a khilât, and a horse with a silvern 
saddle. in the 27th year he had the distinction of a flag. in the 
30th year corresponding to 1066, 1656, he died. His son Khwâja 
Jâh had in the 30th year the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. 


He was descended from Shaikh Abü Bakr Tâlbâdî. 1 When 
Timur in 782, 1380-1381, conquered Herat whieh was held by 
Malik Ghîâsu-d-dîn, he came to Tâîbâd and sent to the Shaikh and 
asked why he did not come to wait upon him. The Shaikh 
replied, " What ha ve I to do with him ? " The Amir then went in 
person and said, " Why did you not advise Malik Ghîâsu-d-dîn ? " 
He replied, ''I did advise him, but he did not listen. God has 
sent you against him, I now advise you to be just. If you do not 
listen, He will send another against you." The Amîr used to say, 
" During my Sultanate with whatever darvish I consorted, I 
perceived that each of them was in his heart thinking about 
himself , except the §haikh whom I f ound separated * from himself." 

Khwâja 'Abdu-1-Majîd was one of the servants of Hümâyûn, 
and on account of his honesty and skill he was made Diwân at 
the time of the conquest of India. When the wbrld renewed its 
youth by the accession of Akbar, the Khwâja was exalted from 
the diwânî to the rank of commander (sirdârî) and united the 
sword with the pen. When Akbar proceeded to the Panjab in 
eonnection with the affair of Bairâm Khân, the Khwâja got the 

ı B. 366. As pointod out by 
Blochmann, there is sn account of Abü 
Bakr in the Naflı5tul-Uns ; but it 

doea not teli the story «bout Timur. 
Seelith. ed., p. 325. 

* min khudra dar hajab. 



title of Asaf K. and acquired reputation as governor of Delhi. 
He reeeived a drum and a flag and an office of 3000. When 
Fatû K., the slave of Adili, who had taken possession of Chunâr, 
showed a desire to surrender it, Âşaf K. in accordance with the 
king's orders went along with SJjaikh Muhammad Ghaus, and 
obtained peaceable possession of the fortress. The charge of 
Sarkar Kara Mftnikpûr was made över to him. At that t ım e 
Ghâzî K. Tanürî, who was one of the leading Afghan officers, 
and had for a time served Akbar, absconded and went off with 
some men to the country of Panah, which was an independent 
kingdom. There he was in security and set about being seditious. 
Âşaf K. in the 7th year conveyed to Rajah Râm Chand, the ruler 
there, the message that he should become tributary and deliver 
up the rebels. The Rajah in his presumptuousness joined with 
those wretohes and prepared for war. Âşaf K. behaved with 
energy and killed the refugees. The Rajah was defeated and took 
refuge in the fortress of Bândhü which was the strongest fortress 
in that country. At last, by agreeing to make submission, and at 
the intercesaion of Rajahs who were near Akbar, an order was 
issued to Âşaf K. to abstain from attacking the Rajah. Aeaf 
therefore withdrew, but as he had acquired much power by his 
victory he formed the idea of conquering Garha. it was an 
extensive territory south of Panah and was commo '- known as 
Gondwâna. it was 150 kos in length and 80 kos in breadth 
They say that in old times it contained 80,000 villages. 

The inhabitahts are Gonds, vvhich is a low-e«rte tribe, and 
one looked down upon by Hindus. Formerly many Rajahs 
ruled it, but at this time the power was in the hands of Rânî 
Durgâvati. She by her courage, dexterity, and justice had united 
the whole country. Garha was a great city in that country and 
Katanga was the name of a village which was subordinate to it. 
Âşaf K. ascertained by means of spies the modes of access to the 
country, and in the 9th year invaded it with 10,000 cavalry. 
The Rânî, who had not at that time cöllected her forces, came 
with a few troops to give battle. She said, "How can I, who 
have ruled this country so îong, think of flying? it is better to 
die with honour than to live with disgrace." Her officers 



represented that it was a fine thing to resolve upon fighting, but 
that to cast aside the thread of counsel was not courage. They 
should strengthen some places until they could collect their 
army. This was done. When Aşaf K. took Garha and did not 
retreat, the Rânî called together her officers and said, "I want 
war. Whoever desires it, let him come with me. There is no 
third course. İt is a case of victory or death." She turned to 
fîght. When she was told that her son Bir Sah had received 
wounds, she bade thenı remove him from the battle-field to a safç. 
place, and vvhen she herself was vvoundetl she said to a confidant, 
"I have been eonquered in battle. God forbid that I be con 
quered in name and fame; do your duty, and put an end to me 
with a dagger." He had not the courage to do so; and she 
stabbed herself. Aşaf K. set off to seize Chüragarha, which was 
a fort and a capital, and had many buried treasures, and which 
Bîr Sah had strengthened. Af ter a struggle in which Bîr Sâh 
bravely fell, the fort was taken. After this victory, which was 
the greatest of Aşaf K.'s achievements, he became possessed of 
boundless treasures, and grew proud and arrogant. He went 
astray, and out of 1,000 elephants he sent (only) 200 to H.M. 
in the lOth year Khân Zaman Shaibânî, in conjunction with the 
Uzbeg officers in the eastern districts, raised the standard of 
rebellion and besieged Majnûn K. Qâqşhâl in the fort of Mânik- 
pür. 5şaf K. came to his assistance with 5,000 cavalry. When 
Akbar came to that country to put down the rebellion, Aşaf K. 
appeared before him, and presented as peshkash the rarities of the 
spoils of Garha, and held a review of his troops. He was again 
treated with favour and sent to pursue the rebels. But the im- 
perial clerks, 1 who had had a taste of his bribes, out of cupidity 
and envy, hinted at his accumulation of wealth and his embezzle- 
ments, and talebearers exaggerated these remarks and filled Aşaf 
K. with fears. On 20 Şafr 973, 16 September 1565, he out of vain 
suspicion took to flight. in the llth year, when Mahdî Qâsim K. 
was appointed to the govemment of Garha, Aşaf K. Jeft, with 
many regrets, that country, and with his brother Wazîr K. 

1 Akbarnâmah, II, 256. 



accepted an invitation from the Khân Zaman and joıned hım in 
Jaunpür On the first interview he perceived the Khân Zaman's 
tyranny and arrogance and repented of his coming, and vvhen he 
saw that his cupidity was excited by his possessions he sought an 
opportunity of leaving him. At this time the Khân Zaman sent 
him and his (own) brother Bahâdur K. against the Afghans, but 
kept Wazîr K. with bimself . Hence both the brothers resolved to 
fly and went off to Mânikpür. Bahâdur K. pursued them and 
fought with them. Aşaf K.'s men were defeated and fled, and 
he was captured. Suddenly Wazîr K. arrived and learned what 
had happened. As Bahâdur K.'s men were engaged in plunder- 
ing, Wazîr K. attacked and Bahâdur K. fled. He gave a sign to 
kili Aşaf K. who was fastened onan elephant. He was struck 
önce or twice, his fingers were cut, and he was wounded on the 
nose, when Wazîr K. arrived and relieved him. Both brothers in 
the year 973, 1565-66, came to Kara. Aşaf K. sent Wazîr K. 
to Agra to Mozaffar K. Tarbatî in order to obtain pardon through 
his intervention. Mozaffar K., who in obedienee to a summons 
went to the Punjab in 974, took Wazîr K. with him and produced 
him before Akbar in the hunting-field, and interceded for him. 
An order was given that Aşaf K. together with Majnün K. should 
guard the boundaries in Kara Mânikpür. in the same year Akbar 
made a rapid expedition against Khân Zaman and Bahâdur K., 
and slew them. in this battle Aşaf K. displayed zeal and showed 
perfect loyalty. in the year 975, 1567, he obtained the pargana 
of Biâna l as his fief in supersession of Hâji Muhammad Sîstânî in 
order that he might go there and make preparations and act as 
the advance-force in the matter of Rânâ Udai Singh. When in 
themiddle of Rabîu-l-awal of that year, September 1567, Akbar 
marched from Agra to punish the Rânâ, the latter left Jaimal— 
who was formerly in Mirtha— in charge of Chitor, and retired to 

1 Text pargana Bîâk. B. 368 
haa read this as Piyag, i.e. Allahabad. 
But the Maaşir is here copying the 
T. Akbarî, and that has (see Elliot V, 
324) Bîâna, which is on the way from 
Agra to Chitor. Hâji Muhammad 

apparently got a fief in Malwa in 
exchange, A.N. II, 313. Aşaf and 
his brother's going on in advance of 
Akbar's army is referred to in A.N. 
II, 313. 



the corners of the hills. Âşaf K. did excellent service in the siege of 
that fort. Chitor lies on the top of a hill whieh ia nearly a. kos l in 
height, and this hill is in the midst of an öpen plain which has no 
elevation. Its circuit is at the foot six kos, and three kos where 
it is walled in. Besides large stone tanka which are filîed by rain- 
water, there are springs high up in it. After 4 months and 7 
days the fort was taken on 25 Shâbân of the 12th year, 24 
February 1568, and the whole Sarkar of Chitor was assigned* to 
Âşaf K. as his fief. 


Son of Şhâh Budâgh K., and one of Akbar's Amîrs of the 
rank of 2500. At first, he was appointed along with M. Sharafu-d- 
dîn Husain 'to take Mîrtha, and did good service on that occasion. 
Afterwards he beeame one of Akbar's personal attendants. in 
the lOth year he went with Mir M'uzzu-1-mulk to punish Sikandar 
K. Uzbeg, and Bahâdur K. Şhaibâni. When the king's army was 
defeated and scattered he too took his own road. After that he 
was sent off with Muhammad Qulî K. Barlâs against Sikandar K. 
who had made a disturbance in Oudh. After that he for a while 
lived on his fief in Malwa. When in the 17th year the Malwa 
officers were ordered to assist the Khân A'zim Koka, he came to 
Gujarat and in the battle with Muhammad Husain Mirza bravely 
engaged in single combats. By orders he canre with the Khân 
A'zim Koka and did homage at the time when the king was 
besieging Surat, and then was allowed to go back to his fief. in 

1 This is taken from the Tabaq5t, 
seeElliot V, 325; but Nijâmu-d-dîn 
must mean that the height, balandi, 
extendedforaio«, i.e.,the ridgewas so 
long, not that the elevation was a kos. 
See account of Chitor in Râjputana 
Gazetter 11.1,51. "The fort staods 
on a long narrow hill . . extreme length 
of fort from wall to wall 6,746 yards." 
" The hill averageş aboot 450 ft. 
above the surrounding oouotry." 

i AN. II, 324. The »rticle ends 

rather abruptly, and, as B. has point- 
ed out, does not mention when 'Abdu- 
1-Majîd died. B. adds tnat he must 
have been dead in 081, 1573-74, as in 
that year the title of Âşaf K. waa be- 
stowed on another noble. A. F. places 
him among the holders of 3000. The 
T.A. adds to its netice of him that he 
entertained 20,000 horse. 

* B. 403. 'Abdu-1 Matallib was 
the name of Muhammad's grandfather. 



the 23rd year when Qut;bu-d-dîn K.'s men arrested Mozaffar 
Husain M and were bringing him to cpurt from the Deccan, he as 
ft precaution joined them with some Malwa troops. in the 25th 
year he was appointed along with Ism'aîl Qulî K.tochastise Niyâ- 
bat K. 'Arab, 1 and displayed zeal and devofcion. in the 26th year 
he was accused • of having killed Fath Dost, the son of 'Alî Dost 
Bârbegî, but after some time was reeeived into favour. in the 
expedition to Kabul he had command of the left wing. in the 
27th year when Akbar went to the eastern districts and came near 
K&lpî-where 'Abdu-1-Matlib had his fief— he at 'Abdu-1-Matlib's 
request visited his residence. in the 30th year he went to the 
south as one of the auxiliaries of the Khân 'Azim Koka, and in the 
32nd year s he went with a large force to punish Jalâla Târîkî. One 
day, when Jalâla Târîkî attacked the men of the rear-guard, though 
Abdu-1-Matlib did not mount his horse, the other officers rushed 
forward and defeated the enemy and slew many of them. But 
'Abdu-1-Matlib from excessive anxiety and mental disturbance 
beeame mad and came to court in a helpless oondition. At last 
he died at his appointed time. Sherzâd his son attained to the 
rank of 500 with 200 horse during Jahangir's time. 


Grandson of S. <Abdu-l-Quddüs* of Gangoh, who was a descen- 
dant of imâm Abû Hanîfa of Küfâ, and one of the later celebri- 
ties of India. He died in the year 944, 1537-38. S. 'Abdu-n-Nabi 
was the first of his time in literary (naqlîya) sciences, and had a 

l A.N. III. 328. 

•2 A.N. HI, 354, and also Iqbâl- 
nâma which telis us that the father of 
the murdered man declined to prose- 
eute. Fath Dost had just been made 
a member of the Divine Faith. 

3 See A.N. III, 520-521. B. 
wrongly says it waa the son that was 
attacked. A. F. mentions that the 
general eould not mount his horse, but 
does not give the reason. Perhaps ali 
that is meant is that he eould not 
get back to the scene of battle. 

The text of the A. N. spells 'Abdu- 
1-Mafclib's name as 'Abdu-1-Mu$]jalib. 
A.F. says he was sent in as he was 
insane. He does not say why he be- 
eame mad. The battle is also des- 
cribed by NizSmu-d-dîn. See Elliot 
V, 456. 

* J. III. 374, where the date of 
death given is 950, 1543. The 
Khazina AşfiyS has 945. Apparently 
945 is the correct date. Bieu II, 
830a XV. For 'Abdullah, seeB. 457. 





high place in the science of Hadis (tradition). in spite of his greafc 
acquirements, he was assiduous in following the practices of the 
noble order of Chisht. He could so hold his breath fchat he for the 
space of a wateh (pahâr) could without breathing occupy himself 
in mental uttsrance (zikr qalbî). l in the lüth year of Akbar's reign 
he attained through the influence of Mozaffar K. the chief diwân, 
the office of principal Şadr * of India. in the course of time the 
chief transactions of State were carried on in accordance with his 
recommendations. His intimacy with the king became so great that 
Akbar used to go to his house to hear the Traditions. As at that 
time Akbar, at the instigation of the Shaikh, sho\ved greafc zeal 
in the perforınance of exemplary acts and the non-performance of 
vehat was prohibited , he personally recited the Azan (cali to prayer) 
and acted as imâm (leader of the prayera), he even went so far as to 
sweep the mosqne in order to acquire merit. One day on the 
occasion of the anniversary of the accession, 3 the eolour of saffron 
had been put on the king's clothes. The Shaikh was angry and 
in öpen diwân so wielded his staff that it reached the king's skirt 
and töre it. The king was displeased and went to his mother and 
complained, saying that the Shaikh should have made his remon- 
strance in private. Miriam-Makânî said , " My son, don'tbevexed. 
This \vill be a cause of salvation to you on the last day. Till the 
day of the Besurrection they will teli how a poor Mullâ dealt\vith 
the king of the Age, and how the king of happy augury submit 

As the Shaikh and Makhdümu-1-rnulk every day displeased 
the king by their censures and bigotry, his heart became 
alienated from them. Shaikh Faizi and Shaikh Abü-1-fazl 
perceived this and represented that their science was g'reater than 
that of those hypocritical Shaikhs who under the screen of religion 
(din) hadgatheredthings of the world (daniyâ). " If Your Majestv 
will support us vve'll silence them by con vincing proofs. " Accord- 
ingly one day there was food containing saffron * ön the table- 

1 See aceount of Zikr in Hughes' 
Dict. of islam. ' Jahangir read the 
Forty Traditions with 'Abdu-nnabî. 

* Badayüm II. 71. 

8 Sâlgirilı. it m ay have been 
the anniversary of the birthday. 

* Dishes containing saffron are 
described in the Afn. B. 59. 60. 

cloth. When 'Abdu-n-nabî partook of it, Abü-1-faşl said, "Oh 

Fie, Shaikh, if saffron be licit, why did you make ali those 

strictures on H.M. the Vicar of God, _nd if it be illicit, why have 

yoü partaken of it so that for three days the effects will remain?" 

There were repeated altercations between them. At last in the 

22nd year there #as an inquiry into siyürghâl and other tenures, 

and it appeared that the Shaikh in spite of his devotion and 

austerity did not observe the due degrees of moderation and 

regard to merit. in every province a separate Şadr was appoint- 

ed. And when in the 24th year Akbar had an assembly of 

'Ulama and sages, it was agreed by them that the reigning king 

" Pâdish&h-i-Zamân " was the imâm of the time, and Mujtahid 

(Doctor) of the world. Whiehever of the conflicting opinions of 

former Doctors he adopted was to Be received by mankind ; that 

is to say, in matters of Faith, as to which Mujtahids differed, 

whatever side His Majesty adopted, for the soothment of the 

world, and the tranquillit3r of the men of islam, was binding upon 

mankind, and whatever order he might issue which was not con- 

trary to the Law and the Şunnat, and was for the good of the 

people, could not be opposed without incurring loss in this world 

and in the next. For the rank of a just king was above that of a 

Mujtahid. A document was drawn up to this effect and it was 

attested by the seals of 'Abdu-n-nabî, the Makhdümu-1-mulk 

Sultanpüri, Ghâzî K. Badakshî Hakîmu-1-mulk and other 'Ulama. 

This ' took place in the month of Rajab 987, August 1579. 

When different statemehts were made by 'Abdu-n-nabî and 

Makidûmu-1-mulk, and it appeared that they were saying that 

they had been made to attest the document by force and against 

their will, Akbar, in the same year, made the Shaikh the leader of 

the caravan and sent him off with a sum of money for the chief men 

of Mecca, and for the indigent there, and he also dismissed 

Makhdümu-1-mulk. in this way he exiled them from his territo- 

ries, and gave the order that they should ahyays remain there in 

the practice of devotion and not return unless they were sum- 

moned. When the coming of M. Hakim and the rebellion of the 

officers of Bihar and Bengal caused confusion in India, ' Abdu-n- 

_____ ^„__ 



nabî and Makhdümu-1-mulk — who were watching for such an 
opportunity — heard exaggerated accounts and resolved to return. 
Tn spite of the admonishment of the §hârîf of Mecca, and in opposi- 
tion to the king's command, they made the voyage, and in the 
27th year arrived at Ahmadabad. Though the Begams of the 
Harem interceded f or them, yet as the rebela renewed their im- 
proper language, the Şhaikh was sent for, and waa imprisoned ' 
with great severity on the pretext of his having to render 
accounts. He was put into the charge of S. Abü-1-fazl, and he 
knowing that the king would not question about his murder, 
secretly had the Şhaikh strangled,* in consequence of the old 
enmity, in the year 992, 1584. Or perhaps he died a natural 



He is famed for his excellency, laudable qualities, piety and 
orthodoxy. He was long in the service of prince Aurangzeb and 
was his personal attendant. He 8 was highly honoured and trusted 
on account of his honesty in speech and act. When Aurangzeb 
left the Deccan for Agra for the purpose of assuming the sover- 
eignty, he was raised from 900 to a mansab of -1500, and was in 
attendance on Aurangzeb 's stirrup at ali the battles. Af ter the 
Accession he attained high office and became an Amir. in the 4th 
year he received the title of I'timâd Khân, and became a i'avourite 
above ali his contemporaries. As he advanced in the service and 
was in the king's confidence and was distinguished for tact, he be- 
came more intimate with the king than the other pillars of the 
empire. They say that he used to sit with the king in private and 
that his suggestions \rere listened to and approved of But he 
never recommended anybody and kept the gate öf liberality 
closed. On account of his connection with sovereignty and the 
pride of being the king's teacher he did not pay attention to men, 
and was very pompous. He was also very bigoted. 

1 Badayfinî. Lowe 321, and also 

2 There is a full account of 'Abdu- 
ıı-nabî in the Darbâr Akbarî, and in 
a note at p. 327 it is pointed out that 
M'ütamad K. in his Iqbâlnâma (Fart 

II) distinctly aays that A.P. killed 
'Abdu-jı-nabî. See also the account 
in Badayûnî III, 79, where 991 is 
given as the date of death, but in II. 
312 the date is given as 992. 

3 Cf. 'Âlamgîmâma, pp. 982-83. 



Sa'îdâî ' Sarmad was a Jew by origin and was regarded as a 
Rabbî. When he became a Muhammadan he studied under Mir 
Abû-1-Q'asim Qandarsakî. He came from Kâshân to Tatta 
(Scinde) for purposes of trade and there fell in love with a Hindu's 
son and threw away everything that he had. He did not even 
cover his private parts. When he came to Delhi, he associated 
with Dara Şhikoh who had much faith in distracted persons. 
Af terwards, when the Fates put the reins of power into Aurang- 
zeb's hands, he, who was very strict in religious matters, ordered 
Mullâ 'Abdu-1-Qawî to send for Sarmad, and make him wear 
clothes. When he was brought, the Mullâ said, "Whyareyou 
naked ? " Sarmad replied, "Satan is powerful," a and he recited 
this quatrain. 

) Rieu II, 647a, and III, 1089b, 
'Allah YSr's Hadiqatu-1-Aqâlîm lith. 
ed., 109, Bernier II, 124 of ed. 1699, 
Manucci, translation I, 223 and £84; 
but the best account of him is in the 
DabistSn. Cal. lith., p. 298, ete. The 
author of that work saw hira at 
Haidarabad (in the Deccan) in 1057, 
1647. I think the statement that 
Sarmad was an Armenian is & mis- 
tüke for Rabânîan, and the meaning 
is that he was a Rabbi. See Dabis- 
tan I (which seems to be the Maasir's 
authority). Theword Qanduz îıı text 
seems a mistake for Qandarsakî. 
This is ene ot the variants, and it is 
supported by the Dabistan. Sarmad's 
name was Muhammad S'aid, but pre- 
sumably this name was assumed after 
he became a Muhammadan. Ho was 
put to death in 1071, 16RO-61. I 
have alteredthe statement in text tlıat 
Sarmad was reported to be an Arme- 
nian. it is Qandarsagî in the Dabistan 
and in the variant to the test of 
the Maasir, but gaf and fâ only differ 
by a dot. According to the Burhan 
Q5ti and Vullers II, 693&, where 
Abü-1 Qâsim Fandarsagî is men- 
tioned, Fandarsag is a village in the 
district of Astrabad, on the S. E. coast 

of the Caspian. But for the state- 
ment of Burhan Q5ti' onewould be in- 
clined to read the word as qandazsagi 
and to connect it with Abu-1-Qasim of 
Nîshâpür and Naşrabâd, about »hora 
a story is told of his giving up the 
benefit of his forty-five pilgrimages 
in order to feed a dog. Qandazsag 
might mean a fox or a dog. See the 
Hadîqa-ul-Iq51îm, p. 398, and the 
Khazîna Aşfiyâ's notice of Abü-1- 
Q5sim II, p. 207. it' is true that this 
saint died in 367 A.H., 977-78, but 
perhaps the passage in the Dabistan 
only means that Sarmad studied his 
nritings. There is a notice of Sar 
mad in the Khazîna A. II, p. 352. 
An Abu-1 Qâsim of Andijân in Fer- 
ghâna is mentioned as a leading 
Shaikh and as having corrıe to India 
in the time of Shah Jahan. See 
biographyof Khvvâjah 'Abdu r-Rahîm 
Maaıir I, 792. Perhaps it was this 
Abû-1-Qâsim who was Sarmad's teach 
er. Apparentİ3' Sarmad was stili a 
Jew when the author of the Dabistan 
met him. 

■ Is there an allusiön here to 
'Abdu-1-Qawî's name ? The words 
are Shaitân Qawîest. 



He is pleased with so debasing me (?), 

Hia evil eye has ta'en the cup from my hand (?), 

He lies in wait, and I'm at his beck, 

A strange robber ' has made me naked. 

The Mullâ and the other lawyers decided that he should be 
put to death, and the Mullâ made this quatrain which denied the 
Ascension of Muhammad a reason for this. 


He who was aided by the Prince of Truth 
Was himself wider than the wide heavens. 
The Mullâ says, "Ahmad ascended to heaven." 
Sarmad says, " Heaven descended to Ahmad." 

The truth is that the main reason for putting him to death 
was his companionship with Dârâ Şhikoh, otherwise there were 
many thousand naked enthusiasts like him in every İane and 

in short, Mullâ 'Abdu-1-Qawl was a very strict censor. in 
the ninth year, 1077, 1666-67, an unknown Turkoman Calendar 
killed him with a sword. This event was of a surprising nature. 
The details are as follows :— When Tarbîyat K. had göne off as 
ambassador to Shâh 'Abbâs the second, he did not perform the 
duties of the etiquette of an embassy in a proper manner, and 
made the Shâh, who was of a lunatic disposition, more irritated 
than ever. The old friendship became clouded över and it came to 
the leading of armies against one another. At this time Saiyid 
Amîr Khân, the governor of Kabul arrested some Moghul Turko- 
mans as spies and sent them to court. I'timâd was bidden to 
examine them. He sent for one of these men — who\vas a Turko- 
man soldier — and had him brought in to his private room unbound 
and unchained, and proceeded to examine him. At this time, 
he, whose daring mind was suffused with ignorance, suddenly 
moved from his place, and approached a servant, who was keep- 

1 Text dard but the MSS. have 
dâzd " a thief or robber " and I have 
adopted this reading. 

2 Ghulânı 'Alî Âzâd says in the 
Yad Baiza that Sarmad's tomb is 
near the Jama' Masjid of Delhi. 


ing charge of his weapons outside, and, taking a sword from 
him, struck the Khân a blow which killed him. The attendants 
slew him. The deoeased Khâfî K. has toldthe story in a different 
manner in his history. Although the reliance (tahaqîq) which 
that author— -between whom and the writer there was great inti- 
mac y— placed upon the Mirâtu-l-'Âlam and the ' Âlamgirnâma ' is 
well knovvn, yet as his account* was derived by him from 
the Calendar's companions, and is stili more extraordinary 
(than the current story), it is here set down. it is that the 
Calendar was one of the professional athletes, pahhvânân, and 
conjurors of Persia: These men by impudence and swagger 8 
force money from gentlemen, and then fling it away. This man 
too had performed wonderful feats in Surat and Burhânpür. 
VVhen he came to Delhi in the course of his travels he was 
reeeived with honour by the Persian Amîrs, and collected together 
some qalandars. Every day he spent in gardens with music and 
singing. This became notorious, and some charged him with 
alchemy and some with thieving and robbery. At last it was 
represented (to Aurangzeb) that he was a spy of the Shâh. As 
ali knew his courage, the Kotwâl caught him while he was asleep, 
and conveyed him in chains to the king's presence. I'timâd K. 
was directed to examine bim. After examination, although he 
said that he was a wandering beggar by profession, it was of no 
avail, and the Mullâ used threatening language to him. The 
doomed man saw that there was no release for him, and said, " If 
you will assure my safety, I shall teli the truth to the ear of 
the Nawâb." When he approached, he bent down as if to speak , 
and though both his hands were bound he quickly seized with his 

1 'Âlamgîrnâma 982, Maasir A., 57. 

2 KhSfî K. II, 203, ete. The text 
is rather curiously worded. The ex- 
pression dar janab "on the side " or 
" with regard to " is to me somewhat 
obscure and some of the MSS. have a 
different reading, vız. jinnat or per- 
haps jarnbat. I do not think that 
the writer can mean that KhSfî K. 
was less trustworthy than the other 
two writers. 

Sargala zadan, whioh might mean 
" striving f or pre-eminence,' ' and liter- 
ally is " aeting as head of the herd. 
The Bib. Ind. ed.of Khâfî K. II, 203. 
has sirkalima , but the true reading 
seems to be sirkala-zadan, which 
means to butt, or fight with the head 
and horns like rams or deer. See 
Bahâr-i-'Ajam s.v. Here it seems to 
mean to extort by threats, to black- 



fingertips a short sword (nîmcha şhamşher) which had beendeft 
on I'timâd's dais (masnad), and so smote him on the head with the 
scabbard thereof that he was at onoe slain. 1 The king was 
much grieved at his death and showed favour to his family and 
promoted his sons and other relatives to manşabs and showed them 
other kindnesses. 


Brothef of 'Abdu-r-Rahmân Beg the guardian of 'Abdu-1- 
' Aziz K. the (eldest) son of Naşr Muhammad K. the ruler of 
Balkh. in the llth year of Shah Jahan's reign he came* fronı 
Balkh and did homage. The king gave him a robe of honour, a 
decoıated dagger, and a sword with golden accoutrements and 
enamelled \vork, and the rank of 1000 with 600 horse, and a sum of 
Rs. 25,000 in cash. Afterwards B he received an increase of 500 
with 200 horse and a fief in the province of Bihar, and went off 
there. After he came there, as owing to the harsh measures of 
'Abdullah K. Bahâdur, the governor of the province, there was 
disagreement betvreen him and the governor, he, considering this to 
be an injury to himself , feigned illness forsome days and represented 
himself as dumb.* For a year he entirely refrained from speech, 
so that even his women did not know what was the matter. When 
the king heard of this, an order was passed for his coming to court. 
in the thirteenth year he came 6 and used his tongue. When 
he mentioned the cause of his dumbness the audience were aston- 
ished. As the king was going to Kashmîr this year, he conferred 
on him the rank of 2000 with 1000 horse and directed him to re- 
main in the capital. in the 22nd year he was appointed to accom- 

' bakadü Miyara gardld " made 
him like a cucnmber"(?) The vari- 
*nt is Ikdu janâıh gardld. I.O.M.S., 
No. 628, has ika janöza gardld " he 
became the same as a corpse." I 
think there can be no doubt this is 
the correct re&dîag aud that the 
phrase is an allusion to the inseription 
on Prince Daniel's gun 6ar har ka 
Klittrda tir- 1 tu. ika u janöza, Tüzük 

Jahahgîrî, p. 15. •' Who'er receives 
thy ball becomes a corpse. ' ' Compare 
Maaşir III, 13, last line, where the 
phrase is repeated. There is an ac- 
couht of 'AbuM-Q5wî's death in 
Mahucci II, 147. 

* Pâdshahnama I, Part II, 243. 
3 id. 275. 

* KhSfî K. I, 671. 
« id. 169. 



pany Prince Aurangzeb to Qandahar. From thence he went with 
Qulij K. to Büst, and did good service in the battle with the 
Perşians. ConsequentIy, in the 23rd year he attained the rank of 
2500 with 1000 horse. in the 24th year he went to Bihar along 
with J'aafar K. the governor of that province. in the 26th year 
he went with Dârâ Shikoh to Qandahar, and from there he went 
with Rustum K. to take Büst. 


One of the noble Shaikhzâdas of Lucknow city, That is a 
large city in the province of Oudh on the bank of the Gumtî ; the 
tract is called Baiswâra. s The Shaikh had the good fortune to 
enter Akbar's service and by good conduct attained to the rank of 
700, which was a high rank in those days. As he was very inti- 
mate 8 with Jamal Bakhtiyâr — whose sister was one of Akbar's 
favourite wives — he was led into drinking habits. He became 
madly addicted to wine-bibbing, and as intoxicants injure the soul 
and reason, his intellect became clouded, and he shewed signs of 

in the 30th * year, at the time of returning from Kabul, when 
the camp was at Sialkot, the Shaikh became deranged in Hakîm 
Abü-1-fath's quarters and wounded himself with the Hakim 's 
dagger. People took it out of his hand, and they sewed up the 
wound in Akbar's presence. They say the emperor did so 
with his own hand. 

Though experienced physicians considered that the wound was 
incurable, and it became so bad that after two months he was 
given up, yet the king always gave him höpes, and when he was 
yet at the point of death he recovered in a short space of time. 
Aftervvards he died in his native land at the appointed time. 

They say he had a Brahman wife who was called Kishnâ. 
That clever woman after the Shaikh's death built houses and 

1 B. 470. 

•2 The country of the Bais tribe of 

Rajputs. SeeEUiot.Supp. Gloss. 1, 13. 

S A. N. III, 371. Blochmann, 425, 


calls the sister the superintendent of 
Akbar's harem. 

* A. N. III, 470. Badayûnî, Lowe, 



made a garden, a serai, and a tank. She also took vülages in 
farm , and looked af ter the adornment of the garden in which the 
Shaikh was buried. Whoever passed by that way — from a panj- 
hazârl to a common soldier — was entertained by her suitably to his 
rank. And though she became old and blind she did not give up 
her kindly ways, and for about sixty years she kept her husband's 
name alive. 

Not every woman is womanish, or every man manly. 

(MTRZÂ) 'ABDU-R-RAHÎM khân-khanan 

son and heir of Bairâm K. His mother was of the family of 

the Khâns of Mewat. When ' in 961, 1554, Hümâyûn became 

for a second time seated on the throne of India and had established 

himself at Delhi, he, in order to give assurance and encourage- 

ment to the zamindars, instituted marriages with their daughters. 

When Jamâl K. the cousin of Husain K. of Mewat — who was one 

of the influential zamindars of India — waited upon Hümâyûn , he 

possessed two daughters. Hümâyûn married the eldest, and gave 

the second to Bairâm. On 14 Safr 964, 17 December 1556, in the 

end of the first year of Akbar's reign, M. 'Abdu-r-Rahîm was born 

in Lahore. When his father fell a martyr at the hands of the 

Afghans in Pattan-Gujarat, 'Abdu-r-Rahîm was four years old. 

The rioters attacked the Khân's camp. Muhammad Amîn 

Diwâna, Bâbâ Zambür, and his mother rescued the Mirza from 

that tumult and set off for Ahmadabad. They fought with the 

Afghans who followed in the rear and arrived at the city. Af ter 

four months Muhammad Amîn Diwâna and some other servants 

proceeded towards the court with the Mîrzâ. in Jalaur an order 

reached them, summoning the child. in the beginning of the sixth 

year, 969, 1562, he did homage, and Akbar, in spite of the 

importunities of evil-speakers and evil-thinkers, perceived in him 

the marks of nobleness and nourished and cherished him. 



l A. N. II, 48. Hümâyûn did 
not reach Delhi till Ramzân 962, 

July, 1655, so that the date 961 is 

When he came to years of discretion he received the tüle of 
Mîrza Khân and was married to Mâh Bânû, the sister of the 
Khân-A'zam in the 21st year he was nominally appomted to 
th~e government of Gujarat, while the management of affau-s was 
entrusted to Wazîr K. in the 25th year he was made Mîr Am 
(inspector of petitions). in the 28th year he was made guardıan 
of Prince Sultan Selîm, and in the same year he gained a vıctory 
över Sultan Mozaffar of Gujarat. The details of this are as 
follows:-Sultan Mozaffar, in the first Gujarat expedition fell ınto 
the hands of the royal servants and was imprisoned. He was 
8 ent ı to Mun'im K. the Khân-Khânân. When Münşin d»ed, 
Mozaffar was sent back to court and was made över to Shah 
Mansûr. Tn the 23rd year he made his escape-and came to 
Guiarat. He reposed there in the neighbourhood of Jünâgarh and 
under the protection of the Kâthîs. The officers regarded hmı 
as unimportant and paid no attention to him. When I'tımâd K. 
«ot the government of Gujarat in succession to Shıhabu-d-dm 
Ahmad, some servants of the İste governor became disloyal and 
raised the head of disturbance. Mozaffar joined them and be- 
came a leader and took possession of Ahmadabad. Akbar ap- 
pointed Mîrzâ K. with a good force. As there were 40.00C » horse 
with Mozaffar and the whole of the royal troops was only 10,000 
the officers did not advise a battle, and the king also wrote that 
till Oulîj K. and the other auxiliary officers from Malwa jomed, 
he should not engage. Daulat K. Lodî who was his companion 
and chief svvordsman (Mîr shamsher) said, « At that üme you W ıll 
have partners in victory ; if you want to be Khân-Khânân (Lord 
of Lords). you must win victory alone. 'Tis better to be kdled 
than to live with an unknown name.» Mîrzâ K. encouraged h» 
companions and made them ali keen to fight. A severe engage- 
ment took place at Sarkej three kos from Ahmadabad. On evory 
side the heroes contended with one another. Mîrzâ öân W as 
stationed with 300 braves, and 100 elephants, .hen Mozaffar came 
to meet him with 6 or 7000 horse. Some well- W ishers seızed h,s 
rein and wanted to turn him back. Mîrzâ K. advanced the foot 
f boldness, and some of the enemy were slaiu and many took to 



flight. Mozaffar, who had been exulting in his arrogance, becam* 
confused and fled. He went to Cambay and took goods from th< 
merchants and again raised the head of sedition. Mirza K. tool 
with him the Malwa officers who had now arrived, and marchec 
(against Mozaffar), and several times chastised him (Mozaffar) 
Mozaffar went off to Nadot and there again caused strife. Th< 
brave men on both sides fought on foot (».e., dismounted) and di< 
wondrous things. At last Mozaffar turned his face from battl, 
and went off to Rajplpla. Mîrzâ K. received from court th 
rank of Panjhazârî and the high title of Khân-Khânân. 

They say that on the day of the Gujarat victory he gave 
away ali that he had. At last, a man ca e to him and said he 
had got nothing. A standish had remained över and he gave him 
that. After he had put the distracted country of Gujarat into 
order he left Qulij K. there, and came to court. in the 34th year 
he presented to Akbar the Memoirs of Bâbar— which he had 
translated from Turkî into Persian— and was much praised. Ih 
the same year 998, 1590, he was made Vakll, and received 
Jaunpür in fief. in the 36th year Multan was given him as his 
fief and he undertook the conquest of Tattah and the territory of 
Scinde. Şhaikh Faizi found the chronogram, Qaşd-i-Tatta (999). 
"Tatta was the object," When the Khân-Khânân had by skill 
and rapiditypassed by the foot of the fortof Sihwân which they 
cali Sîvistân, and got possession of Lakhî— which is the gate of 
that countıy ,— like Garhî of Bengal, and Bârahmüla of Kashmir,— 
Mirza Jânî the ruler of Tatta— who had come to war— suffered 
defeat after severe fightings, and in the 37th year proposed terms. 
The conditions ' were that he should surrender the fort of Sîhwân— 
which is on the river Indus— and accept Mîrzâ Trij the son of the 
Kbân-Khânân as a son-in-law, and after the rains go to court 
As on account of paucity of provisions the imperial army wa& 
also in distress, the Khân-Khânân yielded, and having made över 
the fort to Hasan 'Alî «Arab encamped twenty kos from Sîhwân. 
When the rains came to an end, Mîrzâ Jânî made excuses for not 



A. N. III, '615. 

proceeding further. The Khân-Khânân was obliged to go to 
Tattah. The Mirza (Jâni) came ' out from the city (Tattah) as far 
asthree kos, and tried manoeuvres, but allat önce the imperial 
forces were victorious, and Mirza Jânî beoame a suppliant 
and made över the whole country to the imperialists, and 
went off with ali his family in company of the Khân-Khânân 
to court. He was received with favour. Mullâ Shikebi* — who 
was a servant of the Khân-Khânân— wrote a masnavî about this 
victory. This verse is from it. 


A Humâ which was moving över the heavens 
You seized and freed from delusion. {dam) 

The Khan-Khânân gave him a thousand ashrafis as. a present, 
and M. Jâni also gave the Mullâ a thousand ashrafis, and said, 
"it is by God's mercy that you called me a humâ. Had 8 you 
called me a jackal, who'd have checked your tongue ? " 

When Sultan Murad at the king's orders set out from Gujarat 
to conquer the Deccan, he halted in Broach in expectation of the 
arrival of the auxiliaries. The Khân-Khânân,— who had been 
appointed to accompany the prince,— made some stay in Bhîlsah, 
which was his jagir, and then proceeded to Ujjain. The prince was 
displeased at this and sent him an angry message. He wrote in 
reply that he was engaged in concüiating Rajah 'Alî K. the ruler 
of Khandes, and that he was going to bring him with him. The 
prince became indignant and set off for the Deccan with the troops 
t he had. The Khân-Khânân made över the camp and the park of 
fartillery to M. Şhahrukh and went on rapidly along with Rajah 
^'Alî K. He joined the prince at Candaur thirty kos from Ahmada- 
bad. After some time he was admitted to an interview, but no 
graciousness was shown towards him. The Khân-Khânân became 
annoyed and withdrew his hand from the work. Though in the 

I A. N. 111, 634. 

* B. 335n, and 576. Badayünî 
III, 253, who styles him IspahSnî. 
in the Târikh Tâhirl the poem of 
Mullâ Şhikebî is called the S5qînâma, 

and he is said to have been rewarded 
with a present of Rs. 12,000. 

3 One MS. has giri/ta instead of 
gulta in the first clause. dam in the 
verse abo means "a snare." 



end of Rabî'-ul-akhir 1004, end of December 1595, Ahmadnagar 
was invested, and arrangements were made for erecting batteries 
and driving mines, yet owing to the prudence and courage of Când 
Bîbl Sultan, the sister of Burhan Nizâm Shah and widow of 
'Alî 'Âdil Shâh of Bijapur, who was defending the fortress in con- 
cert with Abhang K. the Abyssinian, and also owing to the trea- 
chery of the officers, and their spoiling one another's work, the 
conquest of the fortress was not one to be easily made. 

When the besieged became aware of the discord among the 
leaders, they proposed a peace to the effect that Bahâdur the 
grandson of Burhan Nizâm Shâh should be brought out of prison 
and that to this boy should be given the title of Nizâmu-1-mulk, 
and that he should be made a servant of the empire. Also that 
the prosperous terrıtory of Ahmadnagar should be given to him in 
fief , and that the territory of Berar should revert to the imperial- 
ists. Though men of experience represented the want of food of 
the besieged and their distress and duplicity, they were not listened 
to on account of the dissensions. Also at this time it was be- 
lieved that Suhail K. the eunuch, M'atmadu-d-daula of Bijapur, 
was approaching to assist the Nizâm Shâh troops, and so peace 
was made by the intervention of Mir Murtaza^ and the army turned 
away to Bâlâpur in Berar. When Suhail K. with the Bijapur 
army on the right wing, Qutbü-l-mulkî troops on the left wing, and 
the Nijâmu-l-mulk army in the centre became presumptuous and 
drew up in battle-array, the prince wished to engage them, 
but the officers disloyally refused to do so. The Khân-Khânân, 
M. Shahrukh and Rajah 'Alî K. set out from Shâhpür against the 
enemy. in the end ' of Jumâda-al-âkhirî 1005, February 1597, a 
battle took place near the town of Ashtî, twelve kos from Pâthrî. 
There was a severe engagement, and the ruler of Khandes with 
five* Sardârs and 500 men. who there opposed the 'Adilkhânîs, 
bravely lost their lives. The enemy thought they were the centre 
and that M. Shahrukh or the Khân-Khânân was killed, and set 
about plundering. The Khân- Khânân also routed the f orce opposed 
to his own , and in the darkness of the night the hostile forces got 



separated, and halted. Each thought it had gained ■ the vıctory and 
spent the night on horseback. At dawn the imperial army, whıcn 
consisted of 7000 men, as it had spent the whole night with thırst, 
proceeded hastily to the river. The enemy came forward to meet 
them with 25,000 horse. Many leaders of the three armıes of the 
enemy were killed.» They say that Daulat K. I^-^ho was 
in the Khân-Khânân's vanguard at the time when Snhaıl K. had 
put the elephants and artillery in motion and was advancmg-saıd 
to the Khân-Khânân, " We are 600 horse in ali To , advance 
in front (of such a force) is to lose ourselves, (yet) 1 11 attack the 
enemy's centre." The Khân-Khânân said, «■ You'relosing* Delin. 
Daulat K. replied, << If we defeat the foe, we shall have made a 
hundred Delhis, and if we die the work is with God." When he 
desired to urge on the horse Qâsim Bârha and the Saiyids were 
beside him. He (Qâsim) said, " We and you are Hindustanıs. 
There is no resource but to die. You should ask the Khân as to 
what his wish is." Daulat turned round and said to the Khan- 
Khânân " There is a great for«e in front of us, and vıctory 
depends' on heaven. Teli us where we shall find you if you are 
defeated" The Khân- Khânân said, " ünder the corpses." Daulat 
K and the Saiyids penetrated by the centre (karmrgâh) and 
drove off the enemy. in a short time Suhail took to flıght. 
They say that on that day the Khân-Khânân had with him 75 lacs of 
rupees He gave 6 them ali away, and only two camel-loads 
remained. in spite of so great a victory afîairs did not go on well. 
The Khân-Khânân was summoned to court, and he did homage m 
the 43rd year. His wife Mâh Bânü 8 died in this year. 

> Pariahta has 17 JamSda-us-sânî. 

« Thirty-ave. A.N. III, 719. 

l B. 336. ' ' Each party believing 
itself victorious." The original is 
9 umân firuzi bakhud barda, and it 
would seem better sense if the meaning 
were " each party doubting if it had 
gained the victory. " But see account 
in Ferishta. 
» Akbamama III, 719. 
i A. The meaning seems to be, " We 
shall ali be kiUed but yet I'll attack 
the centre." See Darbâr Akbarî, 
618, line 11, 

* The Darbâr Akbarî, p. 613, says 
that the Khân Khânân was much 
attached to Delhi and used to re- 
mark, " If T am to die, I'll die in 

6 Lit. He gave them ali aw»y 
to be scrambled for. Hamara 
ighmâi sâkht. See Darbâr! Akbarî, 


« She died at Umballa in 1007, 
December 1598. 



When Akbar consulted the Khân-Khânân about the affairs 
of the Deccan, he recommended the recall of the prince, 
and the giving the control of matters to himself. The king did 
not approve of this and was displeased with him. Whea Prince 
Murâd died and Sultan Daniel was sent to the Deccan in the 
44th year and Akbar resolved to go there himself, the Khân- 
Khânân was again received into favour and sent to the prince. 
in the end of Shawâl of the 45th year, 1008, May 1600, the 
prince in company with the Khân- Khânân besieged the fort of 
Ahmadnagar. On every side great efforts were made. Când 
Bibi proposed an agreement, and Cîta 1 K. the eunuch rebelled 
against this view, and in concert with some wicked people put 
that noble lady to death. Guns were discharged from the fort, 
and hostilities were renewed. After thirty yards of the wall had 
been blown up by a mine, the besiegers entered by the Lailî* 
bastion and put many to the sword. Bahâdur the son of Ibrâhîm 
— whom they had made the Nizâm Shâh— was made prisoner. 
The fort was taken after a siege of four months and four days. 
The Khân-Khânân took Nizâm Shâh and presented himself before 
Akbar in Burhanpur. At the time öf the king's return to the 
capital he gave Khandes the name of Dandes and made it över 
to Prince Daniel, and gave Jânâ Begam the Khân-Khânân's 
daughter in marriage to that prince. He sent the Khân-Khânân 
to chastise R'ajü Manâ who had set up the son of Shâh 'Alî, the 
uncle of Murtaşa Nizâm Shâh , as ruler and was stirring up sfcrif e. 
After the death of Akbar a great breach occurred in the Deccan. 
in the thirdyear of Jahangir 1017, 1609, the Khân-Khânân came 
to court and undertook 8 that if in addition to the troops already 
assigned to him 12,000 cavalry were given him, he would finish 
the affairs of the Deccan in two years. Accordingly, he immedi- 
ately was given leave to go to the Deccan. Prince Parvez under 
the guardianship of Âşaf K. J'âfar, the Amîru-1-umarâ gharif 
Khân, Rajah Mân Singh Kachwâha and Khân Jahân Lodî, were 
appointed one after the other to assist him. When it appeared 

1 Or JitS. A. F. III, 774, has 
Habaha Khân. See B. 336. The 
Lucknow edition of A. F. has Jîtâ. 

* Test Balbalı, but see A. N. III, 

8 Elliot VI, 318, aad Tüzük J. 71. 



that the Khân-Khânân had in the height of the rains taken the 
prince from Burhanpur to the Bâlâghât (the ffighlands), and 
that on account of the discord among the chiefs plans had been 
neglected, and that the army had been reduced to great straıts by 
the scarcity of corn and the deaths of the quadrupeds, and that the 
Khân-Khânân had been compelled to make a dishonourable peace, 
and such as was unworthy of the empire, with the enemy, andthen 
had returned, the affairs of the Deccan were made över to Khan 
Jahân and Mahâbat K. was sent to recall the veteran general. 

When he came to court in the 5th year, he obtained leave to 
to go to his fiefs in Kâlpî and Qanauj in order that he might put 
down disturbers in that quarter. in the 7th year when a severe 
defeat happehed in the Deccan to 'Abdullah K. (Fîrüz Jang), 
and the work did not make progress under Khân Jahân, it was 
perceived to be necessary to send the Khân-Khânân, and so he 
was despatched there with Khwâja Abû-1-Hasan. As on this 
occasion also, in spite of the presence of Prince Parvez and of 
leading officers, the work did not take proper form, Jahangir in 
the llth year, 1025, 1616, sent off Sultan Kharram (Shah Jahan) 
to the Deccan, and gave him the title of Shâh-which no prince 
had had since the days of Şâhib Qiran (Timur),-and himself in 
Muharram 1026, January 1617, came to Mahva, and took up his 
abode in Mândü. The prince made Burhanpur his headquarters, 
and sent capable men to the rulers of the Deccan, and at the 
same time took in marriage, by Jahangir's orders, the daughter of 
Shâh Newâz K. the son of the Khân-Khânân. After the arrival 
of Shah Jahan's envoys, 'Âdil Shâh sent as a present 50 elephants 
as well as cash and jewels to the value öf 15 lacs of rupees, and 
shewed marks of servitude and obedience. Accordingly, at the 
request of the prince, he was distinguished by the title of farzand 
(son), and Jahangir with his own hand wrote l this impromptu 
verse at the beginning of the firman. 

At Shah Kharram's instance thou'rt become 
Famous the world o 'er as our son. 

1 KhâfîK. 1, 704. 



Qutbu-l-mulk also sent presents of the same value and was 
treated with favour. Malik 'Ambar also placed the head of service 
within the cord of obedience, and made över the keys of the fort of 
Ahmadnagar and of other forts, as well as the parganas of the 
Bâlâghât, of which he had taken possession. 

When the prince was satisfied about the arrangements for 

the Deccan, he made över the government of Khandes, Berar and 

Ahmadnagar to the Sipahasâlâr (the Khân-Khânân), and appointed 

Shâh Newâz K., the eldest son of the latter, to manage the con- 

quered parts of the Bâlâghât, and assigned every estate in fief to 

the officers of the contingents and left 30,000 horse and 7,000 mus- 

keteers, 1 and in the I2th yeaT waited on his father in Mândü. At 

the time of the intervie\v Jahangir involuntarily rose up and went 

two or three steps to welcome the prince. He gave him the rank 

of 30,000 with 20,000 horse and the title of Shah Jahan and the 

right of sıtting on a chair near the throne, vvhich was a special 

favour and was not the custom of the dynasty from the time of 

Amîr Timur. Jahangir himself came down from the jharoka and 

poured a small tray of jewels and a trayful of gold on his son's 

head. When in the 15th year Malik 'A mbar broke his agreement. 

and the oppression of his banditti (bargîân,' 2 perhaps Mahrattas) 

made the imperial thânadârs quit their posts, so that Dârâ M. 

returned from the Bâlâghât and came to Balâpur, and then too 

could not maintain himself but came to Burharipur and was be- 

sieged there along with his father, Prince Shah Jahan received a 

kror of jupees for expenses of the expedition and a present of ten 

krors of dâms from the conquered territories and was hastily sent 

off a second time. 

They say that when petition after petition from him (the 
Khân-Khânân; were produced before the king to the effect that he 
was in a difficult position and he had determined to follow the 
custom of johar (immolation of şelf and family, literally " life- 

1 topa. The word is clearly used 
in Iqbâlnâma 271, line 2, for mus- 
keteers. They represented the infan- 

* Bargi is the name often applied 

to a Mahratta, and in Captain James 
Kerr's History of the Mahrattas, 
London, 1783, it is stated that Malik 
'Ambar was at one time in league 
with the Mahrattas. 



abandonment "), Jahangir said to the Prince that as Akbar ' had by 
a hurried march'rescued the Khân 'Azam when besieged by the 
Gujaratis, he should now rescue the Khân-Khanân from his dan- 
gerous position. When the Deccanis heard of the coming of 
Shah (Shah Jahan) they dispersed. the Prince reached Burhan- 
pur and again undertook the administration of the Deccan. 

When in the 17th year Shah Abbâs Şafavî advanced to be- 
siege Qandahar, the Prince was recalled as quickly as possible. 
He brought the Khân-Khânân with him. Meantime things took 
another turn, and by the machinations of foolish persons a house- 
hold quarrel of such a grave character arose that no thought was 
given to the commotion of foreigners. The Prince was obliged to 
return with the Khân-Khânân and to take up his abode at Mândü. 
Jahangir, at the instigation of Nür Jahân Begam, appointed 
Sultan Parvez with Mahâbat K. as commander-in-chief. After 
the treachery of Kustum K.,-whom the prince had sent to en- 
counter the imperial army-Shah Jahan crossed the Narbada 
witb-the Khân-Khânân, and after leaving Bakam Beg Bakhshî to 
watch the river, proceeded to Burhanpur. At this time a letter of 
the Khân-Khânan's vvhich he had secretly written to Mahâbat K., 
and which had this verse on the margin, came under the prince's 

observation — 


A hundred persons are watching me 
Otherwise T'd fiy from discomfort. 

He sent for the Khân-Khânân and shovved it to him. He had 
no excuse that could be listened to. Accordingly, he and his son 
Dârâb K. were put under surveillance. When the prince was pass- 
ing' by Asır he made father and son över to Saiyid Mozaffar K. 
Bârha and sent them to the fort. Inasmuch as the imprisonment 
of the innocent Dârâb K. was unjust, and he did not approve of 
letting him go and keeping the father, he sent for them 
both and let them go after taking promises from them. 
When Mahâbat K. came vvith Sultan Parvez to the bank of the 

1 Khâfi K. I. 305. 



Narbada and saw that Bairam Beg had taken off the boats to the 
other side and blocked the f erries with guns and muskets , he had 
recourse to fraud, and secretly sent a letter to the Khân-Khanân 
and led away that old and experienced man. The Khân-Khânân 
wrote to the prince that the heavens were unpropitious. If he 
made a truce for some days the servants would certainly obtain 
repose. The prince, who was always desirous to composedisputes, 
regarded this occurrence as a great gain, and called the Khân- 
Khânân to a private interview. Again he took an oath from him 
on the holy book, and when satisfied about this, let him go, in 
order that he might stay on this side of the Narbada and do what 
was right for both parties. As by the arrival of the Khân-Khânân 
and the rumours of peace there had come to be slackness in the 
guarding of the ferries, Mahâbat K. — who was awaiting his op- 
portunity — caused a number of active young men to cıoss över 
the river at night. The Khân-Khânân was deceived by the false 
letters of Sultan Parvez and Mahâbat Khan, and from love of the 
world behaved disloyally and forgot his recent oaths and joined 
Mahâbat K. The prince was helpless and did not think it right to 
remain in Burhanpur and went off to Bengal by the route of Telin- 
gâna. Mahâbat K. came to Burhanpur, and having joined with 
Khân-Khânân crossed the Taptî and pursued Shah Jahan for some 
way. The Khân-Khânân wrote to Rajah Bhîm (son of the Rânâ 
of Udaipur), who was one of Shah Jahan's officers, that if the 
prince would release his sons he would contrive to turn back the 
imperial troops. Otherwise affairs would become difficult. Rajah / 
Bhîm,wrote in reply that they had stili five or six thousand 
devoted followers, and that whenever he approached, his sons 
would be put to death, and he himself would be attacked, 
After the Prince had settled the affairs of Bengal he pro- 
ceeded to Bihar and released Dârâb K. and made him governor 
of the province (Bengal). Mahâbat K., at the time when he pro- 
ceeded to Allahabad to oppose the Prince, kept the Khân-Khânân 
under surveillance, as he doubted him on account of his trickery 
and duplicity. in the 20th year Jahangir summoned him to the 
Presence from being with (i.e., from being under the charge of 
Mahâbat) Mahâbat K., and forgave him. He himself apologised, 



saying, " Ali this has been the result of fate. it was not in your 
or our power, and İ feel more ashamed than you." He gave him 
a lao of rupees and confirmed him in his rank and title, and the 
jagir of Malküsah. 1 The old man who, from love to the world had 
given name and fame to the winds, engraved this verse on his ring- 


By the help of God, the kindness of Jahangir 

Has 4 twice given me life and twice the Khân-Khânânî. 

Mahâbat K. apologised when he was summoned to court, and 
did not fail to provide him with equipages and strove to remove 
the cloud from his mind. As it happened, the Khân-Khânân had 
taken leave to go to his jagir and had halted in Lahore, when 
Mahâbat K. turned back and came to Lahore to see the kıng. 
The Khân-Khânân made no inquiries after his health, and Mahâbat 
K was disgusted at his want of courtesy, and when he was domi- 
nant at the bank of the Jhelam he appointed men to make hım go 
back (from Lahore). The Khân-Khânân cast anchor in Delhi. 
At the same time the juggling heavens played another trick. At 
the time of the king's returning from Kabul, Mahâbat K. became 
a vagabond. Nür Jahân Begam summoned the Khân-Khanan 
and appointed him to follow Mahâbat with an army. She pre- 
sented him from her own stores with bwelve lacs of rupees, wıth 
elephants, horses and camels. She also assigned to him Mahâbat 
Khân's fief. But life did not give him time. He fell il m 
Lahore and came to Delhi and died there at the age of 72 in 1036, 
1627 at the end of the 21st year of Jahangir. The chronogram 
is Kh'ân Sipahsâlâr ko, « Where's the Khân Commander-ın-chıef ? 
(1036). He was buried near Hıımâyün's tomb. 

] Malkousah of Supp. Glosaary. 
II. 90. it was in Qanauj, J. H. 184. 
There is an account of the K_hân- 
KhânSn's interview with Jahangir in 
KâmgSr Husâinî. B.M.M.S.— Or. 171, 
p. 187a. it occurred in the 20th 
year. See also Tüzük J. , p. 398 . But 
the expression of Jahangir that he 

felt more shame than did the Khân- 
Khânân occurs in the annals of the 
lûth year Tüzük, 141. Apparentfy 
the author of the Maasir has mixed 
up the two incidents. 

* Referring to his having been twice 
forgiven. Tüzük 141 and 398. 



The Khân-Khânân was in respect of ability the unique of the 
age. He vvas versed in Arabic, Persian, Turkî and Hindî. He 
understood poetry well, and wrote it. Rahim was his taMıallaş. 
They say that he could c on verse in most of the languages of the 
\vorld. His liberality and magnanimity are proverbial in India. 
Soıııe extraordinary stories are told of him. They say that one 
day he was signing barâts (orders on the Treasury). On the war- 
rant l {barât) for a foot-soldier (piâda) he had signed for a thousand 
rupees instead of for a thousand tankas (piçe), and he did not alter 
it. He several times weighed poets against gold when giving a 
present. One day Mullâ Nazîrî * (B. 579) said : " How big a heap is 
a lac of rupees ? I have never seen it. ' ' The Khân-Khânân 
ordered the amount to be brought from the treasury. When they 
had brought it together, the Mullâ said : " Thank God that by 
means of my Nawâb I have seen so much coin." He ordered ali 
to be given to the Mullâ, so that he might now give thanks to 
God. He continually, both openly and secretly, gave large sums 
to dervishes and to learned men, and yearly sent money to people 
at a distance. The gatherings of men eminent in every science in 
his time were like the time of Sultan Husain K. and Mîr 
'Alî Şhîr. 

in fine, he was in courage, generosity, and political skill the 

greatest man of the age. But he was malevolent, worldly and 

time-serving to a very great extent. His favourite saying (bârgîr 

kalâmaşh, " The burden of his song ") was, " Enmity to an enemy 

should come out under the guise of friendship." This stanza was 

composed about him — 


A span in height and a hundred twists in the heart, 
A tiny handful of bones , and a hundred frauds. 

1 For barât see Irvine A. of M. 56. 
it was an order on the Treasury for 
payment. A tanka here probably 
m«aııs the same thing as a dam, viz., 
Jj, th of a rupee. 

* See Khazâna ' Amir», page 437, 
where it is said that the story is told 
in the Zakhîra-ul-Khvvânîn. Naîîrî 
died in Ahmadadad in 1021. 1612. 

S it would appear from this eouplot 
that the Khân-Khânân was sraall of 
stature. There is a play on the word 
girih in the first line,_as it means both 
a knot or tvcist, and a cubit. There 
is also a play on the word iahkil 
in the seeond line whieh means frauds, 
and also may mean ' figures ' (iskhâl). 



He served in the Deccan at intervals for thirty years VVhen- 
everlny of the prinees or officers came M his they saw 
robTdience and loyalty of the Deccan prinees tc , tam, and 
a^ ribel to him hypoerisy and sedition. So mueh was thxs the case 
Z Abü-l-faffre q uently gave judgment (fatwa) agamst h,m 
t a rebd in the reign of Jahangir he was suspected of fnendshıp 
teMrik"' Ambar, and so was dismissed. Muhammad M'^ a 
iştial servant of his became unf aithf ul to him £J^£ 
him to the king, saying that the correspondence of Mah ^ Amba 
tas with Shaikh • Abdu-s-Salâm, of Lucknow, who was .a, s™ 
o{ the Khân-Khânân. Mahâbat K. was ordered to xnqu 1 r- e mto he 
12r7 He7ortured the poor man, who died without openmg h» 

UPS ' The Khân-Khânân was one of the great officers of ^the Su^na* 
His name is perpetuated in the writings of the penod. in Akbar 
SLTdid relt deeds. Among them there are three .on sp.uous 
ones __the victory of Gujarât, the conquest of Semde and 
h defeat of Suhail K., of Bijapu, These have 
, tb in their place. With ali his W isdom and abıhty he had to 
^:SLtZ«, He did not withhold his hand from the love 
Z ndou, They say that he had a great avidity for court-ne 
so that every day two or three persons sent ^^itlsZl 
of couriers There were spies appomted m the court-houses, and 
onCand terraces (cabütra), and even in the -^j£^ 
streets who wrote every popular rumour. in the evenmgh read 
ı. i.v. Thpv sav that many thıngs were 

his ™™J™X\" ™1™ M. Rahmin Dâd, .k« 
Mpwâ7 K and Darab K. <-»ne w» ^- 

™- ı t sı m haine 'Abdu-r-Rahîm'» vakîl 
1 M'aşüm is mentioned in the Tuzuk X 8 - bemg ^ ^ 

and as having brought to Jahangir on h» behalf a valuable py 



he vvas adorned vvith spleııdid qualities, and his father loved him 
much. He died in Mahkar ' about the sanıe time as Shâh Newâz 
K. (i. e., M. Irij) passed avvay. No one had the courage to report 
it to the father. At the request of theladies, Hazrat Shâh 'Tsâ, of 
Scinde — raay his grave be holy — came to the house of the Khân- 
Khftnân and condoled with him and comforted him. Another son 
was Mirza 'Amr Ullah, who vvas the offspring of a slave-girl. He 
remained without education and died young. 

The best of the Khân-Khân's servants w as Mîyân Fahîm. 
Though it w as reported that he vvas a slave he was really a Rajput 
by descent. He was brought up like his son and possessed great 
ability and steadfastness. To his last breath he never failed in the 
night prayer, the forenoon prayer, and the prayer at sunrise. He 
loved dervishes. He ate with the soldiers like a brother, but he 
was of a hot disposition. The soıınd of the whip was ever loud. 

They sav' that one day he saw that Rajah Bikramâjit* Shah- 
Jahânî vvas reclining beside Dârâb K. on the same sofa. He 
abused him and said : ' ' Does a brahman like you sit alongside of the 
grandson of Bairâm K. Would that this one (Dârâb) had died 
instead of M. Trij." Both of them made excuses. When at last the 
Khân-Khânân's disposition had became alienated from him, he was 
brought to account about the faujdârî of Sarkar Bîjâgarh. He 
behaved very rudely to the Navvâb and slapped the face of Hâfiz 
Nasr Ulla vvho was theDivvân, and then lef t the city. They say 
that the Khân-Khânân went himself at midnight and brought him 
back. He was proverbial for courage and rash daring. When 
Mahâbat K. was planning the imprisonment of the Khân-Khânân, 
he in the first place vvanted to seduce Fahîm by the bribe of high 
raıık and other pıomises. He did not agree. Mahâbat K. said : 
" Hovv long w ili you plume yourself upon your soldiering?" 
Though Fahîm said to the Khân-Khânân that fraud and deceit 

I Sarkar Mahkar in Berar. J. Tl. 
230. 237. The Tûzuk 315 says he 
died in Bâlâpflr. I do not know why 
B. says (339) he was dissolute. Can 
hı- have road lchabısat for haisiyat ? 
Ti ip Trâuk jjives tıirn a high character 

and desoribes him as dying under 
heroie eircumstances. He died at 

2 Rajah Rai Rayân Sunar D5s. 
He was a brahman. See Maaşir II. 



vvere being practised, and that he should be on his guard against 
falling into disgrace and contempt ; he should arm himself and be 
ready to go to the Presence ; the Khan-Khanan did not agree. 
When he was put under arrest, Mahâbat K. previously sent the 
king's men against Fahîm. Fahim said to his son Fîrûz K.: 

« Watch the men for some time until I have performed my ablu- 
tions and said two prayers in peace." Af ter finishing them he 

vvith his son and forty of his servants gave up their lives for 

honour. 1 


Fifth son of islâm K. of Mashhad. After his father's death 
he received a suitable rank, and in the 30th year of Shah Jahan vvas 
made superintendent of the pages (darogha-i-khwmşân). in the 
secondyearof Aurangzeb he had the title of Khan, and in succes- 
sion to Himma K. Badakhshî vvas made darogha of the ghusal- 
khana. in the 23rd year he vvas made Master of the Horse in 
succession to Bahramand K., and in the 24th year he vvas removed 
from this post and made third bakhshi and received a jade inkstand 
in the 25th year corresponding to 1092, 1681, he died. 


His ancestors belonged to Andîjafi in the country of Ferdana 
(Kokhand). His father Abü-1-Hâsim vvas one of the leading 
Shaikhs of that country, and in the reign of Shah Jahan came to 
[ndia. ' Abdu-r-Rahîm vvas in his youth a favourite of Dârâ 
Shikoh. After the aceession of Aurangzeb he obtained service 
vvith him. and as he vvas observant of the Lavv he acquired consi- 
deration and received a suitable rank and the title of Khân. in 
the 26th year he vvas appointed to the chamberlainship (hajâbat) * 
of Bijapur, and on returning from the re he received the present of 
an elephant. in the 32nd year he vvas appointed, in succession to 

1 B. 338-339. See Darbârî A 646. 
Tk» Darbârî A. says his name is stili 
proverbial in India for courage. 

2 Maasir A. 228 and 255. Ap- 
parently hajâbat here and in other 
places nıeans being sent as an envoy. 


Bijapur had not been conquered then. 
in tlıe 20th year we find 'Abdu-r- 
Rahîm taking part in the çonversioıı 
of two Hindu boys. Maasir A., p. 273. 
For other notices of 'Abdu-r-Rahim 
see also pp. " ■ ■- 335 and 349. 



Muhsin K., to the charge of the Biyütât (household matters). 
When in the 33rd year the fort of Râhîrî was taken he was ap- 
pointed to take possession of the effects there. Af terwards , on the 
death of M'utamid K., he was appointed also superintendent of the 
brtnding and the verifieation ' (dâgh n taşhîha). in the 36th year 
corresponding to 1103, 1692, he died. He had several sons. The 
second son was Mir N'aamân K. , and his son Mir 'Abdu-1-Mannân 
came to the Deccan and was for a time a servant in the household 
of Nizâmu-1-mulk Âşaf Jâh. At last he confined himself to his 
house. He composed poetry, and his pen-name was 'Itrat (a ball 
of acent). This verse is his : 


How shall I tame thy wild-deer eyes, 

Haply I may make the knots of my heart a net for thee. 

The eldest of his ('Abdu-1-Mannân's) sons was M'utamidu-d- 
daula Bahâdur Siıdâr Jang. He was Şalâbat Jang's diwân, and 
died in 1188, 1774-75. His second son Mir N'aamân K. was killed 
in a Mahratta battle in the time of Salâbat Jang. The third Mîr 
' Abdu-1-Qâdir died of disease in his youth. The fourth, Ahsanu-d- 
daula Bahâdur Sharza Jang, and fifth, Mafawwaz UUah K. Bahâdur 
Jang Ikatâz, are stili alive, and are friends of the writer. 


He is the son of Âllâmî Fahânıî (the very learned) Shaikh 
Abü-1-fazl. He was brought up in his father's service, in the 35tb 
year of Akbar's reign the brothers daughter of S'aâdat Yâr Koka 
was given to him in marriage. When a son was born, the king 
gave him the name of Bishotan, which was the name of Isfandyâr's 
. brother who was one of the heroes of Persia. At the time when S. 
Abü-1-faşl was commander-in-chief in the Deccan, Âbdu-r-Rahmân 
was the '^arrow at the mouth of the Shaikh's cpıiver." VVhenever 
there was any' '\vork to be done, and wherever there was an 
urgency, th« Shaikh sent off 'Abdu-r-Rahmân there, and he by 
courage and smartness accomplished the task. in the 46th year 

1 B. 250, n. 3, who says it is " life-eertificate " : see Irvine 46 and 53. 



vvhen Malik 'Ambar the Abyssinian captured 'Alî Mardan Bahâdur 
the governor of Telingâna in battle, and took possession of 
that counwy, the Shaikh sent ' him from the bank of the God- 
avery with a brave army in that direction. He also sent Sher 
Khwâja, whowas in Pâthrî,* to help him S. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân in 
conjunction with Sher Khwâja crossed the Godavery near Nander, 
(Nandair of I. G.) and engaged Malik 'Ambar near the river Man- 
jara and obtained a victory.* Certainly S. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân was by 
skill and bravery the fortune (rozgâr) of the Shaikh (A. F.). in 
spite of the feelings which he on account of his father entertained 
towards Jahangir he served the latter well and was favoured by 
him. He received the title of Af şal K. and the rank of 2000. in 
the third year he was promoted by an increase of rank and by being 
appointed to the charge of Bihar and Patna in the room of islâm 
K. (A. F.'s brother-in-law). As Gorakhpür, which is 60 kos from 
Patna, was given to him in fief, he lef t S. Husâin Banarasî and 
Ghiyâs Beg, who were the bakhsU and the diıvân of the province, 
in charge, along with a number of other officers, and \vent off to 
Gorakhpür. By chance an unknown man by name Qutb * from 
Üchcame to the country oi Ujaina(Bhojpür),which is near Patna, 
in the disguise of a dervish and gave himself out as Sultan Khusrau 
and enticed the seditious there by various devices, and got them 
to join him. in a short time he collected a foree and proceeded 
on the vvings of swiftness to Patna and entered the fort. S. 
Banarasî was too bewüdered to make the fort secure. Together 
with Ghiyâs Beg he got out by a window on to a boat and fled. 
The rebels took possession of the Afzal K.'s goods and of the 
royal treasure, and af ter proclaiming the administration of justice 
set about collecting men. As soon as Afoal K. heard the news he 

1 A.N. III. 789. 

2 Patri of the maps, W. Nandair. 
8 A.N. III. 791, but the fruits of 

the viet ory were soon lost. See 1. c 

+ See Elliot VI, 321, and Tüzük J. 
83, 84, and B. XXXV, XXXVI. 
The affair öccurred on 4 Şafr 1018, 18 
April 1610. Bishotan the son of 

'Abdu-r-Rahmân died in 15th yeai' of 
Shah Jahan's reign. B. XXXVI. 
'Abdu-i'-Raluuân died in 1613. 
Though Gorakhpür is the name given 
here and in the Tüzük as the fief of 
'Abdu r-Rahman, I believe that it 
should be Kharakpür, for it was that 
place which was given him as fief. 



hastened to punish the rioters. The impoator strengthened the 
fort and prepared for battle on the banks of the Pun-Pun. After 
a short struggle his troops were dispersed, and he came to the fort 
a second time. Afzal K. followed close at his heels and entered 
the fort. The impostor after causing the deaths of some people 
was captured and executed. When Jahangir heard of the affair, 
he issued ' an order that the bakhşhi and dîwan and the other 
offieers who had shown slackness in protecting the city should 
have their heads and beards shaved, be clothed in \vomen's head- 
dress (m'ijar) and be placed on donkeys with their faces to the 
tail and sent off to court Alsö that they should be pilloried in 
the cities and towns on the road, so that they might be a warning 
to other cowards and short-sighted men. At the same time Afzal 
K. was attacked by a sudden illness and was summoned to court. 
After he had paid his respects he suffered from an abscess for 
a long time and died in the 8th year. 


Sixth son of Nazr Muhammad K. in the 19th year of Shah 
Jahan Prince Murâd Bakhsh \vent with a large army and — -after 
Nazr Muhammad K. with his two sons Subhân Qulî and Qutlaq 
Muhammad had fled — took possession of Balkh; he summoned 
Bahrâm and 'Abdu-r-Rahmân the sons of Nazr Muhammad, and 
his grandson Kustum, who was the son of Khusrau, and made * 
them över to Lohrâsp K. in the 20th year S'aîd Ullah K., who, 
after the resignation of the Prince, had been appointed to settle 
the country, sent in accordance with orders ali thıee to court along 
\vith Rajah Bethal Dâs and others. On their arrival the Şadru-s- 
Şadür Saiyid Jalâl received them at the Khiyabân (avenue) and 
brought them into the Presence. The king presented Bahrâm- with 
a robe of honour, a cârçab sewn with gold, a jîgha (turban-orna- 
ment), and a decorated dagger, a phûl katara, and conferred on 
him the rank of 5000 with 1000 horse, and two horses with golden 
saddles, ten 8 taqüz (nine pieces) of cloth and a lac of shâhls, vvhich 

1 Khâfî K. I. 261. This punishment 
was \vitnessed bj T Ha\vkins. Hawkins' 
Voyages, Hakhıyt Sooiety , 1878, p. 434. 

2 PâdşhShnâma II. 541. 

3 B. 364, notu 2. qıı. 90 pieyes 



amount to Rs. 25,000. To 'Abdu-r-Rahmân he gave a robe, a 
jîgha, a decorated dagger. a horse with golden trappings. and 
five taqûz (nine pieces) (45?) of cloth. To Rustum he gave a 
robe of honour and a horse. ' Abdu-r-Rahmân. who was the 
youngest of the brothers. had a daily allowance of Rs. 100 and was 
made över to Dârâ Shikoh. 

ı he Begam Sâhib (Shah Jahan's eldest daughter) sent for the 
Khân's (Nazr Muhammad) wives and soothed and comforted them 
in various ways. Afteroards, at various times he received presents 
of horses, elephants, and cash. When Balkh was given back to 
Nazr Muhammad, he, after various disturbances with the Uzbegs 
and Almânân, and after putting them down and acquiring a s-ettled 
power, moved the king for the return of his sons and their connec- 
tions (wives, ete.). Inasmuch as Khusrau had been on bad terms 
with his father before the taking of Balkh and Badakhshan and had 
come to the Presence, he was neither sent for by his father nor was he 
willing to go to him. Bahrâm, too, would not turn away from the 
pleâsures of India. in the 23rd year 'Abdu-r-Rahman received a 
robe of honour, a decorated jîgha, a sword and dagger, and a shield 
with ornamented armour, and two horses with gilded saddles and 
Rs. 30,000 in cash, and went off with his father's ambassador 
Yâdgâr Chûlâq. When he came to his father, the latter gave him 
the territory of Ghori. Subhân Qulî the fourth son was displeased 
and came to Balkh. with 1000 cavalry and put the Khân into diffi- 
culty, so that he was obliged to recall 'Abdu-r-Rahmân. 'Abdu- 
r-Rahmân was going back when the Qalmâqs — who were on good 
terms with Subhân Quli — blocked the road, made him prisoner and 
took him before Subhân Quli. He imprisoned him , but 'Abdu-r- 
Rahmân won över his guards and in the 24th j^ear arriv^ed at court. 
and was given a robe of honour, a decorated jîgha, a phûl katara, 
and the rank 4000 \vith 500 horse, a horse with gilded saddle, an 
elephant, and Rs. 20,000 in cash. in the 25th year, \vhen news 
came of the death of Nazr Muhammad K., Khûsrau, Bahrâm 'and 
'Abdu-r-Rahman his sons received mourning dresses. in the 26th 
year, when he showed improper conduet, the king grew displeased 
with him and sent him to Bengal. After Aurangzeb sate on 
the throne, he was in the army-centre in the battle with Şhujâ-' 



(and on his side). When ghuja' fled, he joined the king. Up to 
13th year he and Bahrâm were alive arid occasionally received 
presents in cash and horses and elephants from the king. 


At first he was servant of Abü-1-Hasan K. ruler of Haidarabad, 
and had the title of Mustafa K. When Aurangzeb in the 29th 
year of his reign invested the fort of Goleonda where Abû-1- Hasan 
had taken refuge, most of the servants of the latter owing to the 
necessity of the time turned to Aurangzeb and received high posts 
and titles. But 'Abdu-r-Razzâq was faithful to his salt, and con- 
tinually sallied from the fort and attacked the batteries, and 
never spared himself . A royal firman holding out hopes to hini . 
which was sent in order to conoiliate him,'was rejected by him on 
account of his loyalty, and he töre ' it in pieces with expressions of 
disgust. One night when the king's officers, in concert with sonıe 
of the garrîson, entered the fort, and there was a great uproar, he 
\vithout stopping to gird up his loins, got upon a horse \vith a chârj- 
âma(a saddle-cloth, a saddle without a tree) and a sword and shield, 
and with some 10 or 1 2 followers rushed * to the gate. When the 
royal troops had negotiated the gate of the city-wall and were 
advancing to the citadel like a flood of evil, 'Abdü-r-Razzâq met 
them and smote with his sword every one who appröached. He 
vvas wounded by the imperial troops and had twelve wounds on his 
face, till'at last the skin of his forehead covered his eyes, and his 
horse carried him oif to under a (cocoanut) *' tree near the citadel. 
Someone recognised him and had compassion on him and took 
him to his house. When the occurrence became known to the 
officers, and by them was told to the king, he approved of his 
loyalty and sent surgeons * to him. 

They say that when a hope of his recovery was reported to 
Aurangzeb, he sent him a message that he should send his sons for 
service and that he himself too would obtain service. He after 

1 Khâfi K. II. 360. 

i Do. 362. 

3 Do. 363. and Stanley. 



Poole's Aurangzeb, pp. 18Ö-87. 

* " Two Indian and European sur- 
geons," Khâfi K. 366. 



rpturning thanks said * that though his tough «istence had not 
come to an end, yet he was wounded hand and foot and could 
not serve Even if he could serve, one V hose flesh and skin (goşht 
u post) had been nourished by Abü-1-Hasan's salt could not serve 
King 'Âlamgîf. The king's countenance showed displeasure at 
this reply, but from a feeling of justice he ordered that when he 
had quite recovered, his condition should he reported. When he 
had recovered, an order was sent to the governor of Haidarabad 
that he should comfort him and send him to the Presence. As he 
again refused. an order was given to send him as a pnsoner. 
KhânFîrüz*Jang interceded for him and summoned hım before 
himself He kept him for some time with him and brought hım 
round in the 38th year he received the rank of 4000 with 3000 
horse and was enrolled among the servants, and received the title 
of Khân, and the gift of a horse and an elephant, and W as made 
faujdâr of Rahirî. in the 40th year he acquired renown as faujdar 
of the Konkan 'Âdil Shâhf, which is on the sea-shore and near 
the port of Goa. Afterwards, he by urgency obtained leave to go 
to Mecca, and set off. After coming to his home in Lâr (Persıa) 
he went into retirement there. The king, on hearing of hım, sent 
his (<Abdu-r-Razzâq's) son <Abdu-l-Karîm with afirmân, summon- 
ing him and a thousand young * men of Lâr. Meanwhıle news 
oame that he, at the summons of the king of Persia, had left his 
home and died on the road. Two sons, one Razzâq Quh K and 
the second, Muhammad Khalil, were in Aurangabad and hved and 
died on their jagîrs. The writer was acquainted with the second 


diler jang. 

A descendant of Khwaja Âhrâr. His uncle Khwâja Zechariah 
had two daughters, one of whom he gave to him in marriage, and 

1 " Two Indian and European sur- 
geons," Khâfi 367. 
s Do. 373. 
S Maa&ir. A. 387. 
♦ Do. 459. A cheque on Surat 

for Rs. 50,000 vvas also sent. There 
is a good account of 'Abdu-r-Bazzaq 
inMajor Haig's Historic Landmarks of 
the Deccan. 



the other was the wife of I'tmâdu-d-daula Muhammad Amîn K 
Bahâdur. Saifu-d-daula came to India in the time of Auramrzeb 
and at fin* had the rank of 400. I» the reign of Bahâdur Shâh 
his rank rose to 700. I„ the battle of the fourprinces, the sonsof 
Bahâdur Shâh, he jo i ne d with Zü-l-fiqâr K. and distinguished him- 
self m the slaying of Sultan Jahân Shah. I n reward he got high 
rank. In the reign of Farrukh Siyar his rank was 5000 with 5000 
horse and he had the title of Diler K. and was made governor of 
Lahore. He was appointed to finish the campaign against the 
bıkh Gürü vvho from the time of Bahâdur Shâh had practised 
varıous kınds of oppression in tlıat country över both Muhamma- 
dans and Hindus. The Khân-Khânân Mun'im K. had been sent 
wıth 30,000 cavalry to chastise him and had besieged him in 
Lohgarha, and the emperor had himself göne in that direction, but 
the Gutu had escaped from the fort. Aftenvards Muhammad 
Amin was sent in pursuit of him with a large force. but was not 

The history of the Sikh tribe is this. Formerly Nânak Râm, a 
aqu,r, became notorious in that country. He attracted many 
oUowers ; especially from among the Khettris of the Panjab ffi, 
followers were called Sikhs. A large number collected, and they 
proceeded to oppı . ess the country-side. They laid hands on and 
plundered everyone whom they found from the city (Delhi) up to 
near Lahore. Some faujdârs leffc their parganas and came to 
court, and some who remained lost their property and their lives 
At the time of writing also the province of Lahore and part of the 
provmce of Multan are in possession of this tribe. The Shâh 
Durrânî armies which are in possession up to Kabul have önce or 
tvvıce suffered defeat at their hands and have withdrawn from 
attackmg their country. 

Diler Jang showed cour age an d skill in this affair and estab- 
lısJıed himself vvith a large force near Garhî (Gürdâspûf ) , which is the 
remdence of the Gürü. The Sikhs carne out several times and had 
hand-to-hand fights. The Khân remained firm and stopped the 
comıng in of supplies. After a long time, when they were in 
straıts from want of gra in, and many had been reduced to misery 
they sent a message asking that their lives should be spared and 



brought ' their leader, with his young son, the divrân, and those 
who had escaped the sword. He put a number to death and 
brought the Gürü (Banda) and some others to oourt. For this 
good service he was revvarded by the rank of 7000 with 7000 horse, 
and the title of Saifu-d-daula (Sword of the State). On the day of 
arrival at the capital he by orders put some of the prisoners into 
collars (takhta-u-kalah) and caps and brought them into the city. 
This affair occurred in 1127, 1715. In the 5th * year of Farrukh 
Siyar and while Saifu-d-daulah was governor (of the Panjab), 
'Isâ K. Mabîn was put to death. He had gradually come from the 
position of a zamindar to that of a royal servant and had become 
a leader, and behaved with haughtiness (exhaled the breath of " I 
and no other)." An account of him has been given in his biogra- 
phy. ? When Husain K. Khvveshgl, the talüqdâr of Qasür, which is 
18 kos from Lahore and on the way to Multan, became rebellious 
and indulged in presumptuous ideas, in the time of Rafîu-d-daula , 
Saifu-d-daula took the field against him, and after much fighting 
put an end to him. In the 3rd year of Muhammad Shâh he 
came to court and was graciously reeeived. In the 7th year when 
the government of the province of Lahore was given to his son 
Zechariah, who was the brother-in-law of I'tmâdu-d-daula Qama- 
ru-d-dîn K., he was made governor of Multan. He died in 1150,* 
L 737-38. He was a valiant commander, and cultivated much the 
men of his own country. 


grandson of S. Muhammad Tâhir " Bohra who lived in Pattan- 
Gujarât. Muhammad Tâhir was adorned with excellences and 

1 Khâfî K. II. 761, ete, and the 
Siyar Mutakharîn, translation 1.801, 
ete. EUiot, VII. 456. 

2 The executions took place in 
Mulıarram 1127, January 1715. Itwas 
the 4th year of FarrukhSiyar's reign. 

S Maasir, II, 825. 

* Beale »ays he died in 1739, 1151- 
52, during the invaaion of Nâdir 


5 " Most remote, i.e., highest or 
best of Qâzis." 

ö See biography in Mirât Ahmadî 
lith. ed., Part II, 77, and in Khazîna 
Aşfiyâ, I. 436. S. 'Ali Mutt5qî İ3 men- 
tioned in Rieıı, I. 356,a. There is a 
notice of him in the Safînau-1-Auliyâ. 
There is a notice of 'Ali Muttâqî 
Chishtî in the K. Aşfiyâ, I, 429. 



perfectioıis and went to the holy places (Mecca), and (there) 
met in with Shaikh ' Alî Muttaqî — May God have mercy on him ! 
He became his disciple, and succeeded in becoming the unique of 
the age for piety, asceticism and the science of Tradition. When 
he returned to his native counfcry, he did away with the heresies 
in belief and practice which had become prevalent in his tribe, 
and laboured to put down the Mahdavî sect of the followers of 
Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpür. For the use of students of 
theology he drew up a Rule (Midâd) in accordance with the last 
precepts of his Shaikh, and gave expository lectures thereon. 
He used to say why should one man be hindered • by another (?). 
The Mujma'-al-bahâr gharîba-1-laghâtu-l-Hadîth, " The gathering 
of the seas of the rare words of Tradition " , is a well-known work 
of his. in 986, 1578, a number of men attacked him on the road 
beîtween Ujjain and Sârangpür and killed * him. They say he had 
made a vow that until the blackness of Shîism 3 and other heresies 
had been cleansed from the hearts of his tribe he would not bind 
his turban on his head. When in 980, 1572-73, Akbar entered 
Gujarât, he had an interview \vith the Shaikh and with his own 
hand fastened on his turban, and said, " The satisfaction of your 
vow is in my charge." He appointed M. 'Azîz Koka to the 
government of that eountry, and the Shaikh, with the help of 
the Mîrzâ, abolished many of the customs of his tribe. Af ter some 
time, when the government teli to one of the Persian Amîrs, that 
set with his (the new governor's) help became perverted again, 
and the Shaikh took the turban off his head , and set off towards 
Agra. in spite of the warning of Saiyid Wajî-u-d-dîn* Gujrâti, 
he would not be dissuaded, and then there happened what 
happened (i. e., his murder). His body was taken from Malwa to 

l PerhapB the meaning is, ' • Why 
should one not be benefited by the 
knowledge of another ? " 

* The Mirât Ahmadî II. 77 gives 
date as Shawâl 986, 6 December, 
1578. The same work also states that 
the name of the son of 'Abdu-1-Wahâb 
who is known as Şhaikh-ul-Islâm was 

Muhammad İkram. 

s taahiya' . Perhaps it means here 
sectarianism or heresy, and not the 
speciai doctrines of the Shias. 

* it appears from the Tabaqât 
Akbari, litlı. ed., pp. 393, 395, that 
there vvere two sainta of this name. 



Nahrwâla, whieh is another name for Pattan, and was buried in 
the tomb of his ancestors. 

Qâzî 'Abdu-1-Wahâb had great skill in the science of theology, 
and in the time of Shah Jahan was for a long period Qâzi of 
Pattan, which was his birth-place. When Prince Aurangzeb was 
appointed to the government of ttıe Deccan the Qâzî hastened to 
serve him and was received with honour. From the time that 
Aurangzeb sate upon the throne of India 'Abdu-1-Wahâb acted as 
Qâzî of the army and was highly considered. None of his 
predecessors held such a dignified position as he, for the king was 
disposed to uphold religious- principles, considering that the 
maintenance of so wide a country depended upon the penal laws 
(for heresy). The qâzls of the cities and towns used in concert 
with the governors and magistrates to seli the right of retaliation 1 
for gold. The Qâzî of the Presence — who shewed himself as an 
ascetic and a stickler for religion — reformed matters in every 
particular and spread out the barıner of " I and no other." The 
high officers were afraid of him and burnt with envy. Yet with 
ali this (piety, ete.) they say that the Qâzî had a long arm for haul- 
ing and snatehing, and colleeted large sums of money. Mahâbat 2 
Luhrâsp was fanıous for his audacity, and önce when he was sent 
off to the Deccan campaign and had halted for some days in the 
vicinity of the capital to get advajıces 3 for the troops he found out 
that three or four lacs of rupis worth of Kashmır and Agra goods, 
which had been purehased by the Qâzî, were being sent along with 
the goods of merehants to Ahmadabad. He was on bad terms 
with the Qâzî and he laid hold of ali the things and gave them to 
the soldiers as maintenance. When this was reported to the king, 
Mahâbat replied that out of necessity he had borrowed the goods 
from the merehants and that he would return them with the profît 
thereon. The Qâzî saw that he could do nothing but wink at the 
transaction. İn the 17th 6 year on account of continued illness 

1 Sar ba zar mi farok-htand " sold 
blood for bullion." But there aıe 
various readings. 

* Khâfi K., II. 216. H.; was the 
second son of the Mahâis&t of Jahan 
gir's reigrı. 

j7 masâ'ada. See Blochmann, 265. 

♦ Kltâfî K. adds that Mahâbat 
proposed that the Qâzi should esti 
mate the profît ' 

i Maıuir 'Alamgîrî, 143. 



he was oblîged to go from Hasan Abdal to the capital. Saiyid 
' Alî Akbar Qâzî of Lahore was appointed as his deputy. ]n the 
beginning of the 19th year, 18 Ramzân 1086, 26 November 1675 
o. s., he died in Shahjahanabad (Delhi). 

He had four sons. The eldest was Shaikhu-I-lslâm who was 
made Qâzi of the capital. He came to the king in obedience to a 
summons on the death of his father and was made Qâzî of the 
camp. There was no hypocrisy in his piety. He did not take a 
single dâm of the property left by his father and vvhich amounted 
to a lac of aşArafls 1 and five lacs of rupees, besides jewels, ete, but 
distributed his share to the other heirs. He led a good life. He 
perceived the turbulence of the age in which men were prone to 
lying and violence, and did not deeide disputes upon evidence and 
witnesses but exerted * himself in order to bring plaintiff and 
defendant to an agreement. 

They * say that the king asked his advice about the lawful- 
ness of the expeditions against Bijâpür and Haidarabad, and that 
he gave a reply contrary to the king's wishes. İn the 27th year 
he had a divine cali 6 and withdrew from service and shook out 
worldly affairs from his skirt. in spite of royal favours, and in- 
stigations, he would not turn back or withdraw from his abandon- 
ment of service. At his recommendation, the office of Qâzî of the 
camp (Urdu) was bestowed on Saiyid Abû S'aîd, the son-in-law of 
Qâzî 'Abdu-1-Wahâb, who was in the capital. in the 28th year he 
took leave to go to Mecca, and on his return to Surat, Aurangzeb 
sent for him and lavished favours on him. For instance 8 he sev- 
eral times with his own blessed hands smeared : atr on his garments, 
and pressed him to accept the Qâzıship and the örfice of Şadr. 
He refused, and begged to be allowed to go for a \vhile to his honıe, 
in order that he might visit the totnbs of his ancestors and see his 
family, and then come back. After that he used to pray to God 
that he might not again be defiled by the king's business. in the 
42nd year an affeetionate order was sent along \vith his brother 

I id. 148. 

< Khâfi K . II. 247, «İm sa\« there 
were two laca ol ashrafis. 
3 Khâfî K., II. 379. 

4 Khâfî K., II. 343. 

5 Maaşir 'Alamgîri, 23'J. 

6 Klıâfî K... II. 414. 



Nüru-l-haqq to the effect that on coming to the Presence he would 
get the office of Şadr if he would take it, As he was helpless he 
unwillingly set out from Ahmadabad, for he was always eager to be 
with the real Lord and anxious not tu mix in state-matters. At 
the same time he was taken dangerously ili and he died in the year 
1109, 1698 (Ut., he hastened to the quarter to which he had been 
attracted). The king grieved for his death and said, " Happy he 
in that after pilgrimage he has not defiled himself with worldly 
affairs. " in this Timuride dynasty of 200 years there has been no 
Qâzî like him for honesty and piety. While he w as Qâzi he was 
always seeking to retire. The king did not let him go till on the 
occasion of the affair of Bijâpür, which was a war against Muham- 
madans, he withdrew himself. ' 

Those who seli religion for worldliness (dîn ba danyâ, " faith 
for fortune "), regard this noble office as a very easy one and spend 
money in bribes (to obtain it) in order that by doing away with 
the rights of men they may extort a hundred times more. They 
regard nikâhâna (fees on marriage) and mahrana (fees on dowers) 
as more their due than their mother's milk. What shall be said of 
the hereditary Qâzîs of the tovvnships, for to be in touch with 
science is the lot of enemies (i. e., is a misfortune), and the registers 
of the despândya (village-accountants) and the \vords of zamindars 
are their law and holy books. Though in honour of Qâzîs there is 
the " tradition " with reference to knowledge and praetice that out 
of every three Qâzîs one is paradisaical, Khwâjah Muhammad 
Pârsâ— may his tomb be holy— has said in the Faşl-ul-Khitâb, 
"Yes, that paradisaical Qâzî is there, but he is a Qâzî of para- 
dise" (i.e., not an earthly Qâzl). VVho can estimate the 
irregularities and darkness of this tribe who are worse than 
ignorant ? 

That deceased (the Shaikhu-1-islâm) had four children. Among 
them was Shaikh Sirâju-d-dln who w as the diwâıı of Berar. He 
renounced 3 the imperial pay (?) and at last assumed the cdoak of 

i See KhâflK.'seulogiumlI, 438-39. 

2 Rieu Cat. II. 862, 864. The book 
Ls an aceoıınt of the twelve Imâms. 
Hedied in Medina S22 A.H., 1410 A. D. 

3 Zühal pâdshâhl ta mrf Sıvarda. 
" He turned avvay from the roj al 

moneys. ' ' ( y ) 



a dervish, and became the disciple of Khvvâja ' Abdu-r-Rahmân 
who for a long time had said goodbye to rank and income and had 
knocked at the door of reliance upon God and become a master of 
ecstacy and vision. After the death of Aurangzeb he came vvith 
his Şhaikh to the capital and died at his appointed time. Another 
son was Muhammad ikram who was long the Şadr of Ahmadabad. 
He got the title of Shaikh-al-Islâm and at last became blind and 
retired to Surat. He died in the time of the present sovereign 
(Khusrau-i-Zamân). 1 Among the sons of Qâ?î ' Abdu-1-Wahâb 
were Nüru-1-Haqq and ' Abdu-1-Haqq who were extremely like one 
another in appearanee. One day the king vvas in doubt as to 
vvhich was which. The elder was Provost-marshal (ihtisâb) of the 
army, and the other was darogha of the Presence. The son of 
' Abdu-1-Haqq Muhammad, Muhammad M'uâlî Khân was addicted 
to drink and enamoured of music. He himself used to perform 
vvithout any shame. He was very fond of hunting. He was for 
a long time during the present reign janjdâr of Malkâpûr in Berar, 
vvhich is 18 kos from Burhânpür. Eighteen years ago, more or 

less, he died. 

it should be knovvn that bohara means a merchant in the 
Indian language. As many of this tribe are merchants they have 
become knovvn by this name. They say that about 450 years 
before this, at the exhortations of a learned man nam ed Mullâ * 
'Alî, and whose tomb is in Cambay, a number of the people of 
Gujarât, who at that time were for the most part idolaters, 
embraced the Muhammadan religion. As that person belonged to 
the Imâmîya sect they ali joined it. After that vvhen Sultan 
Ahmad, who was a confidential officer of Fîrüz §hâh; the king of 
Delhi, came to the country and spread the Muhammadan religion, 
some of the people aforesaid became Sunnîs at the teaching of 
the ' Ulama of the time who were ali of that religion. As 
betvveen the two parties there have prevailed^ f rom of old strife 
and contention the dust of dispute has arisen betvveen them. 



l Mr. Irvine observes that Khusraa- 
İ-Zâman ıneans reigning sovereign , and 
therefore means here Muhammad Shalı. 

i MirSt Ahıııarti, II. S6, vvhere 
there is a long aocount ai the Borahs. 

1 Those who have remained Shîas alvvays adhere to a pious and 
learned man of their ovvn tribe and bring before him the questions 
of the Law. They send one-fifth of their property to the Raiyids 
of Medina, and they give alms to the learned headman above 
spoken of, and he distributes them amcng the poor of the tribe 


also called Saiyid Miyân. At first he was servant of Shah 
' Alam Bahâdur. He was appointed along with Ruh Ullah K. in 
the affair of the Konkan, and in the 26th year of Aurangzeb 
he reeeived the rank of 1000 vvith 600 horse and entered the royal 
service. İn the 28th year he went with the abovementioned 
prince to chastise Abü-1-Hasan, ruler of Haidarabad, and in 
that campaign did good service, and was vvounded. a One day 
vvhen he had charge of the rear-guard. and there vvas a hot engage- 
ment, he drove off the enemy and came to the assistance of his 
ovvn right and left vvings. VVhen on that day the enemy had 
vvounded Bindrâban 3 the prince's divvân and vvere driving off his 
elephant ) Abdullah attacked them and after a struggle released 
the divvân and brought him vvith him. As during the siege of 
Bijapur the prince became an object of suspicion to his father, and 
some of his companions vvere ordered to be dismissed, an order 
vvas also issued about ' Abdullah, and he vvas * imprisoned. After- 
vvards* by the intercession of Ruh Ullah K., he vvas made över to 
him to be kept under surveillance ; gradually by Ruh Ullah's 
influence his faults vvere forgiven. When during the siege of 
Golconda, Rüh Ullah K. came to court, upon summons, from 
Bijapur, 'Abdullah was left there as his deputy. After some 
time he vvas made substantive governor there. in the 32nd 
year, vvhen nevvs came that s Râmâ, the brother of Sambhâ 
Bhonsla, had fled from the fort of Rahîrîgarha which Zülfiqâr K. 

1 Compare this vvith the Mirât 
Ahmadî l.c, p. 87, which seetns to 
ascribe these eustoms both to the 
Sunnîs and the Shîas of the Boran 
tribe. Manucci refers to ' Abdu-1- 
VVahâb, I. 381, II. S, 188, and there 
is a portrait of him at III. 210. 

5 KhSfi K., II. 303. 

s Author of the Lubbu-t-tawârîkh. 
Elliot, VII. 168, «nd Rie^ 1 I. 2286. 
♦ Khâfi K., II. 32 1. 

6 Rajah Ram M. 'Âlamgîrî, 327. 



was besieging, and of his having taken refuge in the territory of 
the ruler above mentioned ( Abü-1- Hasan) , an order was sent to 
' Abdullah to search for him and to arrest hira. He marched three 
days and three nights and came upon him. Many influential 
leaders were soized, but Râmâ himself escaped. On this account, 
in spite of such great services, the king was not pleased. Besides 
this, as an order had been given for confining the prisoners in the 
citadel of Bijapur, and several of these escaped from such a place, 
' Abdullah was in that year removed from Bijapur. in the 33rd 
year he was made favjdâr of Nandair in succession to Sirdâr 
K. He died at his appointed time. He had many sons, 1 two 
of whom were highly distinguished, viz., Qutbu-l-mulk 'Abdullah 
K. and the Amîru-1-Umarâ Husain 'Alî K. Of the others there 
was Saiyid Najmu-d-dîn 'Alî K. Accounts of ali three have been 


son of Mîr Khwânanda. From his early years he was cherish- 
ed and employed by Akbar, and attained to the rank of 700. 
in the 9th year he was appointed, along with other officers, to 
pursue 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, who had fled from Malwa to Gujarât. 
in the 17th year when there was an intention to conquer Gujarât, 
and the Khân Kalan was sent on in advance, he was chosen as 
one to accompany him. in the 18th year he was sent off with 
Mozaffâr K. who had been appointed to Malwa. in the 19th year, 
when the king went in person to the eastern districts, he was one 
of his attendants. Aftervvards when the Khân-Khânân was ap- 
pointed to conquer Bengal, he accompanied him. On the day of 
the battle with Dâüd the son of Sulaimân Kararânî, he was in the 
van-guard with the Khân 'Alam. From there he for some reason 
came to court. in the 2 İst year he was sent off by relays of 
horses to the eastern diatricts to convey to the officers the news of 
the king's approach. in the middle of that year he brought the 
news of victory and travelled a great distance in eleven days and 
arrived at court and was received with favour. So much gold and 
sil ver was poured into his skirt that he could not carry it off. 

I The famous Saiyids of Bârha. 

B. 465. 



They say that when the king had sent him off, he said to him, 
" You'll bring news of a victory." in the 25th year, when Khân 
A'zim Koka was appointed to Bengal to put down the rebellion, 
the Khân in question was sent off along with him. He was in the 
left wing at the battle between Shahbâz K. and M'aşüm K. Faran- 
khüdî. As things did not go right in the pro vince, 1 he was, in 
the end of the 31styear (995), sent off to Qâsim K. who had been 
appointed to the government of Kashmir. One day, when it was his 
turn to be on duty, he cleared a small hill of the enemy, but as 
he was returning without proper arrangements, when he came to 
the defile, the rebels assailed him on every side with arrows and 
bullets, and nearly 300 2 men lost their lives. The Khân died in 
the same province of fever in the 34th year, 997, 1589. 


Fourth son of Ş'aîd K. Bahâdur Zafar Jang. 3 As by good for- 
tune and good service his father was continually being advanced, 
he attained a suitable rank. in the 13th year of Shah Jahan he 
was made the protector of Lower Bangash. in the 17th year his 
rank . was 1000 with 400 horse and he was given leave to join 
his father in Qandahar. When his father died in the 25th year, 
'Abdullah'a rank was 2000 with 1500 horse, and in the end of the 
same year he had the title of Khân and the gift of a horse with a 
silvern saddle. He was sent off with Prince Aurangzeb who had 
been appointed for the second time to the Qandahar campaign. 
Afterwards he was for a long time in charge of the city of Kabul, 
in the 31st year his rank was 2000 with 2000 horse and he had the 
gift of a flag and drum, and afterwards he had an increase of 500 
and the gift of a drum. He was attached to Sultan Sulaimân 
Shikoh who had been appointed to act against Sultan Shujâ'. 
Aftenvards, when the heavens assumed a new aspect, and Dârâ 

1 viz. the eastern districts. See 
A.N. III. 51 fi. 

* AN. III. 522. According to B. 

465 he was killed on thİB oocasion. 

The circumstance is not mentioned 

by A. F. The statement in the Maasir 


is derived from Badayûnî, Lowe 380, 
who says that Saiyid 'Abdullah, 
whom he calls Chaugânbegî, died of ,. 
fever a year after the engagerıent 
with Y'aq5b. 

8 Blochmann 466. 





Shikoh af ter the battle of Samogarh fled to T;ahore, he separated 
froın the above-mentioned prince and entered the service of 
Aurangzeb. He received a robe of honoıır, and the title of S'aîd 
K. and his rank became 3000 with 2500 horse. No further account 
of hirtı appears. 


One of the offieers of Hümâyûn, and he was among those who 
were magnanimous and jeoparded their lives, in Akbar's time, 
after the vietory över Hemü he received the titie of Shujâ'at K., 
and was made fief-holder of Kâlpî. As in the conquest of Malwa 
he had assisted Adham K. and had become acquainted with the 
country, in the 7th year, when Pir Muhammad K. Shirwânî, 
the governor there, was drowned in the Narbada, and Bâz Bahâ- 
dur laid hold of Malvva as his hereditary property, Akbar 
raised 'Abdullah Uzbeg to the rank of 5000 and appointed him to 
chastise Bâz Bahâdur and to settle the country. He was given 
full powers there. When 'Abdullah went properly equipped to 
conquer Malwa, Bâz Bahâdur was unable to resist him and fled, 
and the country came again into the imperial possession. 'Abdul- 
lah K. came to Mândü — which was the capital of the rulers of 
Mahva— and distributed the cities and townships among the 

As power soon corrupts tnose deficieht in loyalty 'Abdullah 
K. quickly became haughty and rebellious. in the 9th year, 971, 
1563-64, in the height of the rains, Akbar came to Narwar and 
Siprî on the, occasion of elephant-hunting— which were then plen- 
tiful there — and thereafter went on rapidly to Mândü. The thun- 
der and lightning and the rain, the floods and the mud, and the 
holes, and hollows which exist in Malwa made the march difficult. 
The horses had to swira like sea-horses, and the camels had to 
traverse tempestuous seas like ships. The animals' feet sank in 
the mud up to their ehests, and many of the porters of the camp 
stuck in theground. But Akbar hurried on from Gâgrün, as the 
object of this terrific journey was to come suddenly on 'Abdullah 
K., who did not think it possible that troops could come to Malwa 

at such a time. Aşhraf K. and I'timâd K. were sent ahead to 
give him — who vvas apprehensive on account of his evil aetions — 
the good news of the royal grace and to bring him into doing hom- 
age, so that he should not become a vagabond in the fields of mis- 
fortune. Akbar in one stage travelled 25 Malwa kos which are 
equal to 40 of the ordinary Delhi kos, in ali the mud and water, 
and reached Sârangpur. When he came to Dhâr he learnt from 
his envoys that though they had urged him (to come in) they had 
not succeeded on account of his fears. He had made some wild 
suggestions, and had then fled with his family and belongings. 
Akbar turned his rein from Mândü and sent on a number of his 
offieers as van-guard that they might block 'Abdullah'a path. He 
himself pressed on stili more. When the van-guard came up with 
'Abdullah, he thought that, as they had come a long march, there 
would be few men present and so turned round and f ought. When 
the engagement grew hot aiıd thp arrows of the enemy passed över 
the king's head, Akbar ordered the drums of vietory to be beaten , 
and said to Mun'im K. Khân-Khânân that there vvas now no time 
for delay , and that the enemy must be attacked. The Khân-Khânân 
said, " it is good, but it is not the time for eombating singly ; 
when I have colleeted the men, I shall attack." Akbar got angry 
and was on the point ot attacking. I'timâd K. in the excess of 
his zeal seized his rein, and the king got angry with him and 
pressed on. As the Divine proteetion watched över him, the 
enemy fled ; though 'Abdullah K. had more than one thousand 
cavalry and Akbar had not more than 300, yet he suffered his 
chief men to be killed, and quitted the field. and went by the \vay 
of Âli ' Mohan to Gujarat. Akbar sent a body of troops under 
Qâsim K. of Nîshâpür after him. The land-owners of the neigh- 
bourhood joined the force out of loyalty and fell upon 'Abdullah' s 
camp near the defile 2 of Campânîr. He got bewildered and 
turned e off his women into the desert , and taking his son with 

l Text wrongly lıas Abî. Alî 
Mohan or 'Alî Râjpür is a native state 
in S. W. corner of Central India. See 
also J. II. 251 and A.fc. II. 228. 

a A hill or defile, from which Cam- 

pânîr is visible. A. N. II. 228. The 
troops did not enter Gujarat. 

3 Left them in the desert. A. N 
II. 229. 

1 B. 320. 



him went off. The officers seized ali his belongings — especially his 
women and elephants — and halted there. The king traversed 'Alî ' 
and came there and after returning thanks to God returned with 
much spoil. 'Abdullah K. — who had escaped half-alive from the 
battle-field — went off to Gujarat and joined Chingez K. who was 
powerful there. Akbar sent Hakim Ainu-1-mulk to Chingez K. to 
request that he would either send the vvretch to court, or expel 
him from his country. He petitioned to the effect that he was 
not averse to submitting to the royal command, and that he 
would send him to court if Akbar would forgive him. If Akbar did 
not agree to this, he would expel him. When the message was 
repeated, Chingez K. turned him off and he came to Mahva and 
raised a disturbance. Shihâbu-d-dîn Ahnıad K. — who had been 
previously sent to manage Mahva — led a well-equippedarmy against 
him in the llth year. 'Abdullah was nearîy being captured. 
After a thousand difficulties he joined * 'Alî Qulî K. Khân Zaman 
and Sikandar K. Uzbeg, and died there (i.e., in Bengal or Bihar) 
a natural death. 

His family was from Türân. At first he and his brother 
Khvvâja Rahmat Ullah K. were in attendance on 'Imâdu-1-mulk 
Vlubâriz K., and both held the collectorships of Sîkâkul (Chicacole) 
ınd Rajendrî. When, after Mubâriz K.'s being killed, Nizâmu-1- 
mulk Aşaf Jâh came to Haidarabad, both brothers appeared be- 
fore him. 'Abdullah w as made Khânsâmân together with the 
management of the Rajendrî estates, and his brother was made 
diwân of Aşaf Jâh's establishment. Khwâja Rahmat Ullah soon 
died. After his death Kjrvvâja 'Abdullah became diwân, and when 
Âşaf Jâh went to the capital (Delhi) for the second time he lef t 
Khvvâja 'Abdullah in the Deccan as guardian of his son the mar- 
tyred Naşir Jang. When Aşaf Jâh returned to the Deccan he was 
alvvays a confidential courtier. When S'aâdat Ullah K. the t'alüqdâr 
of theCarnatic Haidarabad died, and Dost 'Alî K. his brother's son 
and Şafdar 'Alî K. (Dost 'Alî's son) came to their end 3 in the man- 

1 Text 06», " a stream. 
»B.A.N. II. 271. 

3 They were killed in battle with 
the Mahrattas, vol. II, 613 



nerdescribed at length in the account of S'aâdat Ullah K., and the 
fort of Trichinopoly — which is a famous fort in that country — came 
into the possession of Murâr ' Râo Ghorpura, Âşaf Jâh appointed 
K_hwâja 'Abdullah to the said t'alûq of the Carnatic and addressed 
himself to the taking of the fort of Trichinopoly. When he re- 
turned * after taking it, he conferred a drum upon 'Abdullah and 
sent him off to the t'alüq. On the* same night, 1157, 1744, he 
was relieved from the troubles of this world by a sudden death. 
Naqqâra-i-âkhir, " The last drum," is the chronogram. He was of 
a saintly family (ıvilâyat zai) and a man of a quiet dispositiön, 
and famed for his charities, but he was of an iracünd nature. If 
he were angry with anybody, and another person chanced to come 
in, he treâted him with harshness and severity. The best of his 
sons was Khwâja N'iamat Ullah K. who after his father's death 
was for some time collector of 3 Rajbandarî. in the time of Şalâ- 
bat Jang he was made deputy-governor of Bijapur and had the 
title of Tahawwur Jang Bahâdur. After a while he became 
mad and rolled up the carpet of life. Other sons were Khwâja 
'Abâd Ullah K., and Kjrvvâja Sa'd üllah K. who were in the 
service of Shujâ-ul-mulk Amîru-1-umarâ. The second had relations 
with learning Q 


A worthy son of the great Shaikh of the Shattârî order S. 
Muhammad Ghaus of Gwalior. Of the sons of that saint S. 'Ab- 
dullah and S. Ziya Ullah were the most distinguished. The first 
was known by the name of S Badrî. in the science of incantations 
(d'awat) and taksir 6 (increasing ?) he was his father's pupil and in 
the guiding and directing of men he took his father's plaee. By 
fate's decree though he was a faquir and a dervish he entered 
into the king's service and became one of the great Amirs. in the 
campaigns he continually did good service, and Jeöpârded his life, 

1 The Merari Bow of Örme. 

s " to Sahan Buniyâd. ' ' Is this 
Arcot, or a.-other name for Auranga- 
bad ? Mili mentions a report that 
'Abdullah was poisoned. 

3 There is the variant Rajendrî. 

* B. 457. 

6 Apparently this is a mistake for 
tashir, enchantment. See Badayânî, 
Ranking, 459 




iıı battle. in the 40th year of Akbar's reign he attained the îank 
of 1000. They say he attained to the rank of 3000 and died in 
the prime of his age. 

T^e second son was Ziya Ullah; he did not serve, but lived 
as a dervish. in his father' s life-time he went to Gujarat, and 
waited upon Wajîu-d-dîn l 'Alawî who was very learned in ex- 
oteric sciences and had written valuable commentaries upon many 
books, and was a disciple of his (Ziya Ullah's) father. Under 
him he acquired scieuue, and in the town of Pattan he obtained 
from S. Muhammad Tâhir * Muhaddiş (traditionist) Bohra a know 
ledge of Hadîs (traditions). At that time he received from his 
father a certificate and the grant of the khirqa (robe) of succession. 
On the death of his father, which took place in 970, 1562-63, he 
took up his abode in Agra, and made a house and a khânga there. 
For a long time he applied himself to the attainment of final re 
ward,"and professed 13ufism in a pleasing manner. On 3 Ramzân 
İ005, 10 April 1597, he died. 3 

They say that in the year when Akbar was wounded at 
Lahore in the testicles by a deer's horn, when he was watching 
their fight, and he was in great pain, many leading men came 
from various quarters to visit him (and prescribe for him). One 
day the king said, "S. Ziya Ullah has not remembered me.'' S. 
Abü-1-fazl informed Ziya Ullah of this remark and he came 
to Lahore. By chance, af ter some time, one of Prince DaniePs 
wivee 6 became pregnant, and the king ordered that she should be 
taken for her confinement to the Shaikh's house. The latter re- 
mönstrated, but in vain, and the lady was brought. As the 
ghaikh was disgusted with life, he died a week afterwards. 

As the opportunity has occurred, some account will now be 
given of the honoured father 6 of those two brothers. S. Muham- 

1 Khazîna Aşfiyâ II. 336. His 

him a lodging in his Ibadatkhâna. 

shrine îb in Ahmadabad. 

See Persian text, p. 202. See also 

a Khazîna Aşfiyâ I. 436. He was 

BadayüniIII. 121. See also A.N. III. 

a Bohra by caste and was killed in 


984. The ,r irSt Ahmadi saya he was 

* A.N. III. 712. 

kiUed in 986, .1578. 

* One of his wives gave birth to a 

* Ttaer* is a reference to ?iy5 Ullah 

son in 1005. A.N. III. 729. 

in BadayŞnî, Lowe, 204. Akbar gave 

« Badayünî, III. 4. 



mad Ghauş and his elder brother S. Bahlûl 2 were descended from 

S. Farîd 'Attâr, and they were among the noted saints of the time. 

Both of them were of perfect skill in incantations by the Names 

(of God) and could hold their breath. S. Bahlül was a disciple of 

Shah Qamîş* who is buried in Sâdhaurah (in Sarkar Sirhind). 

Hümâyun became his follower, and though he had been the pupil 

of Khwâja Khâwand Mahmüd the grandson of Khwâja Naşîru-d- 

dîn Ahrâr he broke off the connexion, and became a pupil of the 

Shaikh. The Khwâja was indignant, and abandoned Humâyün's 

companionship and went off from India to his own country. And 

he recited this verse. 8 


Say, Humâ, ne'er cast thy shadow 

in a land where the parrot is less aceounted than the kite. 

When in the year 945, 1538-39, Bengal was conquered, the clim- 
ate suited Hümâyûn and he opened out the carpet of enjoyment, 
and became absorbed in sensual pleasures. M. Hindâl the younger 
brother of the king had received Tirhut as his jagir. By the com- 
panionship of some intriguers he became iıribued with evil thoughts 
and went off, in the height of the rains, to the capital without 
obtaining leave. Mîr Faqîr 'Alî the goyernor of Delhi — who was 
one of the pillars of the empire— came to Agra and by good advice 
brought the Mirza back to loyalty, so that he soon went to Jaun- 
pür to chastise the Afghans. Meaııwhile some officers fled from 
Bengal and joined the Mîrzâ in Jaunpür.* They suggested the 
reading of the Khutba in his name, and his ascending the throne. 

1 Phöl in text but the vari&nt 
Bahlûl is preferable. 

2 The Khazîna Aşfiyâ nıentions I, 
p. 135, Shah Qamîş Gilânî who died in 
Bengal in 992, 1584, and is buried in 
Sâlûra Khizrâbad. 'Abdu rRazzâq 
commonly called S. Bahlûl was his 
disciple. Sâlûra seems a mistake for 
Sâdhaurah. He died in Bengal? but his 
body was brought away and buried in 
SBdhaura. The I.G. XXI, 347 men- 
tions Shâh Quraais' shrine in Sâdhaura 
in the Ambâla division. 

3 T. Rashîdi, Ney Elias and Boss 

399, and Badayûnl, Lowe 45. The 
Humâ here stands for Hümâyun ; M. 
Haidar generally calls Khwâja Kiı5w- 
and, Khwaja Nura. 

* it doos not appear that Hindâl 
went to Jaunpür. The officers joined 
him in Agra. See A.N. I, p. 336, ete. 
This Nüru-d-din is the father ol Salıma 
Sultan Begam who became the wife 
of Bairâm and oftervvards of Akbar. 
She was born in this very year of 945, 
1538-39, as the chrouogram, thûsh 
hâl, preserved by M. Muhammadi, 



and the Mîrzâ resumed his evil thoughts. When Hümâyûn heard 
of this, he sent S. Bahlül to give the Mîrzâ adviee. The Mîrzâ 
went out to receive him and brought him to his quarters, and treat- 
ed him with respect. The offioers were perplexed and annoyed 
by the Şhaikh's arrival, but at last they united on eondition that 
he should be put to death, for until the veil was removfed from 
their actions there would be no haımony. M. Nüru-d-dîn Muham- 
mad seized the Shaikh in his tent on the charge of his being in con- 
certwith the Afghans, and beheaded him in a sandy place near 
the royal garden. S. Muhammad Ghaus found the chronogram, 
Fa qad mata sAahlda, 945, 1538-39. " Verily he was martyred." 
His tomb is in the vicinity of the fort of Bîâna, on the top of a 

Hümâyûn was much grieved afc the slaying of the Şhaikh, and 
condoled with his brother Muhammad Ghauş. The latter was a 
pupil of Hâjî Hamid of Gwalior and Ghazni, who, again, was the 
pupil of S. Qâzan 1 Bangâlî, who was the pupii of S. 'Abdullah 
Shattâri. His proper name wa,s Abü-1-müîd Muhammad, and he 
had the title of Ghaus from his father's side He lived * in the 
hill-country of Chunar in Bihar as a hermit (pîr), and in the year 
929, 1523, wrote in that retirement the famous book called the 
Jawâhar 3 Khamsa (The five jewels). At that time he was 22 
years of age. When Sher Shah in the year 947, 1540, conqtrered 
Upper India, the Şhaikh became alarmed on account of his con- 
nexions with Hümâyûn and fled to Gujarat. There he built a 
lofty khânga (monastery) and communicated spiritual advantageş 
to many men of that country. When in the year 961, 1554, the 
standards of Hümâyûn were unfurled in India, the Shaikh resolved 
to return there and in 963* — which was the commencement of 
Akbar's reign — he came to Agra viâ Gwalior. 

1 Qâzan in Khazîna Aşfiyâ II. 332. 

2 Badayunî. Lowe 28, who says 
he saw in Chunar the cave where the 
Şhaikh had lived fpr twelve years. 
Perhaps the cave is the one described 
in Fuhrer ' s Inseriptions of the N .W. P. , 
ete. , Vol. II of Archaeological seriçs, 
p 260. 

3 See account of this book in 

Hughes' Dict. of islam, art. D'awa. 
As stated in text, Abü-1-Müîd or 
Muwayyid is another name for M. 
Ghaus. The date of the book given 
in Hughe3 is 956. If M. Ghaus was 
80 when he died, as Badayunî says, 
he must have been about 40 in 929. 

* Badayunî, Lowe 28, .says he 
came to Agra in 966. 



The king welcomed him, and shoved him much respeot. S. 

Gadai Kambû the Şadru-s-Şudür, on account of his old enmity 

with the Shaikh, again girded up the loins of animosity and 

brought to the notice of Bairâm K. the treatise (risala) l which the 

Şhaikh had written in Gujarat, oalled M'i'râjiyya, and which gave 

an account of his own M'irâj (ascent), and whieh the learned men 

of Gujarat had denounced. Gadai made the Khân averse to the 

Shaikh and so he did not give the Shaikh the royal reception 

which he had expected. So he took his leave and returned in 

displeasure to his residence at Gwalior. On Monday, 17 Ramzân 

970, 10 May 1563, he lef t this dustbin of a world The chronogram 

is Bandciri-Khudâ shud. " He became a servant of God." (970). 

They say that he * received from Akbar a pension of a kror of dâms. 

in the Zakhîra-ul-khwânîn it is stated that the Shaikh had a jagir 

of nine lacs of rupees, and that he had forty elephants. it 

appears even from the Akbar nâma that it is true, as is reported, 

that Akbar was his pupil, though S. Abû-l-fa?l, from the rivalry 

of Şhaikhs, or from prejudice, or from consideration of the king's 

disposition, has represented the matter differentry. He has stated 

that in the 4th year, 966— which some have mentioned as the date 

of the Şhaikh's return from Gujarat— Akbar came out of Agra to 

hunt and arrived at Gwalior. it appeared that Qibcâq » (Tartary) 

cattle had come from Gujarat along with S. Muhammad Ghauâ, 

and an order was given that they should be purehased from the 

merehants at a proper price. it was represented that the Şhaikh 

and his people had better cattle than these, and that if Akbar at 

the time of returning from hunting should pass by the Şhaikh's 

quarters, he would certainly present them as an offering (peshkash). 

When Akbar visited him, the Shaikh regarded his coming as a 

great honour, and as an amulet against his ill-treatment by Bairâm 

1 See Badayunî, Lowe, 28 and 62. 

* Badayunî says in his history a 
kror without specifying the coins, but 
doubtless it waS tankaa or dâms and 
not rupees. Badayunî III. 5 says 
it was a kror of tankas. 

3 So in text, but I think there must 
be some mistake, for I am not aware 

that Gujarat cattle have anything 
to do with Tartary. The MSS. in 
B.M. have a word which I can't 
read, but which certainly does not 
begin with a Q. The A.N. which is 
the Maagir's source has be-badl " un- 



K. He presented ali the cattle his men had, and other curiosities 
and rarities of Gujarat. He also produced sweetmeats and per- 
fumes. At the end of the interview he asked the king if he had 
given the hand of fealty to anyone. fl. M. replied " No." The 
Shaikh stretched 1 out his own arm and laid hold of theking's, and 
said , " We ha ve taken your hand. ' ' The king smiled and departed. 
it is reported that the king said, " On that same night we returned 
to our tents and had a wine-party and enjoyed ourselves, and 
laughed över the way to catch bullocks, and the Shaikh's dodge 
of stretching out his arm." 

'Neath their varied robes they hold nooses 
See the long arms of those short-sleeved gentry. 
Afterwards this self-pleasing simpleton exulted in public över 
what he had done. He (A. F.) also added some* words to the 
narrative, but to copy them out here wouId be improper. 

Abül-Fazl has written stili more (strangely) about S. Bahlül, 
viz., that as Hümâyûn was interested in incantations the Shaikh 
was honoured by being allowed to practise them. and that he some- 
times claimed Hümâyûn as his disciple and sömetimes boasted of 
being his loyal servant. in fact (says A. F.) the two brothers were 
destitute of excellencies or learning, but at one time had sate in 
hermitages in the hills, and practised incantations by the Divine 
names ; and made this the means of their ora renown, and influ- 
ence. By companionship with princes and nobles they succeeded 
in their craf t by the help of simpletons and put up the things of 
saintship to sale and by specious pretences âcquired vülages and 
hamlets. in fact ali this talk 8 is S. Abu-1-fazl's abuse such as he 
practised towards the great Shaikhs of the time because of a secret 
grudge and the envy of a rival, for his father was also one of the 
religious leaders of the time, and claimed to be equal to M. Ghaus, 
though he was not accepted as such. Or it was the result of the 


1 See the story in Akbarnâma II. 
translation, p. 133. 

* Referring to A.F.'fl reflections on 
the occurrence and on the Shaikh's 

8 M. Ghaus is inoluded in the Âîn 
among those who understand the 
mysteries of the heart. B. 539. 
Badayühî III. 5 says that Akbar be- 
came M. Ghaus's disciple, 



eccentricity and unbridled speech which is opposed to good-will 
and rejects the common opinions. Whatever may be the case 
with regard to the saintship and the ghausiyat (Aid) which see 
hidden things, it is perfectly clear that Hümâyûn believed in those 
two brothers. The letter which Hümâyûn wrote to S. Muhammad 
Ghaus after Sher Shah's victory, and which has been copied into 
the Gulzâr-i-Abrâr l (the rosarium of the pious), and the reply of the 
Shaikh, wiU show this, and they are therefore set down here. 

The King 's Letter. 

"After respects and kissing of hands I beg to represent that 

the favour of the Almighty together with the guidance of your 

Reverenoe and of ali the dervishes have brought me out from the 

defiles of difficulty into ease. What has occurred from intriguing 

fate has not grieved me further than that it has excluded me from 

serving your Reverenoe. At every breath and at every step my 

thought was how will those demon-natured men (Sher Shah and 

the other Afghans) behave to that angelic personage. When I 

heard that your Reverenoe had at about the same time departed 

to Gujarat my heart was somewhat relieved from this anxiety. My 

hope in God is that as He has brought you out from the trouble 

of that worthless one, He will also freeme from the pain of seeming 

separation. Good God ! How shall I render thanks for His good- 

ness in guiding me ? in spite of many calamities which to outward 

appearance have involved me, in the core of my heart, the abode 

of worship of Oneness, there has not been a tittle of rift or failure. 

May the path of coming and going always be trodden and be wide 

enough for the transit of the caravan of my good wishes!" 

" The arrival of the distinguished letter of the sovereign, and 
the perusal of the honoured writing of Hümâyûn have brought the 
blessing of life to the f aithful in this country. it conveyed also 
the intelligence of the health and wealth of the servants of the 
stirrup. What has been written is in acoordance with the essenoe 
of things. There is no grief for what has occurred. 

ı Eieu III. 10416. 




The word which comes from the heart assuredly settles 

in the heart (of the recipient). 
My prayer is, May my lord's crowned head be not disturbed 

by the sad events ! 


To the traveller in the right path whatever happens is for 
his goöd. 

Whenever God designs to lead Hio servant to perfection He 
cherishes him both by His beautiful and His terrible attributes. 
The beautiful attributes have had their cycle ; now, for some days, 
is the time of the terrible ones. As has been said, " With 
pleasures come pains, with pains come pleasnres." The time of 
the beautiful attributes will soon come again, for aceording to the 
Arabian 1 Canon, One pain comes between two pleasures. And 
because the extent of the enclosed is less than the extent of the 
«nolosing, the bride of success will soon take her seat on the, 
marriage-dais. May God grant this, and praise be to God both 
now and hereafter." 

in short S. Muhammad Ghaus was one of the later leaders 
among the Shattâri in India. He had many distinguished suc- 
cessors and disciples. Saiyid Wajîu-d-dîn of Gujarat, who wrote 
commentaries on didactic books, and was very learned in exoteric 
sciences, was his disciple. One said to the Saiyid, ' ' Why have you, 
with ali your learning and wisdom, given the band of adherence 
t imbat) to the Shaikh (who does not possess so much learning)." 
He repüed, " it is a thing to be thankful for that my Prophet 
(Muhammad) was ignorant (uml) and that my Pir is so * (also)." 
The Shattâri order goes back to the Sultânu-l-'Ârifîn Bayâzîd 
Bistâmî. Accordingly in Turkey this order is called the Bistâmî. 
As one of the links of this order was S. Abü-1-hasan 'Işhqî — May his 

1 By the expression ' ' Af abian Can- 
on," Çârmn 'Arabiyya the Shaikh 
means the Koran. The reference is 
to Sura 94, vv. 5 and 6. ' ' Verily a 
diffioulty shall be attended with eaae." 

The repetition is taken to mean that 
for every diffioulty there are two plea- 

s See IqbSlnSma. 109. 



grave be holy — the order is called the Işhqîya in Persia and Türân. 
They cali the Pîrs of this order Shajttârî l because they say that 
they are keener and more enthusiastic than the leading §haikhs of 
other örders. The great men of this order in the Arabian and 
Persian 'Irâq continually light the lamp of guidance for travellers 
on the Path. The first person who came to India from Persia was 
S. 'Abdullah Shattâri, who by five descents was cpnnected with 
the Shaikh of Shaikhs, Şhâikh Shihâbu-d-dîn Sahrawardî, and by 
seven descents with Bayâzîd Bistâmî — May his grave be holy ! 
He took up his abode in Mândü in Mahva and died in 890,* 1485, 
and is buried there. His successors are occupied in various parts 
of India in instructing pupils. 


Son of S. Shamsu-d j dîn of Sultanpur. His ancestors came 
from Multan to Sultanpur and âdopted it as their home. Mullâ 
'Abdullah studied under Maulânâ 'Abdu-1-Qâdir of Sirhind, and 
acquired a complete knowledge of the sciences of Law and Theo- 
logy. The renown of his learning spread över the world. He wrote 
scholia {hâshiya) on the Mullâ's* commentary, and the Minhajü-d- 
dîn (Highway of Faith) on the life of the Prophet. The Peace of 
God be upon him and on his f amily ! The princes of the age paid 
great respect to him, and Hümâyûn was devoted to him. When 
Sher Shah's turn came, he gave him the title of Şadru-1-Islâm. 
They say 6 that one day Selîm Shah saw him in the distance and 
said, " Bâbar Pâdishâh had five sons, föur went away and one 

1 Shatârat mean a fearlessness, and 
Şhâjjir means a courier. 

» Beale says he died in 809 or 1406, 
and refers for an account of the 
Shattâri» to J.A.S.B. for 1874, p. 216. 
There is an account of 'Abdullah 
Shattâri in the Khazina Aşfiyâ II. 306, 
and it is stated there that ho died in 

3 B. VII. 172 and 644. The family 
originftlly came from Herat. For 
other npticea see Badayüni III. 70. 
Darbârî Akbari 311, Khazina Aşfiyâ 
I. 448-49 of ed. of 1894, and Tabaqât 

Akbarî, end of account of Akbar's 

* B. 644, copying Baday&ni, says 
his works were the 'Aşmatu-l-Anbiya, 
and a commentary on the ShamSîlu-n- 
nabî. The Mullâ referred to in text 
is perhaps the Tirmîzî referred to by 
D' Herbelot under the heading of 
Schamail-Al-Nabi. But possibly the 
work of Jamâlu-d-din Ata Ullah is re- 
ferred to, as 'Abdullah said he had 
written scholia on it ; Badayüni I JI. 

6 Badayüni. Banking 634. 


remained." Sarmast K. said , ' ' Why keep such an intriguer 1 " He 
replied " I can't find a better man." When the Mullâ came near 
him Selim Shah placed him on his throne (takht) and gave hım a 
rosary of pearls worth Rs.20,000 which he had just received. As the 
Mullâ was a great bigot-which people called being a defender of 
the faith-he under the guise of holding the Faith displayed great 
animositv. For instance, the putting to death of > S. «Alto was 
brought 'about by the exertions of the Mullâ. S. 'Alâi was the son 
of Şhaikh Hasan who was one of the great shaikhs of Bengal. He 
acauired exoteric and esoteric knowledge from his father, and af ter 
visiting Mecca he settled in Bîâna, and undertook the practıce of 
what was right and the rejection of what was wrong. At thıa time 
S ' Abdullah » Niyazi settled in Bîâna. He was one of the follow- 
ers of Selim Chistî, and after returning from Mecca joıned hım- 
self to Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpür who claimed to oe the 
Mahdî. S. «Alfü approved of his methods and took from hm .the 
practice of holding the breath, which is A rule among the Mah- 
davîs, an(İ acquired the fame of workin g miracles. He spent hu 
day S ,withagreatnumberoffollowers, in trusting m God. At 
night he wouldleave the household vessels-even the ™***-W- 
empty, and in the morning there was a new supply. Mulla 
-Abdullah accused him of innovations in rebgion and heresy, and 
induced Selim Shah to summon him from Bîâna and to order hım 
to hold a conference with the Ulama. S. 'Alâi was victorıous. 
As in that conference S. Mubârak (Abu-1-fazl's father) took his 
part, he too was aceused of Mahdîism. 

Selim Shah was impressed by 'Alâi and whispered to hım to 
deny Mahdîism, and then he would make him religious censor m 
his kinadom ; otherwise he must leave the country, as the Ulama 
had given judgment for putting him to death. The Şhaikh went 
ff to the Deccan. When Selîm Shah went towards the Panjab to 
put down the Niyâsîs, Mullâ 'Abdullah represented that S. 
'Abdullah was the Niyâzî's Pîr. Selim Shah sent for hım m 955, 

1 B. VIII. 1. 

* He was of Sirhind. See Badayünî 
III. 45. I* »*» on the-eite o£ *"• °* U 

th»t Akb«r made hig 'Ibâdat^hâna. 
See also Badayünî I. Ranking, p. 



1548, and had him so scourged 1 and kicked and cuffed that he 
fainted. They say that as long as his senaes remained, he kept 
saying, " Lord, forgive us our offences."* When his senses were 
restored, he renounced Mahdîism, and in the year 993, 1585, en- 
tered the service of Akbar who was proceeding towards Attock. He 
received some land in Sirhind for his maintenance in the names of 
his sons, and he died at the age of ninety in the year 1000,* 1592. 

When Selîm Shah had disposed of the Niyâzî affair, Mullâ 
'Abdullah again instigated him, and he summoned S. 'Alâi İrom 
Hindia. Selîm Shah repeated what he had formerly said, but the 
Şhaikh would not agree. Selim Shah said to the Mullâ, ' ' You 
and he know (what to do)." The Mullâ ordered him to be scour- 
ged. At the third stroke of the whip he died, and his body was 
tied * to the leg of an elephant and publicly exposed. They say so 
strong a wind blew that day that men thought it was the Judg- 
ment-day. So many flowers were scattered on the Shaikh's body 
that it became as it were entombed. After this Selîm Shah's 
reign did not last two years. When Hümâyûn came again to 
India and took Qandahar he gave the Mullâ the title of Shaikhu-1- 
Islâm. Afterwards, when the sovereignty of India came to Akbar, 
the Mullâ received the title of Makhdümu-1-mulk, and Bairâm K. 
gave him a rich parçana B as ianktoâh with a rental of a lac of rupees 
and raised his honoür above ali the great notables. He became one 
of the chief pillars of the State. After the lapse of some months 
and years the disposition of the sovereign became alienated by 
sundry occurrences from the learned men of the age, and in the 
24th year, 987, he sent off him and S. 'Abdu-n-Nabl the Şadr — be- 
tween whom there had long been strife and enmity — to the Hijâz 
as lf they were to be companions to one another. in spite of that, 
there never was concord between them, either on the journey, or 
in the exalted stations (at Mecca) , nor was the dislike removed. 

As the Makhdümu-1-mulk had been honoured from the time of 

1 B. VIII. The Darbârî Akbarî has 
a notice of him at p. 311. See also 
Badayünî I. Banking, 508, ete. 

* Qoran III. 141. 

S Badayünî I. Banking 520. 

* Badayünî I. 408. Banking, 524. 

6 pargana-i-tânkwâla. The D, Ak- 
barî say s it w as near MSnkot. it 
seerns to be tânkmâla in ali the M8S. 



the Afghans to that of Akbar, and was famed for his good 
judgment and experience of affairs, and the report of his wisdom 
had spread everywhere, the §haikh Ibn Hajar ' known as the Muftî 
of Mecca came out to welcome him and showed him much respect, 
and opened the door of the K'aaba for him, out of season. When 
the agitation of M. Muhammad Hakîm the (half) brother of Akbar 
washeardof, 'Abdullah believed that the untrue account of the 
confusion in India was correot, and from a desire of pre-eminence 
and a love of glory he returned with 'Abdu-n-Nabî, the Şadr, to 
Ahmadabad. When the king learnt that they had spoken im- 
properly about him in assemblies, owing to secret malice, he 
privately appointed some persons (to arrest them) as the Begams 
of the Harem were siding with them and interceding for them. 
Makhdümu-1-mulk died of fright in 991.* They say he was poi- 
soned at Akbar's insfcigation. His body was secretly brought to 
Jâlandhar and buried there. Qâzî 'Alî was appointed to confiscate 
his effects. Much buried treasure was found in Lahore. Among 
it some chests containing bricks of gold were taken out of his tomb 
whic"h had been buried on the pretence that they contained corpses. 
On this account his sons suffered severities for some time in the 
search for property. Three krors of rupees were found. 

S. 'Abdu-1-Qâdir Badayünî wrifces 3 in his history that 
Makhdümu-1-mulk gave an opinion (fatwa) to the effect that at this 
time the pilgrimage was not lawful for the people of India, as 
security was a condition thereof , and the journey had either to be 
made by sea — and this could not be effected without Feringhi pass- 
ports, which bore the figures of Mary and Jesus, which was an 
infringement of the law and a şort of idol-worship, — or it was by 
the roufce of Persia, where there was unsuitable society (the Shias 
of Persia). They say that Makhdümu-1-mulk, on account of his 
bigotry, burnt the third volume of the * Rauzat-al-Ahbâb, as it 

J Apparently this was a title of the 
Şharif of Mecca. 

* Should be 990, 1582. The 8ta te- 
raent ihat he was poisoned is also 
made in the Khazîna-ul-Aşfiyâ. 

S B. 172 and Badayünî, Lowe, 206. 

Badayünî does not say that he heard 
'Abdullah say this. 

* "The Garden of Lovers " by 
Jamâlu-d-dîn 'Ata Ullah. Rieu I. 
147a. See Badayünî III. 71. Bada- 
yünî ezpresses the opinion that the 



contained some deficiencies and mistakes in the account of early 
timeSj and that on this account this volume is scarce. 


His name was Khvvâja 'Abdullah, and he was a descendant of 
Khwâja Obed Ullah Nâşîru-d-dîn Ahrâr, May his grave be holy ! — 
and a sister's son of Khwâja Hasan Naqshbandî. in the latter 
part of Akbar's reign he came from a foreign country (Wilayat) ' to 
India, and for some time served with Sher Khwâja (a relation of his) 
in the Deccan. Wherever there was fighting he disfcinguished him- 
self. Afterwards he lef t the Khwâja and joined prince Sultan 
Selim in Lahore and was made one of the Ahadis When the 
prince was in Allahabad, and from independence and presumption 
began to distribute manşabs and titles, and to give fiefs to his ser- 
vants, he received a manşab of 1500 and the title of İÇMn But 
as he could notjget on with Sharîf K., who was the prince's 
manager, he in the 48th year (of Akbar) proceeded * to court, and 
the king (Akbar) petceiving his good qualities, gave him the rank 
of 1000, and the title of Şafdar Jang. His brothers Khwâjas 
Yâdgâr and Barkhürdâr also received suitable posts, and after 
Jahangir's accession he got a drum and a flag. 

As the matter of the Rânâ (of Udaipür) did not make progress 
under Mahâbat K., 'Abdullah was in the 4th year appointed to 
the command of the army, and in that affair he acquired 3 a name. 

third volume was not by Jamâlu-d- 

1 He came from Hişâr in Transoxi- 
ana in 1000 A.H. along with his two 
brothers Yâdgâr and Barkhürdâr. 
Najîbu-nisâ, daughter of M. Hakîm, 
was married to his uncle Khw5ja 
Hasan Naqshbandî. See M. Hâdî's 
preface to Tüzük J., p. 6, and A.N. 
III. 823. 

* Khâfî K. , 220, 227. Tüzük J. , 1 1 , 
where Jahangir comments on the im- 
propriety of his leaving his service 

8 The account here given does not 
agree with Jahangir's account in 
the Tüzük J. According to him 

'Abdullah was for a iong time 
unsuceessf vıl , and though the Rânâ 
was ultimately obliged to submit, 
tlıis was not till the 8th year and 
then it was Prince Kharram, t.e. , 
Shah Jahan, who was the chief 
Cornmander. The elephant 'Alam 
Gumân, or 'Alam Kaman, was 
not sent in tül the beginning of the 
9thyear: see Tüzük J. 127. Tod 
calls the Rânâ Umra Singh. See 
Elliot VI. 336 for the statement that 
'Abdullah was unsuccessful until Ja- 
hangir left Ajmere. Mihrpür is not 
mentioned in Khâfî K. as the Rânâ's 
seat. Udaipür is mentioned there, 




He attacked Mihrpür, which was the place of refuge of Rânâ 
Amar Singlı, and got possession of the elephant 'Alam Gumân 
which had no equal. in Kombalmîr he establiahed a station and 
routed and plundered Bairâm Deo Solankhî who was a leader 
among the Rajputs. in the 6th year, 1020, 1611, he was made 
governor of Gujarat and an auxiliary force was also given him 
from the court. The arrangement made was that he should march 
to the Deccan with the Gujarat army oy the route of Nâsik and 
Trimbak, and that the Khân Jahân along with Rajah Mân Singh, 
the Amlru-l-Umarâ and M. Rustum should go by the Berar route, 
and that the two armies should keep in touch with one another, 
and on a fixed day should surround the enemy. it was probable 
that in this way the enemy would be annihilated. 

Abdullah' K. had with him 10,000 well-mounted cavalry, and 
in his pride and presumption he entered the enemy's territory 
without having any tidingsof the second army. Malik 'Ambar, 
who was much afraid of him, chose out men and sent them to 
extirpate him. Every day they skirmished (barglgarl mlkardand) 
round his camp, and they did this from night till morning . As he 
approached nearer to Daulatabad the numbers of the enemy in- 
creased. When he got there no sign could be seen of the second 
army. He thought it proper to retreat, and marched tpwards Ah- 
madabad viâ Baglâna. On the mareh the enemy pressed upon him , 
and there was a battle every day. 'Alî * Mardan Bahâdur did not 
approve of having the stain of flight put upon him and fought 
manfully and was made prisoner. As to the report 3 that Malik 
'Ambar colluded with the Khân-Khânân and detained him by 
wiles, it is not tnıe, for at that time the Khân-Khânân had lef t 

I. 278, as his capital. For the account 
of the Rânâ' s submission see Elliot 
VI. 339. 'Abdullah's appointment in 
the 4th year is mentioned in Tüzük J. 
74, and it is stated there that he got 
the title of Fîrüz Jang. 

l Khâfî K., I. 273, ete. 

« B. 496. KhSfî K., I. 275. 

8 Apparently the author has con- 
fıısed two events. and he has repeat- 
ed this at î 718 în the account of 

Khân JahânLodî. The charge against 
the Khân-Khânân was not that he 
had colluded with Malik 'Ambar at 
the time of 'Abdullah's disaster. On 
the contrary , Jahangir sent nim to re- 
trieve affairs. The charge lwas that 
he colluded with Malik 'Ambar in the 
4th year wheh Khân Jahân was sent. 
Jahangir believed this and recalled 
the Khân-Khânân. 'Abdullah's »ffair 
was later 



the Deccan and göne to court. Whenthe Khân-Khânân heard the 
sadnevvs he returned and in 'Âdilâbâd joined PrinceParvez. 

They say that Jahangir had portraits taken of 'Abdullah K. 
and the other officers, and that he took them into his hand, one by 
one, and made comments on them. Referring to 'Abdullah's por- 
trait hesaid, "To-day no one equals you for ability and lineage, 
with such a figüre and such abilities, and lineage, and rank 
and treasure, and army you should not have run away. Your 
title is Garez Jang (the fugitive from battle)." When in the 
llth year (of Jahangir), 'Abdullah' sent for 'Âbid K., the son of 
Khwâja Nizâmu-d-din Ahmad Bakhşhl (the author), and who w as 
Wâqa' Nigâr (reporter) of Ahmadabad, and insulted him on acount 
of his reports, Dîânat K. was sent from the court to bring 'Abdul- 
lah on foot to court. He, before the order reached him, went ofî 
on that way (on foot) and by the intercession of Prince Sultan 
Kharram was pardoned his offences. When the heir-apparent 
Prince Shah Jahan went to the Deccan for the second time, 'Abdul- 
lah was sent with him , but he lef t the Deccan without permission 
and went to his fiefs. On this account he was censured and de- 
prived of his jagir and I'timâd Rai was made the sezâıval to 
carry him to the Prince. When the Prince was summoned from 
the Deccan to the court for the affair of Qandahar and, on account 
of the rains, stopped in Mândû, and the king, on account of the 
instigations of make-strife people, became alienated from such a 
son, and the matter came to fighting, 'Abdullah came from his 
jagir and waited on the king in Lahore. When the Princo retired 
from opposing his father and left his army under Rajah Pikrftmâjît 
facing the royal army, so that he might eheck a force if it was 
sent after him, it was contrived by Khwâjah Abu-I-Hasan that 

1 See Maasir I. 663 in account 
of Niıâmu-d-din's son, where he 
is called the bakhshî of Gujarat. 
The story seems to be wrongly told 
there. See my note 3. Perhaps the 
apparent mistake is only due to the 
author 's confused style, or to the 
omission of a clause by a copyist. 
See Khâfî K., I. 286. The story of 
'Abdullah's coming to sue for pardon 

and his walking 60 mtl«8 oıı foot is 
told by Sir Thomas Roe. There is 
also a reference. to 'AbulUh's acts of 
tyranny in the Tûzuk J. 208. There 
it is said that he cut down the trees 
<ıf a garden tlıat Nizâmu-d-d'in had 
planted at Ahmadabad in order to 
spite the son 'Abid For this his 
allowances for horses were reduced. 



' Abdullah should be appointed to the vanguard of the rayal army. 
As soon as the two sides met, 'Abdullah 1 galloped off and joined 
the Prince's army By chance, at that time a bullet frora an un- 
known hand killed Rajah Bikramâjît. Bofch armies fell out of 
order and weııt off to their own places. As the Rajah had held 
the government of Gujarat, the Prince gave it to 'Abdullah, and 
he appointed a eunuch named Wafâ 2 as his deputy with a small 
force there. M. Safî Saif K. assumed the part of a wejl-wisher of 
the king and with the nelp of people appointed there arrested the 
eunuch and took possession of the cifcy. 'Abdullah took leave 
from the Prince in Mândü and vvithout looking for auxiliaries went 
off there in hot haste . When an encounter took place between the 
parties, 'Abdullah was defeated," and he had to come to Baroda 
and then to Surat. He collected a force and joined the Prince at 
Burhanpur. Af ter that he was always in the van in that time of 
struggle and contest. 

When in the 20th year the prince returned from Bengal to 
the Deccan, and taking Yâqüt K. Abyssinian and other Nizâm 
Shâhî servants with him attacked Burhanpur, 'Abdullah vowed 
that whenever he got possession of that city he would make a 
general massacre. When the prince, without attaining his object, 
withdrew from the siege, 'Abdullah perceived that the prince was 
not favourably inclined towards him, and shut his eyes to «,1i the 
kindnesses he had received and went off, and joined Malik 'Ambar. 
As the latter did not patronise him as he had expected, he, by 
means of Khân Jahân, entered the king's service. They say that 
vvhen he came to Burhanpur, Khân Jahân went as far as the 
garden of Zainâbâd to welcome him, and received him with res- 
pect. He adopted a fawning and humble attitude, wore a farjl* 
like the Uzbeg darvishes, had a beard hanging down to his navel 
and came unarmed, and vvhen an hour of the night was remaining, 
to the Khân Jahân 's divvânkhâna and sate dovvn. When the 
Khân Jahân vvent, according to orders, to Junair he accompanied 
him(?)and wrote to Malik 'Ambar bhat if he now fell upon the 



1 Khâfî K. I. 335-36. 

2 WafS-dar, Khâfî K., I. 337 

8 Do. 339. There isa fuller account 

of 'Abdullah's defeat in the Tüzük J. 
364, ete. 

* See B. 89. 

Khân Jahân he would get the better of him. By chance they 
intercepted the letter. The Khân Jahân put it into his hand and 
he confessed. According to orders he was imprisoned in Âsîr. 
Ikrâm K. of Fathpür, the governor of the for t, treated him badly 
and at the instigation of Mahâbat K., who was then in power, re- 
peated orders came to blind him. The Khân Jahân would not 
consent. He wrote in reply that he had come in upon his word 
and that he would bring him to court. 

When the sovereignty came to Shah Jahan, he was pardoned at 
the intercession of that distinguished member of the Naqshbandî 
order, 'Abdu-r-Rahîm Khwâja,' who was the successor of Khwâja 
Kilân Khwâja Jûîbârî, who was thirty removes from Saiyid 'Alî 
' Arîa's, the Great imâm (imâm Hamam) J'aafar Şâdig,*— Peace be 
upon him,— and was one of the glorious Saiyids of Türân, and an 
object of faith and reverence with the Uzbeg Khâns who are en- 
tirely devoted to this family. 'Abdullah K. then wore in his men 
tal ear the ring of discipleship to Khvvâja Kilân. in the time oi 
Jahangir he ('Abdu-r-Rahîm) came from imâm Qulî K. therulor of 
Türân as an ambassador, and was received with great honour. He 
was allowed to sit by the side of the throne and was treated with 
great respect by ali the nobles and grandees of Persia, Türân and 
India. in the beginning of Shah Jahan 's reign he came from 
Lahore to Agra and received more honour than ever. it was 
because 'Abdullah was conneeted with the Naqshbandf order that 
he was pardoned 3 and raised to the high rank of 5000 with 
5000 horse, and had the gift of a flag and a drüm, and had Sar- 
kar Qanauj given to him in fief . 

When, in the same first year Jujhâr Singh Bandîla fled from 
court to his home in Uııdcha (Orcha), a force under the command 
of Mahâbat K. was appointed. The Khân Jahân Lodî from 
Mahva and 'Abdullah K. from his jagir with the officers of various 
quarters entered his country an d opened the hand of violence. 
When Jujhâr was hard pressed he approached Mahâbat and ex- 
pressed a wish to kiss the threshold. 'Abdullah and Bahâdur K. 
and a number of other officers with 9000 cavalry came to the 
ı Khâfî K..I. 400. " ~ " 

« The 6th Tmâm. He died at Mediııa in A. H. 148> 765. Jarrett III , 359n 
S Khâfî K.,1. 400. 



fort of Irij which is thirteen kos from Undcha, and was in the 
eastern part of the country and in the possession of Jujhâr. By 
alacrity and energy they took the fort. When Shah Jahan came 
to Burhanpür in ordef to extirpate Khân Jahân Lodi, 'Abdullah 
went to the Deccan from his fief of Kâlpî and joined with the army 
which had been put under the command of Shaista K. When 
he had recovered from a swelling which he had in his abdomen he 
came to the Presence and was appointed to chastise Daryâ K. 
Rohilla who was making a distıırbance in the neighbourhood of 
Châlîsgâon. An order was given that he should s+ay in Khandes 
and pursue without delay Khan Jahân and Dariyâ K. wbichever 
way they had göne. 

VVhen in the 4th year Khan Jahân and Dariyâ K. went off to 
Malwa from Daulatabad, he followed close af ter them and gave 
them no rest anywhere. At last, on the bank of the Sehonda l 
(tank) Khân Jahân stood firm and was killed. in reward of this 
great service he received the rank of 6000 with 6000 horse, and 
the title of Fîrüz Jang. in the 5th year he was made governor 
of Bihar.' 'Abdullah resolved to chastise the zamindar of Ratn- 
pür 3 and went to that quarter. Bâbü Lachmî the zamindar there 
got frightened and was admitted to quarter through the media- 
tion of Amar Singh , the ruler of Bândhü. in the 8th year he 
brought tribute and did homage in company with 'Abdullah. 
When 'Abdullah went off to his lands, Jujhâr Bandîla again 
rebelled. in accordance with orders 'Abdullah turned back on 
his road and proceeded to chastise him. Khân Daurân joined 
from Malwa, and Saiyid Khân Jahân Bârha did so also. 
When they were encamped one kos from Undcha, that miserable 
wretch got frightened, and went out of the fort with his family 
and his servants and some sil ver and gold, and went off to the 
fort of Dhâmüni which his father had made very strong. The 
royaltroops, af ter taking Undcha, pursued him and when they 
came to within three kos of Dhâmüni they learnt that he had 

1 Text Sindhiya, but see B. 505, 
and Maasir, I 729, in account of KhSn 
Jahân Lodî. 

1 İt would appoar from an inscrip- 

tion mentioned by Buchanan that 
'Abdullah built or repaired the Patna 
fort in 1042, 1633. 

8 in Sarkar Rohtâs J., II. 157. 



gone off vvith his goods and chattels to Cüragarh, and was wait- 
ing for a letter from the zamindar of Deogarh. If the latter 
would give him a passage through histerritory he would go to the 
Deccan. The royal forces took Dhâmüni, and Saiyid Khân Jahân 
chose to remain there to settle the conquered country. 'Abdul- 
lah went on with the vanguard of Khân Daurân Bahâdur. Juj- 
hâr fled by the route of Lânjî, which belongs to the territory of 
the zamindar of Deogarh. 'Abdullah marched every day ten 
Gordah kos and sometimes twenty, which are about double the 
ordinary kos, and came up with him on the borders of Cândâ and 
fought with him. The wretch took the road to Golconda. 1 Af ter 
much marching 'Abdullah came up with him (again), and the father 
and son in fear of their lives fled to the jungle. There they gave 
up their lives at the hands of some Gonds. Fîrüz Jang cut off 
their heads and sent them to court. 

When in the lOth year Rajah Pratâp * Ujjainya— who had re- 
ceived the rank of 1500 with 1000 horses-got leave to go to his 
own country-as had long been his desire— he withdrew from obedi- 
ence and took the path of ruin. ' Abdullah K. , in accordance with 
orders, went off from Bihar to punish him. He first besieged the 
fort of Bhojpür which was the zamindar's seat, and where Pratâp 
had taken refuge. He, after struggles, became terrified and had 
recourse to supplications. He put on a lungî (waist-cloth) and 
took his wife in his hand, and through the mediatıon of one of the 
eunuchs of Fîrüz Jang made his appearance. The Khân ımprı- 
soned him and his wife and reported the matter to the Presence. 
An order came to püt the scoundrel to death and to take possession for 
himself of the wife and the property. Fîrüz Jang^ave some of 
the spoil to his brave men, and made the wife a Muhammadan 
and married her to hisgrandson. in the 13thyear he was appoint- 
ed to chastise Prithîrâj, the son of Jujhâr Singh, and Campat 
Bandîla, who were making a disturbance near Undcha. Though 
bv the efforts of Bâqî K.-whom Abdullah had sent-Prithîrâ, was 
made prisoner, yet » Campat-who was the orjginator of the commo- 

1 A mistake for Gondwâ„a. See Padi 8 hâhnâ m a_ I Part İL, p. 262, and 
„, „ „ K , 9 _ t „ The name of the son was Bıkramajıt. 
KhafiK., 512, ete ™enam s PidirtıShnSma. II. 138. 

4 B. 513 n° te - Kh»fî K., 1. &44 *o. 




tion — managed to escape. This was ascribed to Fîrûz Jang's neg- 
ligence and love of comfort, and so he w as deprived of his fief of 
Islâmâbâd and censured. in the 16th year he was made gover- 
nor of the province of Allahabad in succession to Saiyid Shujâ'at 
K. Aftersome time Shah Jahanremoved him from his rank, and 
gave him a lac ' of rupees by way of support. At the same period, 
he again became favourable to him and restored him to his rank. 
He was neariy 70 years of age when he died on 17 Şhawâl of the 
18th year, 1054, 7 December 1644. 

in spite of his cruelty and tyranny men believed that he could 
work miracles, and used to make offerings to him. He spent 50 
years as an Amîr. He was often removed from office and then 
restored and had the same magnifieenee and power as before. To 
aerve him had something lucky about it. in his life-time many 
of his servants became panjhazârls and cârhazârîs (5000 and 4000). 
They say he looked well after his soldiers but that they did not 
get more than three or four months' pay in the year. But com- 
pared with other places this three months' pay was equal to a 
year' s. No one was able to represent his case to him personally; 
he had to speak to the diwân and the bakshî. If the latter de- 
layed to report the matter, he cut* off their beards (?). His regü- 
lar prac tice was that when engaged in a diffieult 8 expedition he 
marched 60 or 70 kos a day. He kept a trustworthy reaıvguard. 
If any one lagged behind, his head was cut off and brought to 
him. Fifty Moghuls— who were yesâmals (lictors) of the Mîr Tüzük 
(Provost-Marshal) — were dressed in unif orm and hadadorned staves 
and kept order. They say that in the affair of the Rânâ he had 
with him 300 troopers with gold-embroidered dresses and deco- 
rated arnıour, and 200footmen oonsisting of khidmatgars^ jilaudârs 
(runners) , and cobdârs dressed in the same style. He was very 
pleased to see any one who had a wounded face. He was very 
dignified in manner. At the end of his life he used to begin his 
diwân in the last watch of the night. He also had-by this time 
ceased to be cruel. 

1 it was an annual allowance. 
Pâdishâhnâma II. 348. 

2 Şafâi reşh mî bakhehid. Thephras.6 
is not given in the dictionaries. 

3 Text dar yüra$h u souıâri, " Tn ex- 
peditions and ridings." But I.O. MS. 
628 has yürahh duşhwâri, which seems 



S. Farîd 1 Bhakari says in the Zakhîra-ul-khwânîn that, "At 
the time when Abdullah was kept under surveillance by Khân 
Jahân Lodî the latter sent through me 10,000 Rs. for hisexpenses. 
I said to 'Abdullah, ' The Nawâb has done much as a holy warrior 
in the path of God. How many infidels' heads have you caused 
to be cut off?' He said, ' There would be 200,000 heads so that 
there might be two rows of minarets of heads from Agra to Patna. 
I said, ' Certainly * there wo;üd- be an innocent Muhammadan 
among these men.' He got angry and said, ' I made prisoners of 
five lacs of women and men and sold them. They ali became 
Muhammadans. From their progeny there will be krors by the 
judgment day. God's apostle used to go to the house of the cot- 
ton-carder 3 (naddâf) and beg him to become a Masalmân. I at 
önce made five lacs of people Masalmâns. If justice were done, 
there would be even more followers of islâm." When I reported 
this conversation to Khân Jahân he said, " it is strange in this 
man that he boasts of his evil deeds and his non-repentance ! " 
His sons did not do well. M. 'Abdu-r-Rasül was appointed to the 

The best son of Q.âsim 6 K. Namakîn. By knöwledge of his 
duties and of affairs he was superior to ali his brothers. He dis- 
tinguished himself during his father's life-time and attained the 
rank of 500. After his death he attained high rank. in the time 
of Jahangir he rose to the rank of 2500 with 1500 horse and was 
appointed governor of Multan as deputy for Yemenu-d-daulah. 
in the 2nd year of Shah Jahan when Murtazâ K. Anjü the Şub- 
âhdâr of Tatta died, he got an increase of 500 horse and was 
raised to the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse, and made governor of 

1 If this is the author of the book 
he must be identical with the S. M'a- 
rüf mentioned in Shah Newâz's pre- 
face. Perhaps it is to this man that 
Stewart refers in his histoı'y of Ben- 
gal, p. 177, as Fereed Addeen Bokhary. 

* One MS. has ' O God ' (Allah) in- 
stead of albatta, and neknâml " res- 
peotable," instead of begunah. 

S Naddâf. I do not know what 
convert is referred to here. 

* Perhaps " If a eorrect caleulation 
were made." 'Abdullah's remark 
reminds us of the boasts of the Por- 
tuguese pirates about the numbor of 
Christians they had made. 

6 B. 470 and 472. 






that province. in the 9th year at the time of the return of 
the prinoe (Shah Jahan the king) from Daulatabad to the 
capital he was appointed to the fief of the Sarkar of Bîr 
in the Deccan and for some time was among the auxiliaries 
(hamaktan) in that territory. in the 14th year he was sent off to 
Sivistan in suecession to Qazâq ' K. in the 15th year he was for 
the second time put in charge of the province of Tatta in suecession 
to Shâd Khân. He died there in the 20th year of the reign, 1907, 
1647. and was buried in his father's tomb called the Şafa-i-Şafâ 
(dais of purity) on the hill whieh is opposite to Bhakar fort and 
on the south side. He was more than one hundred years old and 
there was no decline in his intellect or strength. in the time of 
Jahangir he was known by the name of Mir Khân. Shah Jahan, 
by the addition of an alif to his title, took one lac of rupis from 
him as peshkash, and gave him the title of Amîr 2 Khân. He like 
his father had many children. His eldest son 'Abdu-r-Razzâq was 
of the 900 elass under Shah Jahan. Fn the 26th year he died. 
Another was Ziyâu-d-dîn Yûsuf who at the elose of Shah Jahan 's 
reign held the rank of 1000 with 600 horse, and afterwards had 
the title of Ziyâu-d-dîn K. His grandson Mir Abû-1-Wafâ in the 
elose of the reign of Aurangzeb held s the office of darogha of the 
oratory along with other offices. and was known to the appreciative 
monarch for his intelligence and honesty. Another son who per- 
haps was the ablest of them ali was Mir ' Abdu-1-Karîm Multaf at 
K. , who was an intimate associate of Aurangzeb and had his 
father's title. His biography is given separately. The daughter 
of the deceased Khân was married to Prince Murâd Bakhsh, but 
this conneetion took place long after the Khân's death. On ac- 
cofunt of the prince's having no child by the daughter of Shâh 
Newâz K. Şafavî, Shah Jahan in the 30th year gave this chaste 
lady, who was worthy to be married to a prince, a lac of rupees in 
jewels, ete, as a marriage present, and sent her to Ahmadabad to 
be married to the prince who was then the governor of the pro- 
vince (Gujarat). 

1 B. 472. Qarâq. 

2 See the story in the life of his aon Abd ul-Karîm. 
* Maaşir. A. 450, 


1 Hakim Masîh-u-d-dîn Abû-1-fath, s. Maulânâ 'Abdu-r-Razzftq 
of Gîlân, who had great insight in matters of contemplation and 
devotion. For years the Şadârat (chief ecclesiastical authority) of 
that country was in his charge. When Gîlân came into the pos 
session of Shah Tahmâsp Şafavî in 974, 1566-67, and Khân Ahmad 
the ruler of that country fell into prison on account of his want of 
tact, the Maulânâ from his truthfulness and orthodoxy ended his 
life. in imprisonment and torture. The Hakim and his two 
biothers Hakim Hamam and Hakîm Nuru-d-din— -each of whom 
was distinguished for quickness of apprehension and ability in the 
current sciences and for external perfeetions — chose departure from 
their natıve land and came to India. İn the 20th year they en- 
tered into Akbar's service, and ali three brothers received suit- 
able promotion. 

As Abü-1-fath possessed unusual excellence and had tact and 
knowledge of the world he obtained promotion at court and in the 
24th year was made Şadr and Amîn of Bengal. Afterwards, when 
the şedit ious officers of Bengal and Bihar united, and got rid of 
Mozaffar K. the governor, Hakîm and many others of the loyalists 
fell into prison. One day he saw his opportunity, and threw him- 
self down from the top of the fort and reached safety with difficulty 
and blistered feet, and went on pilgrimage to the Presence. When 
he kissed the threshold, he surpassed ali his equals in influenceand 
intimacy. Though his rarik was not higher than 1000 yet in de- 
gree he was more than a vizier or vakil. When in the 30th year 
Rajah Bîrbar left to reinforce Zain K. Koka, who had been ap- 
pointed to chastise the tribe of the Yûsuf zai, Hakîm was also made 
leader of a separate auxiliary force. But they did not take account 
of one another and did not act with concord. The result of conceit 
and duplicity was that the Rajah was killed and that the Hakim 
and the Kokaltâsh escaped with great difficulty and presented 
themselves at court. For some time they remained under censure. 
in the 34th year, 997, 1589, at the time when Akbar was marehing 
from Kashmir to Kabul, Hakîm died a natural death in the neigh- 

ı A.N. III., 144. 



bourhood of Damtür. in accordance with ordere, Khwâja Shamsu- 
d-dîn Khwâfî carried his body to Hasan Abdal and committed it to 
the dust under a dome which he had built for himself. As soıne 
days before this, the very learned Amir Azdu-d-daula of Shiraz 
had died, Sarfî ' Savajî found this chronogram. 

This year two scbolars departed from the world, 
One went before and the other went after 
üntil both agreed (i.e., met) together. 
The chronogram " both went together " did not arise. 

Akbar, who was exceedingly gracious to him, visited him du- 
ring his illness, and after his death expressed his sorrow by saying 
the fatiha for him at Hasan Abdal. The Hakîm was an acute, 
wise and active-hearted man. Faizi says about him in his elegy : 

Verse. 1 
His writings were an exposition of fate's decrees, 
His thoughts an exposition of fortune's records. 

in studying and managing the dispositions of men he did not 
spare himself. Whatever came from him was found of weight in 
wisdom's balance. He was generous, and the beauty of the age, 
and for perfections he was the unique of the world. He was the 
subject of panegyric by the poets of the dav. Especially did 

1 The words of the chronogram are, 
Har dobaham rajtand, which raake 997, 
1589. The Darbârî Akbarî quotes 
the linesvvith some differences of read- 
ing (apparently iraproveraents) at p. 
679. The text has HarB, but Şarfî is 
the right name and means grammati- 
oal. See Badayünî III. 260, where he 
is callod Sarfî Savajî and is stated to 
have been for a time with Nizâmu-d- 
dîn Ahmad in Gujarat. He lived fora 
time in Lahore and was a man of 
dervosh mannere. He went with Faizî 
to th» Deocan and died there. Ac- 
cordüıg to Nuâmu-d-din, Lucknovv 

ed. 400, his name was Harfi Savahjî 
and he went on pilgrimage to Mecca. 
See also B. 586 and note. Savahji 
means that he came from Savah (in 
Persia). See Sprenger, Çat. 382, who 
oalls him Salâu-d-dîn Şarfî, and re 
fere to the Maaşîr Rahîmî about him. 
There was also a Harfî of Sawah, do. 
30. Perhaps the second line of Şarfi's 
quatrain means that one seholar wae 
higher in rank or abler than the other, 
but that now they havo met together. 
Abül Fath's tomb stili exists at Hasan 

a See A.N., III., 563, line 14 



Mullâ 'Urfî of Shiraz write many brilliant odes in his praise. The 
föllovving lines are from one of them. 

(Here follow eight lines of poetry.) 
His (youngest) brother Hakim Nüru-d-dîn with the takhallaş 
of Qarârî was an eloquent man and a good poet. 
This verse is his 

Verse. ' 

What reck 1 of death ? A shaft from thine eyes hath pierced 

And shall aye torture me though i die not for another century. 

An extraordinary * perturbation seized him, and by Akbar 's 
orders he was sent to Bengal where he died without obtaining 

The following are among his sayings : 3 To show off your 
ability before another man is to shew off your ambition (?)." 
' ' To watch över a rude servant is to make yourself ill-mannered. ' ' 
" Whomever you trust, he is trustworthy " (i.e., none is really 
trustworthy). He called Hakim Abü-1-fath a man of the world, 
and Hakîm Hamam a man of the other * world and kept aloof 
from them both. A separate account has been given of Hakîm 
Hamam. Another brother, named Hakim Lafcf Ullah, who 
had come from Persia (afterwards) was, by the influence of 
Hakîm Abü-1-fath, enrolled among the royal servants and attained 
the rank of 200. He soon died. Abü-l-fath's son Fath Ullah was 
an able man. As Jahangir was unfavourable 6 to him, one day 
Diânat * K. Lang charged hini with disloyalty and said that 

1 B. 587 who translates : "I doubt 
Death' s power ; but an aırow from 
thine eye has pierced me, and it is this 
arrow alone that will kili me, even if I 
were to live another hundred years. " 
The lines and their context occur in 
Badayünî, III., 313. They are more 
vigorous than most of his quota- 

* This is takenfrom theAîn, 1. 252 
but the Maasir has separated the ex 
pression from its context. See B. 586 
and note 4. Badayünî seems to say, 
l.c, that (jarârî was sent off to Ben- 

gal as a punishment because he would 
not conform to the rules about mili 
tary service. See Darbârî A. , 671, ete. 

3 The sayings are obscure. Soe 
Darbâri A., 666 and 672. 

* mard-i âkhirat. "A man of th< 
end of things. See B., l.c, line 2. 

6 Tqb«lnâraa 28. 

6 Tüzük J. 58 where it is stated 
that his former name was Qâeim 'Alî. 
B. 465 (?) but B., l.c, note says QSsim 
'Ali should according to the Maasir 
be Qâsim Beg. See Maasir, II. 8. The 
Iqbâlnâma J. 30 calls him Q5sim K. 



at the time of the rebellion of Sultan Khusrau, Fath UllaL 
had said to him that the proper thing was to give Khusrau 
the Panjab and so stop the contention. Fath Ullah denied he 
had said so, and the parties were put to their oaths. Fifteen 
days had not elapsed when he reaped the result of his false 
oath, for he had joined Nüru-d-dîn ' — the cousin of Aşaf K Ja'afir — 
who had arranged with Khusrau that he would bring him out 
of prison on a fitting opportunity. By chance, in the secönti 
year when Jahangir was returning from Kabul to Lahore the 
plot was revealed to the emperor. Af ter enquiries, Nüru-d-dîn 
and others were capitally punished and Hakim Fath Ullah was 
pilloried, being made to ride on an ass backwards and so conveyed 
from stage to stage. After that he was blinded.* 

ABÜ-L-MAKÂRAM JAN nişâr khân. 8 
He was Khwâja Abü-1-makâram. At first he was one of the 
confidential servants of Prince Sultan Muhammad M'uazzam. 
When Sultan Muhammad Akbar had prepared the materials of re- 
bellion, and was, in conjunction with ignorant Rajputs, about to 
march with a large force against his father, as information about 
his army had not fully reached the emperor, Khwâja Abü-1-mak- 
âram went aa a scout on the part of the prince (M'uazgam) and fell 
in with the scouts ot Prince Akbar. A fight ensued and the 
Khwâja escaped with wounds. İn this way he became known to 
the emperor and afterwards obtained the rank of 900 and the 
title of Jân Nisar K. in the campaign of Râmdara * he was ap 
pointed to accompany the said prince (M. M'uazzam afterwards 
Bahâdur Shah) , and in the siege of Sampgâon h he distinguished 
himself, and stamped the diploma of bravery with the inscription 

1 Iqbâlnâma, J. 27. 

2 B. 425 say s he was put to death, 
and refers to the Tüzük 58, but it is 
not said there that he was kılled. 
Jahangir says he intended to do ao, 
but refrained and contented himself 
with imprisoning Fath Ullah and put- 
ting to death some others. The 
IqbSlnâma 29, last line, says that Fath 
Ullah was pilloried, ete. He does not 
say he was blinded. From KhSfî K. , I. 

233, line 7, where mention is nıade of 
a plot to makhül u mazbut (blind and 
imprison) Jahangir, it is clear makhül 
does not mean to kili. — 

3 Apparently he was sun of If- 
tikhâr K. 'Alamgîrnâma , 247. 

♦ Khâfî K., II. 280, 291. 

* Text Sâtgâon, variant SSpgâon. 
The real name appears to be Samp- 
gâon. See Khhâfi K., II. 291. it is 
deseribed there as a strong fort and 



of wounds ! When the prince returned from there , he was appoint- 
ed to attack Abü-1-hasan Qutb Shâh, and Jân Nigâr accompan- 
ied him. in accordance with direetions from the prince he pıoceed- 
ed to take the fort of Saram ' and established a thâna. He re- 
pulsed a sally of Abü-1-hasan's troops, and he distinguished himself in 
the siege of Golconda and was wounded. in the 33rd year he was 
presented * with a dagger with a hilt, ete. (u sâz) of jade and sent 
off to chastise the vile foe. Next year he received a robe of hon- 
our and an elephant. As he had repeatedly distinguished himself 
the emperor used to sho\v him favour. Aftenvards when there 
was a battle between Santa Ghorpura and the imperialists in a 
vîllage of the Garnatic , the latter were def eated by the evil assist- 
ance of fate. The Khân was wounded but managed to escape. 
After that he became faujdâr and çil' adar of Gwaliyar and chose 
the corner of contentment. 

When Aurangzeb paradise, though the Khân was an 
old servant of Bahâdur Shah and was hopefm of promotion from 
him, yet as he saw that A' «im Shah was at hand he, from incon- 
sideration, 3 wrote petitions to A'zim Shah and Sultan Muhammad 
'Azîm (Bahâdur Shah's son) to the effect that he wished to join, 
but that the opposite party had appointed a force to carry him 
off, and that he woüld come in as aoon as he had got carriage, ete, 
Meanwhile he learnt that Bahâdur Shah had arrived at Agra. and 
went off posthaste to join him. As the emperor had previously 
expected that Jân Nişâr K. would have göne över to Muhammad 
'Azîm * with 4 or 5000 horse, he was displeased. But after Muham- 
mad A'zim Shâh was killed, he, on perceiving signs of penitence 
in Jân Nişâr, after some delay admitted him into his service. He 
received the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse and the gift of drums. 

After Bahâdur Shah had göne to paradise, the Khân served 
on the right wing of Jahândâr Shah in the battle with Farrukh 
Siyar. Afterwards he served Farrukh Siyar. When Husain 'Alî 

Jân Nisar was vvounded at the taking 
of it. See EUiot, VII. 314. 

1 Sairam in Khâfî K., U. 302. 

2 M. Aalamgiri, 331. 

8 Text beparwagi but the variant 
bepardagi " effrontery " seems rnore 

likely to be correet. He wrote to 
both sides. 

+ There is the variant A'ışim, but 
apparently the text is right. BahS- 
dur Shah thought that JSn NisSr 
shoııld have joined his son earlier. 



K. the governor of the Deccan came to the taluqs ' and made 
peace with the enemy on the'agreement to grant one-fourth of the 
revenue and ten percent. desmukhi, and this arrangement was not 
approved of by the sovereign, Jân Nisâr — who was vexed (mizâj 
girifta, qu. " tactful "?) and was a man of the world (sahbatdîda) , 
and the adopted brother of 'Abdullah * K. Saiyid Miyân took 
leave in the 6th year to go as governor of Burhânpur, in order that 
he might make Husain 'AÜ K. listen to reason and bring him 
into the right way. After coming to the ferry of Akbarpür (on the 
Narbada), Husain 'Ali after perceiving that he would not be of his 
party (?), senr. a body of troops and summoned him to his 
presence at Aurangabad. Though in appearance there was much 
cordiality, and food was sent every day and he was always treated 
with respect, and he was addressed as 'Ammü Şâhib " Sir Uncle, " 
yet he put off admitting him to Burhânpur. After the harvest of 
the cold-weather crop he was admitted on condition that he should 
send his eldest son Dârâb K. to Burhânpur, and himself accompany 
him (Husain 'Alî). When Husain 'Alî K. showed a design to go 
to the capital, as he was pot confident about Jân Nisâr, and the 
people of Burhânpur complained about Dârâb K., he appointed 
Saif u-d-d-din 3 'Alî K. in his room, and took him (Dârâb?) with 
him. it is not known what finally became of Jân Nisâr. He had 
two sons. One was Dârâb K. and the other was Kâmyâb K. 
Both were with Nizâmu-1-mulk Âşaf Jâh in the battle with 'Alam 
'Ali K. The second son was wounded, and the eldest— who was 
son-in-law of Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh 'Alamgîrî, and whose 
sister (Jân Nişâr's daughter) was married to I'timâdu-d-daula Qam- 
aru-d-dîn K. — was addressed by his father's title and in Muham- 
mad Shâh's time became faujdâr of Sarkar Karra Jahânâbâd in the 
Allahabad province. He remained there for seven years and in the 
14th year was killed by the hand of Bhagwant Singh the zemindar 
of that place. 

1 ba taahıga rasîda. Apparently 
this means the territories of Rajah 
Sâhû the Mahratta. See Maajir, I. 
330, line nine from foot. 

5 The father of the two Saiyids. 
See B. 392. He is also called Tilıaıı- 

pürî. Perhaps the meaning of mizaj- 
girifta is that Jân Nisâr had under- 
stood the feelings of Farrukh Siyar 
about the convention. 

S A younger brother of Husain 'Alî, 
B. 332. 




He was descended from Mir Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpür. 
On account of his being connected by marriage with Jamâl K — 
the Abyssinian (he waş his son-in-law), he rose to high rank in the 
world. He was distinguished for courage and generosity. They 
say that when in the reign of Murtaza Nizâm Shâh, Sultan Hasan. 
B. Sultan Husain of Sabzawâr, who was a native of Ahmadnagar, 
received the title of Mîrzâ Khân and became the Peshwah öf the 
dynasty, he, from wickedness and folly, brought Miran Husain the 
son of Murtaza Nizâm Shâh af oresaid from Daulatabad to Ahmad- 
nagar and made him king. He also put ' Murtaza Nizâm Shâh to 
death by torture and became more powerful than ever. After some 
time intriguing persons alienated Mîrzâ K. and Mîrân Husain from 
one another^ As Husain Nizâm Shâh (i. e., the Mîrân Husain 
af oresaid) from carelessneas and inexperience uttered menacing 
words, Mîrzâ Khan observed the maxim of " remedy a fact before 
the fact occurs," and so he imprisoned Husain Nizâm Shâh in 
the fort and raised to the throne Ismâîl, the son of Burhan Shâh, 
who (Burhan) at that time had fled from his brother Murtaza 
Nizâm Shâh and had become a servant of Akbar. 

On the day of the accession Mîrzâ K. summoned the other 
Moghul officeTs to the fort and held rejoicings. Suddenly Jamâl 
K. the Abyssinian, who was the eenturion * (Şada) mamabddr , 
joined with the Deccanis and the Abyssinians and made a tumult at 
the gates of the Ahmadnagar fort. They said that for some days 
they had not seen Husain Nizâm Shâh, and that he should be 
shown to them. Mîrzâ Khân from exceeding arrogance replied by 
engaging in battle. When this did not ansvver, he, being desperate, 
had the head of Husain Nizâm put on a spear and stuck above the 
fort. He then proclaimed, "Here is the head of the man for 

J The history of theae oocurrences 
is fully given by Ferishta who was an 
eye-witness. it was Mîrân Husain 
who put his own father to death. 
See also A.N., III. 539 and 587. 


1 Şada means " one hundred ", and 
it would seem from Ferishta that there 
were a ııumber of officers so styled. 
Originally perhaps it meant the cap- 
tain of a hundred men. 





whom you are clamouring, our king is ismail Nizâm Shâh." Some 
on seeing this wished to turn back , but Jamâl K. said that now he 
would exact retribution from this man (Mirza Khân) and put the 
reins into the king's own hands, otherwise their fortunes and their 
honour would be ruined. By his endeavours there.was a general 
riot, and fire was set to the gate of the fort. Mîrzâ K. became 
helpless and fled to Junair. fhe rioters entsred the fort and pro- 
ceeded to slay the foreigners. M. Muhammad Taqî, Nazîrî Mîrzâ, 
Şâdiq"Urdübâdî, 1 Amin A'zzu-d-dîn Astrabâdi — every one of whom 
had acquired court office and rank, and had not their equals in the 
seven climes in that age lor the customary excellencies — and many 
of the Moghuls, high and lovv, servants as vvell as merchants, were 
slain. Mîrzâ K. too was brought from Junair, cut to pieces, and 
his limbs hung up in the bazaar. 

Jamâl Khân was a follower of the Mahdavî religion. When 
he arrived at power, he made ismail Shâh — who was young 1 — a 
member of the same faith, and abolished the proclamation in the 
name of the twelve Imâms and exerted himself to promote the 
Mahdavî 3 sect. He gathered together nearly 10,000 horses of this 
party, and at this time the latter flocked from every qu arter to 
Ahmadnagar. Saiyid Ilahdâd — who was a descendant of the Mîr 
Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpûr who had proclaimed Mahdavism — 
came to the Deccan with his son Saiyid Abü-1-fath. As Saiyid 
Ilahdâd was renowned for hisausterities, and the purity of his life, 
Jamâl Khan gave his daughter in marriage to his son Saiyid Abü- 
1-Fath. That son of a Saiyid at önce attained to great fortune 
and became master of goods and of undertakings. When Burhan 
Shâh heard of the confusion in the Deccan, and of the accession of 
his aon, he took leave of Akbar and came to his hereditary country. 
With the help of Rajah 'Alî Khân Fârüqî and of ibrahim ' Âdil 
Shâh he fought a battle with Jamâl K. in the neighbourhood of 
Rohankhîra,* and gained the victory. it happened by fate that 

l Urdübâd is a town in Azarbaijân 
and is on the Araş, a tributary of the 
Kur. The pro vince is now known as 

& Ferishta says he was only 16. 

1 For an accouiıt of the Mahdavî 

religion see Blochmann, Âîn, Preface, 
p. iii, ete. 

* Ferishta calls the place Ghat 
Rohangir and says that when Jamâl 
K. found that pass elosed against him 
he went by another and more difficult 

Jamâl K. was wounded by a bullet and killed. ismail Nizâm 
Shâh was made prisoner. The verse " The curreney of religion 
seized the head of Jamâl " enigmatioally 1 gives the date of the event, 

Burhan Nizâm Shâh revived the Imâmiya religion and put fco 
death the Mahdivies and plundered their property. in a short time 
no trace of them remained. Saiyid Abü-1-Fath together with his 
wife's brother, who was Jamâl K.'s son, was seized and for a long 
time kept in prison. Afterwards he escaped and colleeted Jamâl 
K.'s scattered troops and took possession of the territory of Bija- 
pur. ibrahim * 'Âdil Shah sent ' Ali Âqâ Turkoman against him. it 
chanced that 'Ali Âqâ was killed and that Aböl Fath got possession 
of his horses and elephants and became master. 

'Adil Shâh was helpless and conciliated him by bestowing high on him and assigning to him the revenues of pargana Gokâk. 3 
Af ter some time 'Âdil Shâh meditated treachery against him, so 
he put his wife and mother on horseback and fled to Burhânpur. 
The Khân-Khânân ('Abdu-r-Rahîm) regarded his arrival as an 
honour, and procured him the rank of 5000 and the gift of drums. 
After that he was given Mânikpür in fief and the government of 
Allahabad, and acquired a name there for courage. in the 8th 
year of Jahangir he was appointed to march with Sultan Kharram 
(Shah Jahan) against the Rânâ, and in 1023, 1614, he fell ili 

route to attack Burhan. See also 
A.N. III. 587 where the scene of the 
battle is called Fardâpür. it is near 
the Ajanta caves. The battle was 
fought on 13 Rajab 999, 27 April, 
1591. it is desoribed in Majör Haig's 
Historie Landmarksof the Deccan, p. 
167. The place is there called Rohan- 
khed, and the date given is May 
18, 1591. 

1 The tvfo words ı-*AıV» rpj* Mur- 
aumaj mazhab yield the date 996, and 
they ' ' take the head " , that is , add the 
first letter z of Jamâl whioh gives 3, 
and so the whole becomes 999, 1591. 
Apparently there are several puns in 
the line. Mazhab means religion, and 

muzhab means gilded, i. e. , flowery, and 
muruj is the plural of marj, a meado w. 
Muraunoaj also means a dealer, and so 
Muravnoaj mazhab nıight mean dealer 
in the current religion. Further Sir-i- 
Jamal may mean both ' ' the head of 
Jamâl" and "a beautiful head." 
The line therefore rnight be translated 
" The golden meadows put on a 
beautiful appearance. " The ehrono- 
gram is given by Ferishta at the end 
of his accoıınt of lsm'ail of Ahmad- 
nagar's reign, and he says it vras cöm- 
posed by Muhammad Sharîf Karbalâi. 

2 Când Bîbî's nephew. 

8 in the Belgaum district 1.6. xü, 






at the thâna of Kombhalmîr, 1 and died in the city of Pür 

Mir Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpûr was the fountain of the 
Mahdavî movement. He was an Avîa, 3 and from his abundant 
spirituality became possessed of esoteric and exoteric learning. 
Many regard him as a disciple andsuccessor of ghaikh Daniel, who 
tu the successor of Râjî Hâmid Shah of Mânikpür. He wâs a 
Hanafî in religion. in the end of 906,* 1501 , he, owing to confused 
brain and the influences of the age, proclaimed Mahdism. Many 
persons became his adherents and displayed their eccentricities. 
They say that when he became convalescent he repudiated his 
doctrines, but many who did not attain to sanity remained 
in the same ideas. Some maintain that his statement ' ' I 
am the Mahdî" meant that he was the forerunner of the Mahdi 
and not that he was the Mahdî promised in the Law. 6 Some say 
that in fact God made a revelation to the Saiyid by a secret 
voice, which said, " Thou art the Mahdi," and that consequently 
he knew that he was the promised Mahdi. He held this belief 
for a long time, and then went from Jaunpür to öujarat. Sultan 
Mahmüd the elder (Sultan Mahmüd Bigarha) received" him gra- 
ciously. On account of envious people he could not go to India, 
and set out for Persia, in order that he might go by that route to 
the Hijâz. On the way it was made plain to him that his idea 
of being the Mahdî was a complete delusion, and he said to his 

1 J. II. 258. Kumalgarh of Raj- 
putana Gazetteer, III. 52. 

s POr Mandal, in the Bajputana 
Gazetteer, Pur and Mandal are des- 
cribed as two separate towns, about 
10 miles apart. They He N.E. Udai- 
pur. Tlıere is also a Mandalgarh, l.c, 
53. 8ee also J. II. 274. 

Abfl-1-Fath is mentioned in the 
Tûzuk J. III as having become loyal 
to Jahangir two years before the 7th 

8 That is, apparently, a follower 
of the order of Avis, the Aweis Qarâhî 
of Beale, and the Ghiy5şu-l-lojjhat and 
Avis Alkouni of D'Herbelot, asaint of 
Yemen, who was killed in A. D. 557. 

See also Khazina Aşfiy a II. , p. 118, and 
Nioholson's ed. of the Tazkîra Aulîya, 
I. 15. 

* Text 960, but this must be a 
mistake, for he died in 910. Probably 
shast has been written by mistake for 
thath. See Blochmann V., Bayley's 
Gujrat 240 et seq., MirSt Sikandan 
lith. 136 and Badayûni I., Ranking 
420, 21. Ferishta however has 960. 

6 B. III. 

« According to the MirSt Sikan- 
dari the Sultan wished to see him, 
but was dissuaded by his officers on 
the ground that the Saiyid 's eloquence 
might raake him forsake seoular busi- 

disciples, " Almighty God hath wiped the drops of Mahdism from 
my heart. If I return in safety, I shall retract ali I have said." 
When he came to Farah ' he died, and vas buriedthere. Ignoranr 
people, especially of the Afğhan Panî tribe, and some of other 
tribes, regard him as the promised Mahdî, and have adopted this 
fictitious religion. The writer of these sheets (ajzö) chanced to 
be in company with one of these believers, and it was clear that 
besides matters* which were disputable (?) they had extracted some 
rules and principles from the traditions whiçh were contrary to the 
tenets of the four religions. 8 

Second son of Mubârak of Nâgör. He was born in 958 
(6 Muharram =14 January 1551), and by his quickness, ability, 
lofty genius, and fluency of speech soon became the unique and 
unequalled one of the age. By his fifteenth year he had aequired 
the philosophic sciences, and traditionary learning. They say* 

) Farah or Farrah is in Afghanis- 
tan on one of the main routes from 
Herat to Qandahart it is 164 m. S. 
Herat, I. G. I. 36, and is in Sistan 

î Siwâî Masila-i-Mâ Nahn Fîh, an 
Arabie phrase which I do not fully 
understand. Perhaps it means, some 
queştions which we do not discuss or 

8 Meaning the four orthodox sects 
of the Sunnis described by Sale in his 
Preliminary Discourse. Blochmann 
gives 91 1 as the date of Saiyid Muham- 
ıııad's death. Bayley and Badftyûnî 
have 910, and the Mirât Sikandarî 
Lith. has 917. According to one ac- 
count he was killed, and according to 
another he died a natural death. This 
biography is by Shah Newâz, and the 
remark at I he end would seem to imply 
that he was a Sünnî. But possibly he 
really was a Shîa. He certainly was 
not a bigoted Sünnî or Shia. The 
four sects of the Sunnîs.are also des- 
cribed in Hughes Dict. >of Islâın. 

* Apparently the autlıor did not 
know that the account was A. F. 's 

oto. See Jarrett, III. 444. and Per- 
sian text of Aîn, II. 278. By the Ispa- 
hânî seema to be meant Şhamsu-d-dîn 
Muhammad Al Ashârî who wrote a 
gloss on the comnıentary of Baizavt 
on the Koran. He died in Egypt in 
749, 1348-1349. See D'Herbelot, art. 
Espahani. See also B. XI, where by 
mistake the manuscript is said to 
have been damaged by fire. The 
passage in the toxt is a copy, though 
apparently not at frrst hand, of A. F. ; 
and in the 5th line of p. 609 the word 
aih has been omitted after du. Col. 
Jarrett's translation is, ''When both 
were compared, in two or three places 
only were there found differences of 
words, though synonymous in mean- 
ing, and in three or four others (differ- 
ing) citations but approximate in 
«ense. " B. explains that the i olios had 
been destroyed from top to bottom, 
half of each having been eaten away. 
This vrould affect the last half of each 
line on one side of the folio and the 
first half on the other. The story 
seems apocryphaL 




that in the eafly daya of his instrüction and when he was not 
yet twenty the gloss of .Sifâhâni (or Ispahânî, i.e., an inhabitant of 
Ispahan) came into his hands, but with more than half of it eaten 
by white-ants so that it could not be understood. He removed 
the worm-eaten portion and joined on blank paper. Then af ter 
a little meditation he understood the beginning and ending of each 
line, and by conjecture filled up the blanks. Afterwards when 
another copy was procured, and the two were compared, it was 
found that they agreed, exeept in two or three places where 
there were şynonymous expre8Sİons, and three or four places 
where there were (differing) citations (Irâd) but approximate in 
sense. Ali were astonished. As his dispositipn was retiring, and 
loved solitude, he shook off society and sought to lead an 
independent life. He did not try to öpen the door of a profes- 
sion. At the'mstance of friends, he in the nineteenth year of the 
reign of Akbar presented himself before the sovereign at the time 
when the latter was about to proceed to the eastern districts, and 
tendered a commentary which he had written on the Ayatu-1-kursî, 
"The Throne- verse " (v. 256 of the second chapter of the Koran, 
p. 45 of Sale ed. 1825). Afterwards, when Akbar returned to 
Fathpür, he presented himself a second time, and as the fame of 
his ability and learning had on several occasions reached Akbar, 
he became the object of his boundless favour. When Akbar became 
alienated from the bigoted Ulama, the twobrothers, vvho, along with 
their eminent knowledge and ability, werenot devoid of tact and 
servility, again and agahı disputed vehemently with Shaikh Abdu- 
n-Nabî and Makhdümu-1-mulk, — who from their sciençe and 
possession of the current learning were pillars of the emp're, — 
and assisted Akbar in putting them to silence. Day by dây their 
influence and iritimacy with the king increased, and as the Shaikh's 
disposition and that of his ekler brother Shaikh Faizi harmonised 
with Akbar's, Abü-1-fazl cameto be an Amir. in the 39th year 
he became an officer of 1000, and in the 34th, vvhen the Shaikh's 
mother died, Akbar came to his house and condoled with him and 
comforted him. He said, " If men were immortal, and did not die, 
one by one, there would be no need for sympathetic hearts prac- 
tising resignation. As no one long abides in this caravanserai, 



why should we bring upon ourselves the reproach of impatience." 
in the 37th year he was raised to the rank of 2000. 

When the Shaikh had acquired such sway över the king that 
the princes were jealous of him, not to speak of the officers, and 
was always in contiguity, like the setting to a jewel, and that 
nothing was concluded without his approval, several of the discon- 
tented induced Akbar to send the Shaikh to the Deccan. it is 
also notorious that Sultan Selim one day went to the Shaikh's 
house and found forty clerks employed in copying the Koran, 
and a commentary thereupon. He took them ali, together with 
the chapters of the books, to the king, who became suspicious and 
thought, 1 " He incites us to other kinds of things,and then when 
he goes to the privacy of his home he acts differently." From 
that day there was a breach in their intimacy and companionship ! 

in the 43rd year he was dispatched to the Deccan to bring 
away Prince Murâd. The order to him was that if the officers who 
had been appointed there to guard the country were doing their 
duty, he was to return with the prince. Otherwise he was to send 
off the prince, and to conduct the administration with the assis- 
tance of Mîrzâ Shahrukh . When he arrived at Burhânpur , Bahâdur 
Khân the ruler of Khandes, whose brother was married to Abü-1- 
fazl's sister, wished to take him to his house and entertain him. 
The Shaikh said, " If you will go along with me in the king's busi- 
ness, I shall be able to accept (your invitation)." When this road 
was stopped he sent some clothes and other presents. The Shaikh 
rejoined, ''I have made a covenant with Almighty God that until 
four conditions be fulfilled, I shall take nothing from any one. 
"The first condition is Love; the second is that I shall not over- 
estimate the gif t ; the third that I did not ask for it ; the f ourth , 
that I was in want of it." Here, the first three conditions are ful- 
filled, but how can the fourth be got över for the graciousness of 
the Shahinshah has obliterated desire ? " 

Prince Murâd, who had fallen into chronic melancholy owing 
to his having returned unsuccessful from Ahmadnagar, and to this 

1 See B. XVI who takea the words 
as having been ^>oken by Selim. 
But A. F. never was Selim' s teacher, 

and I think the words are intended as 
an expres8İon of Akbar's probable 






cause had been superadded the death of his son Rustum Mirza, — 
had with the connivance of sycophants, taken to drinking, and 
become epileptic. When he heard of his being summoned, he went 
off to Ahmadnagar in order that he might make this expedition an 
exouse for not repairing to the presence. He reached Dlhârî on 
the banks of the Pûrnâ and died in the year 1007, 1599. On the 
same day the Shaikh arrived after a rapid journey at the camp. 
There was an extraordinary commotion. High and low wanted to 
go back. The Shaikh considered that to return at this time when 
the enemy was close by, and they were in a foreign country, was to 
play into their own loss. Though many got angry and went off, 
he addressed himself with a strong heart and true courage to 
soothe the leaders and to keep together the army, and marched on 
to subdue the Deccan. in a short time he collected the wander- 
ers, and guarded in an excellent manner the whole territory. 
Nâsik, which was far off, was not retaken. But many places such 
as the forts of Batiâlâ, Taltum, and Sitünda were added to the 
empire. He encamped on the bank of the Godavery and appointed 
fit armies in every direction. On receiving a message he made proper 
agreements and promises with Chând Bibi to the effect that when 
Ahang Khân the Abyssinian, with wbom she was at feud, should 
be chastised, she would take Junair as her fief and surrender 
Ahmadnagar. The Shaikh moved from Shâhgarha in that direc- 

At this time Akbar came to Ujjain and found that Bahâdur 
Khân the ruler of Âsir had not paid his respects to Prince Daniel. 
The prince resolved to punish him. As the king intended to come 
to Burhânpur he wrote to, the prince to address himself to the cap- 
ture of Ahmadnagar. Accordingly, letter after letter came from 
the prince to the Shaikh telling him that his energy was known to 
every one far and near, but that Akbar wished that he (the 
prince) should conquer Ahmadnagar. Abü-1-fazl therefore should 
refrain from the enterprise. When the prince moved fron 
Burhânpur, the Shaikh, in accordance with orders, lef t Mirza 
Shahrukh with Mîr Mürtaza and Khwâja Abü-1-hasan in the camp 
and went off to kiss the threshold. On 14 Ramzân, 1008 A.H., 19 
March 1600, and in the beginning of the 4flth year, he paid his 

respects to the king at Kargaon in the Bijapur territory. There 
came on Akbar' s lips the verse — 

A fine night and a glorious moon ' fit well 
For my talk with thee on every topic. 

The Shaikh was appointed, along with Mîrzâ 'Aziz Koka, Âşaf 
Khân J'afar, and Shaikh Farîd Bakhshî to besiege the fort of Âsir, 
and the government of the Khandes was assigned to him. He 
sent his own men with his son and his brother and established 
İhânaa in twenty-two places, and exerted himself to put down the 
contumacious. At the same time he displayed the flag of a manşab 
of 4000. 

One day the Sbaikh went to inspect the batteries. One of the 
besieged, who had joined the men in a battery; pointed out a 
path by which they could get upon the wall of Mâlîgarha. For 
in the waist of Âsir on the west by north side there were two 
noted forts called Mâlî and Antarmâli. Whoever wished to enter 
the strong fortress (Âsir) had first to get through these two forts. 
Separate from them and in the north and north-east side there 
was another fort called Jünamâlî. Its wall was not completed. 
From east to south-west there were amaller hills, and in the south 
there was a high hill called Kortha. On the south-west was a 
lof ty hill called Sapan. As this last had come into the hands of 
the imperialists, the Shaikh arranged with the officers of the 
battery that when they heard the sound of the drums and 
trumpets every one should come out with ladders and should beat 
loudly the great drum. He himself in a dark and cloudy night 
came with his men to the top of Sapan and sent off the men. 
They broke öpen the gate of Mâlî and when they had entered the 
fort they sounded' the drums and trumpets. The garrison resist- 
ed, and the Shaikh followed and arrived when it was near morn- 
ing. The garrison were confused and entered Âsir. When it was 
day the besiegers poured in from every side, some by Kortha and 
some by Jünamâlî. A great victory was gained. Bahâdur Khân 
asked for quartef, and through the intervention of Khân A'zim 
Koka he was permitted to do homage. When Prince Daniel 

The 14th would be a full moon. 




arrived at the Presence durirıg fche congratulations for the victory 
of Âsîr there arose a disturbance caused by Rajü 1 Manâ and the 
attempt to raiae to the throne the son of Shah 'Alî the patemal 
uncle of Nizâm Shah. The Khân-Khânân came to Ahmadnagar, 
and the Shaikh got leave to go and subdue >iâsik. But as many 
men were making a disturbance about the son of Shah Alî, the 
Shaikh, in accordance with orders, returned from that auarter and 
went to Ahmadnagar along with the Khân-Khânân. 

When in the 46th year Akbar returned to Upper India from 
Burhanpur, Prince Daniel remained in the latter place. The 
Khân-Khârtân took ııp his abode in Ahmadnagar so that the "îom 
mander-in-chiefship and the prosecution of the war fell to ine 
Shaikh. Af ter fightings and struggles the Shaikh made a treaty 
with the son of Shâh 'Alî and then proceeded to chastise Râjü 
Manâ. After takmg Jâlnapür and its neighbourhood — which had 
been held by the enemy — he hastened to Ghâtî Daulatabad (i.e. , 
the approaches to Daulatabad) and the Rauza 2 and marched down 
from Katak 8 Catwâra and repeatedly fought with Râjü and was 
always victorious. Râjü * took shelter for a time in Daulatabad 
and again made a disturbance. After a short engagement he fled 
and was nearly captured. He flung himself into the moat of the 
fort. His baggage was plundered. 

in the 47th year when Akbar became displeased with Prince 
Sultan Selim on account of certain occurrences, hej because of his 
servants' having sided with the prince, and because there was no 
one who was equal to Abü-1-fazl in truthfulness and reliability, 
summoned him to court. He ordered him to leave his establish- 
meırt and to come unattended, and with haste. Abü-1-fazl lef t 
his son ' Abdu-r-Rahmân with his establishment and with the 
auxiliary officers in the Deccan, and came on rapidly. Jahangir, 
who suspected him on account of his loyalty and devotion to his 
master, regarded his coming at this time as an interruption to his 

Râjü is 
He was a 

1 Akbarnâma III. 784 
also called Râj û Deceani. 
rival of Malik 'Ambar. 

5 Rauza is another name for Khul- 
dâbad where Aurangzeb is buried. 

8 A.N. III. 795. Katak means an 
army , and also a fort, and perhaps here 
a camp. The A.N. merely has Cat- 

* AN. III. 797. 



plans, and considered his coming unattended as a gam. Rather, 
from inappreciation, he considered that the getting rid of the 
Shaikh would be the first step to the sövere ignty, and by various 
promises instigated Bir Singh Deo Bandîla — through whose terri- 
tory the Shaikh must necessarily pass — to kili him. He waited in 
ambush. When this news came to the Shaikh in Ujjain, men said 
that he ought to go by the route of Ghâtî Cândâ (by Malwa). 
The Shaikh said, " What power ha ve robbers to block my path ?" 
On Friday 4 Rabî-al-awal 1011, 12 August 1602, halfa kos from 
the serai of Bir ' which is six kos from Narwar, Bir Singh Deo 
assembled with numerous horse and foot. The Shaikh's well- 
wishers tried to bring away the Shaikh from the- field of battle, 
and Gadai Afghan, one of his old servants, said that in the town- 
ship of Antrî which was near at hand there were the Rai Rayan 
and Rajah Süraj Singh with three thousand horse. He should 
take them with him and put down the foe. The Shaikh did not 
approve of incurring the disgrace of flight and manfully played 
away the coin of life. 

Jahangir himself writes that Shaikh Abü-1-fazl had persuad- 
ed his ( Jahangir's *) father that because His Excellency , the seal and 
asylum (of prophecy)— the peace of God be upon him and his 
family — was poşsessed of perfect eloquence, he composed the 
Koran (i.e., it was not a Divine revelation) . Consequently he, at 
the time of the Shaikh's coming from the Deccan, told Bir Singh 
to kili him, and after this his father's views changed. 

in accordance with the customs of the Caghatai family that 
the deaths of princes are not openly announced to the king, but 
that the prince's vakil binds a blue handkerchief on his arm and 
makes his reverence, and that in this way the fact becomes known ; 
so as none of the attendants had the courage to announce the 
death of the Shaikh, the above custom was followed. Akbar was 
more grieved than for the deaths of his sons, and after hearing the 
details he said that if the prince aimed at the kingship he should 

1 Called Bar by Blochrnann XXV. it seems to be the Barquisera (Barke 
Serai) of Tavernier II. 39, ed. 1676. İt was between Narwar and Antrî and abont 
6 miles S. of the l»tter. The Trie of Tavernier is Antri. 

* Price's Mem, of Jahangir, p. 33. it doea not occur in the genuine Memoirs 



ha ve kflled him, and güarded the Shaikh. He also uttered this 
verse eîtempore. 1 


When our Shaikh came towards us with eager longing 
A desire of kissing our feet lost him, head and foot. 
The Khân 'A,zim enigmatically gave the date of the Shaikh 's 
death thus- — 


The wondrous sword of God's Prophet severed the rebel's 
head. 1 (1011) (».e., 1602 A.D.) 

They say the Shaikh appeared in a dream (to him) and said, 
' ' The date of my death is ' Banda Abü-l-fazl ' , ' The slave (servant 
of God) Abü-l-fazl ', " for in God's workshop, His bounty is exten- 
sive to the erring. No one should despair." 

it is related of Shâh Abü-1-m'aâlî Qâdirî, î who was one of the 
leading Şhaikhs of Lahore, that he said, "I objected* to the 
doings of Abü-l-fazl. One night I saw in a dream that Abü-l-fazl 
was produced in the assembly of the Apostle. His Majesty cast 
his blessed glance upon him and gave him a place in the assembly. 
He condescended to observe, " This man during part of his life did 
evil things, but this prayer of his of which the beginning is ' O 
God, reward the good for the sake of their goodness, and comfort 
the evil for the sake of Thy graciousness ' beeame the cause of his 

The assertion that the Shaikh was aninfidel is upon the lips 
of high and low. Some reproach him with being a Hindu in 
religion, and some cali him a fire-worshipper, and entitle him a 
secularist. Some even carry their disgust so far as to cali him 
impiousand an atheist. Others in whom justice prevails ând who, 
like the followers of mysticism, give good nam es to those who 
ha ve a bad name, rank him among the followers of " Peace with 

I The removal of the first letter of bâg&î, "a rebel ", yieids 1011, ».e., Sarir 
öâji* burid miauB b=l011. 

t Saf ina u4-AuliyS and Khazîna Aşfiyâ I. U9. He was born in 960, 1553, 
and died in 1024, 1615. 

3 Or perhaps, "I refused to have anything to do with him, »'.e., I refused 
to say prayers for hini. ' ' 



ali," and with those who are of a wide disposition, and aecept ali 
religions, and are relaxers of the Eaw, and are free-thinkers. The 
author of the 'Alam Arâi 'Abbasî • says that Shaikh Abul-faşl was 
a Nuqtavî (Blochmann 452), as is shown by an edict {manahür) 
which was put into the form of a letter and sent (by Abü-l-fazl) 
to Mir Saiyid Ahmad Kâshî— who was one of the leaders of this 
sect, and the author of treatises on the Nuqta doctrine, and who, 
in the year 1002, 1594, when there was a slaying of heretics in 
Persia, was killed* in Kâshan by Shâh 'Abbâs with his own hand. 
The Nuqta doctrines are impiety and infidelity, and license and 
broad churchism, and the Nuqtavis, like the philosophers, con- 
sider the universe to be eternal. They deny the Resurrection, and 
the Last Day, and the retribution for good and evil, and make 
Paradise and Hell to consist in prosperity and adversity in this 
world! May God preserve'us (from sueh doctrines.) 

With ali this, the Shaikh was an able man, and had a great 
intellect and critical disposition, and an aoute glance which over- 
looked nothing, however minute, in worldly affairs, and current 
questions. How was it that he did not enter into agreement with 
the wise, and that he abandoned the excellent way ? Man in the 
affairs of this world — which is unenduring — does not devise his 
own evil and does not approve of injüring himself ! in the affairs 
of the final world, which is stable and enduring, why does he 
knowingly and intentionally choose destruction ? "Those 8 whom 
God permits to go astray are without aguide." 

What appears upon investigation is that Akbar, from the 
beginning of his years of understanding, had a great love for the 
manners and customs of India. Afterwards, he observed the 
precepts of his honoured father whö had accepted the advice 
of Shah Tahmâsp the king of Persia. The latter, in conversation 
with Hümâyun, discussed the question of India, and the loss of 
sovereignty. He said, " it appears that there are in India two 

1 'Alam Ârâî, Tahran ed., p. 325. 
Sikandar Munshî says this on the 
faith of statements of people who had 
oome from India, and of a letter or 
reecript which was found in Ahmad 
KSghî's house. 

2 'Alam ArSî 325. 'AJabaa out him 
to piecee in Naşrâbâd Kâshân. 

3 Sûra 7, v. 185, " He whom God 
shall cause to err, shall have no Diree- 



parties who are distinguished f or military qualities and leadership , 
the Afghans and the Râjpüts. At present you cannot get the 
Afghans on your side for there is no mutual confidence. Make 
them traders instead of servants, and arrange vtdth the Râjpüts 
and cherish them." Akbar recognised that the winning över of 
this body of men would be one of the great political achievements , 
and strove for it to the uttermost. So much so that he adopted 
their customs, such as the prohibition of cow-killing, shaving the 
beard, wearing pearl earrings, Dussarah and Diwâlî festivals, ete. 
Thoııgh the Şhaikh had influence över the king, yet perhaps 
from love of glory he could not hold the reins in this matter. Ali 
these connexions recoiled upon himself. 

it is stated in the Zakhîra-al-Khwânîn that the Şhaikh used 
to go to the houses of dervıshes at night-time and distribute 
a^hrafts (gold coins) and beg them to pray for the preservation 
of Abü-1-fazl's faith. The burden of his plaint was, "Alas! What 
is to be done ? " And then he would place ' his hands on his knees 
and heave a deep sigh. He never used bad language, nor was 
there fining* for absenee, or the confiscation 3 or stoppage of 
wages in his establishment. Whomsoever he önce employed he 
never, if possible, diseharged him even if he did his work badly. 
He would say, " Men will impute it to my want of intelligence 
and will say , ' Why did he take him on without knowing what 



l LU. "strike his hands upon his 
knees." it is an attitude in prayer. 
See Bahâr-i-'Ajam and Hughes' Dict., 
art. Prayer. See also B. XVI, XVII. 
The phrase " to strike one's hands on 
one's knees " is also used in Maasir I. 
7*5, üne 6. Apparently it is a gestuı» 
of enıotion. 

">■ ghair lıüzirl See Irvine A. of 
M. 25. 

3 bâzyâfl u faroghi. Farogh nıeans 
splendour or a star, and furugh means 
bringing to an end. But 1 think 
there i» a migreading and 'that the 
word ıs gurughi. See Vullers s.v. 
quruq. Steingiss gives gıtrug as a 
Mongolian word meaning confiscation. 
it has been adopted into Bengali as a 

legal term meaning attaehmant of 
property, e.g. , Kürfik Amîn, " an 
attaching officer. " The j uxta-position 
of the word bazyâft seems to shev» that 
a word meaning stoppage of wages 
was intended. The MSS. might be 
read as giving gurııghi as well as 
faroghi, for thero is only a dot ot 
dilıe rence between them. Blochnıann 
houever has arcepted the word as* 
furugh , for his rendering at p. xxvii» 
is ' absenee on the part of his er- 
vants . ' ' Perhaps the word means 
siraply dismissal. The expreflsion 
oceurs again at p. 408 of vol. III 
in thenotice of Mahâbat, and is made 
with reforence to KlıSn Jahân Lodi's 

he was V " On the day tha^ the Sun entered Aries, he had ali 
his household goods brought before him and he wrote down the 
details and kept the üst. He burnt his account-books (dafâtir) 
and gave ali the clothes he had worn to his servants on New 
Year's Day, except the trousers (fpâjâma) which were burnt in 
his presence. He had a wonderful appetite. They say that, 
exclusive of fuel and water, his daily ration \veighed two and 
twenty sirs. His son S. ' Abdu-r-Rahmân was his table-attendanfc 
(safarel, "waiter"), and sate as such. The superintendent of 
the kitehen (mashrif-i-baıvarchtkhâna) was a Muhammadan and 
stood by and looked on. Whatever dish the Şhaikh put his hand 
into twice, was prepared again next day. If anything was taste- 
less, he gave it to his son to eat, and he went and admonished the 
cooks, but the Şhaikh himself said nothing. 

They say that his arrangements and establishments during the 
Deccan campaigns were beyond anything that could be imagined. 
in a cahal rawat% (a large tent) a divan (masnad) was spread 
for the Şhaikh , and every day one thousand plates of food were 
prepared and distributed among ali the officers. Outside a 
nuhgazl 1 ("a nine-yard canopy " ?) was set up, and cooked kichiri 
was distributed ali day long to whoever wanted it — high or low. 

They say that when the Şhaikh was Prime Minister (vakti 
matlaq), the Khân-Khânân one day came to see him, in compan}' 
with M. Jânî Beg, the (former) ruler of Scinde. The Şhaikh was 
lying at ful] length on a bed and looking at the Akbarnâma. He 
did not rise up at. ali, but, just as he was, said, " Come in, Mırzâs, 
and be seated." Mîrzâ Jânî Beg, who had princely ideas, wa.s 
disgusted anddeparted. On another occasion the Khan-Khânân 
prevailed by entreaties on the Mîrzâ to go to the Şhaikh's quarters. 
The Şhaikh came to the gate to welcome him and paid him 
great attention, and said, " We s are your fellow-citizens and your 
servants." The Mîrzâ was astonished and said to the Khân- 
Khânân, " What is the meaning of the wh"lome hauteur and 

1 Possibly gazi is the same as gazinah 
mentioned in B. 95 and in Vullers as a 
coarse cotton eloth. 

2 Alluding to the fact that his 
ancestors settled in Scinde when they 
nrst came from Arabia to India. 






of the present humility ? " The Khan-Khânân replied, " On 
that day he had the canons ' of viziership in view, he conformed 
the shadow to the substance. To-day he adopted fraternising 

To leave aside ali such matters, the Shaikh had an enchanting 
literary style. He was free from secretarial pomposity and 
epistolary tricks of style, and the force of his words, the colliga- 
tion of his expressions, the application of single words, the 
beautiful compounds, and wonderful splendours of his diction were 
such as would be hard for another to imitate. 4 As he strove to 
make special use of Persian words, it has been said of him that he 
put into prose the Quintet of Nizamî, it is owing to his consum- 
mate skill in this art that he has written many things in praise 
of his sovereign, and in preambles whic,h seem strange and which 
cannot be understood without close attention. 8 




Turbat is a district 4 of Khurâsân. Qutbu-d-dîn Haidar, who 
was a doer of wondrous deeds,and from whom the Haidarians derive 
themselves, came from there. The Khwâja entered the service of 
Prince Daniel during the reign of Akbar and was made Diwân of 

l toragi. Perhaps the Khan-Khânân 
was referring to A.F.'s having been 
then reading the Akbarnâma and so 
been imagining hinıself at court. 
Perhaps we should read tüzagi. See 
II. 851 eight lines from foot. 

* The part of this eulogium which 
refers to A.F.'s freedom from "the 
technicalities and flimsy prettinesses 
of munshis (B. XXVIII) ' ' is taken 
from the Haft Iqlîm, the author of 
which saye in his account of Agra and 
its ■«rriters, that Abul-fazl considered 
it right to refrain from such tricks of 
style. The passage is quoted in the 
Darbâri A, p. 494. 

8 According to Ghulâm 'Alî's pre- 
face the life of A.F. had not been 
written by the author of the Maasir. 
But probably he made this statement 
because he had not found it. Pre- 
sumably 'Abdıı-1-Hayy afterwards 
found it. 

* Turbat Haidari, Reclus IX. 226. 
Eighty-eight miles N.W. Khâf (Conol- 
ly) and S. W. Mashad. Perhaps the 
Haidarians are the Haidar Zai of 
Conolly. D'Herbelot mentions Haid- 
hari as the name of a doctor called 
Qutbu-d-din, but he was a native of 

the Deccan. When Jahangir ascended the throne, the Khwâja 
was summoned from the Deccan to court. in the second year when 
Aşaf K.M. J'afar became Vakil, he requested (Tüzük 50) that he 
might have him as an associate for the purpose of regulating 
the establishment. Af ter that, when Âşaf K. engaged in the 
affairs of the Deccan, and the Diwânî fell into the hands of I'ti- 
mâdu-d-daula, the Khwâja acquired influence and intimacy in 
attendance on the king, and in the 8th year, 1022, 1613, 
attained the high office of Mir Bakhşhl. When I'timâdu-d-daulah 
died, the Khwâja was made Chief Diwân and had the rank of 5000 
with 5000 horse. in the affair of Mahâbat K., the Khwâja along 
with Âşaf Jâhî and Irâdat K. were in front of Nür Jahân Begam's 
elephant-litter, and with a small force they sıvam their horses and 
opposed Mahâbat, with thelr arms wet. Suddenly the enemy 
drove off the Begam's men with a shower of arrows, and every 
one of the officers went aside. At this crisis the Khwâja got 
separated from his horse, but with the help of aKashmirî boat- 
man ' escaped with his life. in the 19th* year he was made gover- 
nor of Kabul, and his son Zafar K. was sent off from court to be 
his deputy. in the reign of Shah Jahah he attained the rank of 
6000 with 6000 horse. When on the night of Sunday 26 8 Şafr 
1039, 4 October 1629, Khân Jahân Lodi fled from Agra, Shâh 
Jahân appointed the Khwâja and other officers to pursue him. 
Though some officers pressed on and fought, and Khân Jahân 
Lodi crossed the Cambal and went off, the Khwâja arrived at the 
bank at the close of the day. As without boats he could not 
cross, he had to stay there till noon * of next day. Khân Jahân 
thereby got a start of seven and entered the Bandila 
country. Jagrâj the son of Jujhâr gave him protection and passed 
him out of his country. He intrigued with the guides of the 
imperial army so that they direeted it wrongly, and took it by 
vvrong roads. Accordingly, the Khwâja and the other leaders 
uselessly traversed the jungles, and gained nothing but giddiness. 

1 Iqb51nâma 264, and Elliot VI. 

s Mahâbat's rebellion was later 
than this, viz., in the 21st year. 


8 The Maasir has 27th at p. 
account of Khân Jahân Lodî. 
* Khâfi K. I. 418. 

725 in 






When Shâh Jahân arrived at Burhânpür in order to put an end to 
Khân Jahân, the Khwâja and the other auxiliaries waited upon 
him, and were sent off to free the country of Nâsik and Trimbak. 1 
After settling that country and the jagir of Sâhü Bhonsla the 
Kbwâja, according to the king's orders, went to help Naşîrî K. 
who was besieging the fort of Qandhar. While on the way he 
heard of a victory * and returned. He came to the town of Pâtür 
Şhaikh Bâbü s — which is a pargana of the payinghât (Lovvlands) 
of Berâr— and to the bank of a stream which had little water in it. 
He intended to spend the rains there when suddenly a great flood 
from the hills came down upon the camp. The men got confused 
on account of the darkness of the night and the force of the water, 
and ran off on every side. The Khwâja and other officers got 
upon unsaddled horses and extricated themselves from that 
dangerous position. Nearly 2,000 persons, and ali the Khwâja's 
property, including a lac of rupees in cash, were carried off by the 
vvater. in the 5th year he was made governor of Kashmir, but 
as he was a grey-beard of the State, Shah Jahan did not think it 
proper that he should go far off, and sent off his son Zafar K. to 
manage the business of that country as his deputy. The Khwâja 
died in the 6th year, 1042, 1632-33, at the age of seventy. Tâlib 
Kalîm* found the date of death. 

' ' May he rise with the Amîru-1-müminîn ( 'Alî). ' ' ( 1042.) 
The KJıwâjah was a straight-forward and able man, but he 
was of a sour countenance and harsh 6 manners. His heir was 
Zafar K. of whom a special account has been given. Another son 
was M. Khurshed Nazr. 

1 West of Nâsik. it is a hill fort 
and place of pügrimage. Elliofc VII. 
10. Text has *S*J as in Khâfi K. 
I. 426. 

* That is, the fort was taken. 

Pâdshâhnâma I. 396. 

3 See account in Pâdshâhnâma I. 
396 and Khâfi K. I. 461. The 
oecurrence was in the first month of 
1041, ,Tuly— Augııst, 1631. Pâtür is 

the PStar of Jarrett II. 234, but is 
Pâtür in I. G. XX. 76. it is in the 
Akola district of Berâr. 

* Shâh Jahân's poet-laureate. Rieu 
I, 686a. He was a native of Hama- 
dan and died in Kashmir in 1062, 1652. 

s See a speciraen of his harshnes 
in his remarks about Gaur Dhan and 
Harkarn, II, 159. 

He was descended from the Fârûqî ghaikhs, and his lineage 
aecends to Şhaikh Faridu-d-dîn Shakrganj. The native place of 
his ancestors was Mlrpür İn the Sarkar of Khairabad , Oudh. As he 
lived for some time in Shikohabâd (in the Mainpuri dıstnot), he 
became known as Shikohabâdi. His father, S. Bahâu-d-dîn, was 
in the time of Aurangzeb an officer of 2000 and was Şadr and 
Ihtisâb (sunervisor of market) of Shikohabâd. Abul-Khaır held 
first a mantab of 300 and for a while was assistant to Marhmat K. 
in the citv of Mândü in Malwa. in the year that Nizâmu-1-mulk 
Aşaf Jâhproceededfrom Malwa to the Deccan he accompanıed 1 
him As he was an experienced soldier, and had good judgment 
in such matters he was approved of and consulted. He obtained 
the rank of 2500, the title of Khân, and the gift of a suıtable 
jagir, and was appointed faujdâr of Nabî Nagar, otherwise Utnur 
(Uttur or Ötür in Poona district). When in the year 1136, 1724, 
that unequalled Amîr (Aşaf Jâh) returned from the capital to the 
Deccan , he took with him Khwâjam Qulî K. , the governor of the fort 
of Dhâr and faujdâr of Mândü, along with him, and left the Khan 
there. Aftervvards, when Qutbu-d-dîn Âli K. PanchkaurT was ap^- 
pointed to these offices by the court, the Khânwent to Aşaf Jah 
and was attached to Hafeu-d-dîn K., who had been made gover- 
nor of Khandes. He did good service against the Mahrattas, and 
o-radually rose to the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse, the title of 
Bahâdur, and the gift of a flag and drum. He was also for a>me 
faujdâr of Gulshanâbâd,* and for a time Naib of Khandes and also 
for a time faujdâr of Sirkâr Baglâna. in the time of Naşir Jang 
he 1 had the title of Shamsher Bahâdur and became Naıb of Au- 
rangabad in the time of Mozaffar Jang he became. governor of 
Khandes, and in the time of Şalâbat Jang he held the rank of 
5000 with 4000 horse and had the gift of a fringed palanquın and 
the title of imâm Jang. He commanded the van-guard m the 
battle with the Mahrattas, which took place during the dıwanshıp 
of Rajah Roghanâth Dâs. They say that in the battle he sought 

1 Khâfi K. II, 848. 

* " in Baglâna near Junîr." Elüot VII. 337. 




death from a desire for martyrdom, but by the decree of fate he 
dıed after the battle of a slight ailment in 1166 1753 He was a 
vahantmanandboldofspeech. He also had learning. Intheyear 
when Bâbû Nâîk, a Mahratta Ieader, had collected a large force for 
the purpose of levying the ehavt in the Haidarabad Carnatic and 
had come there, he was appointed with a force from the Sarkar in 
order that he might, in concert with Anwaru-d-dîn K., taluadar 
of the sa.d Carnatic, and <Abdu-n-Nabî K. ; faujdâr of Cuddapah 
and BahâdurK., faujdâr of Karnül, oppose Bâbü Nâîk His 
attackıng the enemy, seizing his baggage and inflicting a dis- 
graceful defeat upon him, so that Sardâr did not make any more 
dısturbances, are known to high and low. He left two sons The 
eldest, Abü-1-barkât K. Bahâdur Tmâm Jang, possessed the jewel of 
courage and died young. The second is Shamsu-d-daula Abû-1- 
Khajr Khân Bahâdur Tegh Jang who, at the time of this writing 
ıs a favourite with Nizâmu-d-daula Aşaf Jâh (s. Nizamu-l-mulk! 
and holds the rank of 5000 w ith 5000 horse, and has a flag and a 
drum and the fief of Ilgharab in the province of Bîdar He has 
praıseworthy qualities and a good reputation. 1 

One of the Saiyids of Tarmiz. He was introduced in his 
early youth to Hümâyûn in Kabul through Khwâja Muhammad 
Samı . Ab he was handsome and had external graces he became a 
favounte and arrived at the dignity of being an Amîr, and re- 
oeıved the title of farzand (son). He distinguished himself in the 
e^pedıtıon to indis, and after the victory was sent with some 
other Amirs to the Panjab. If Sikandar K. Sür, the ruler of India 

1 I. O. M. S. 628 adds to this notice 
the following statement : — 

" On the 25th day of the month of 
Rabîu-s-s5ni 1205, 1 January 1791 
he died of dysentery in the camp at 
the fort of Pankul (?)* and after 
three months his bier was conveyed in 
the month of Rajab to Haidarabad 
and he was buried in the sepulchre of 
Shah Hasan Barhana - May his grave 
be holy — to the east of Haidarabad. 


May God have mercy upon him!' 
(This note must have been inserted by 
a reader or copyist, for 'Abdu-1-Hayy 
dıed in 1782.) ' * 

•Probably Pâlakollu or Palcole in 
the Kigtna district, Madras Presi- 
dency. it i s an ld Dutch settlement. 
it is on the Narasapür oanaL See 
Cotton's Inscriptions of the Madras 
Preeidency, p . 222, and I. G. XIX. 334. 



— who had escaped from the battle and withdrawn to the hills — 
should come out and make a disturbance, he was to chastise him. 
But his immoderation and his haughty demeanour to the Amirs 
were the cause that Prince Akbar and his guardian Bairam K. 
were sent there, and that he was appointed to the Sarkar of 
Hisşâr . When he waited on the prince at the bank of the Beas , the 
latter had regard to the favour shown him by Hümâyûn and 
invited him to sit in the assembly, and behaved with much kind- 
ness towards him. He, who did not understand positions, went to 
his quarters and sent a message to the prince to the effect that 
every one knew how he stood with Hümâyûn, and especially was 
the prince aware of this, for on a certain day he had eaten along 
with the king at one table, while the prince had had his food sent 
to him. " Wby then, when I came to your house, were a separate 
divan and pülow assigned to me." The 'prince, in spite of his 
youth, replied : " The laws of sovereignty are one thing and the 
laws of love another. You have not the connection with me that 
you had with the king. it is strange that you have not understood 
the difference and have made a disturbance." Afterwards when 
Akbar mounted the throne, Bairâm K. peroeived in him the marks 
of rebellion and arrested him in the assembly on the third day 
after the Accessibn and sent him to Lahore. He made him över to 
the Pahlwân Gulgaz, the 'asas (police-officer). One day he, owing 
to the negligence of his guards, escaped and went to the country 
of the Gakhars. Kamâl K. Gakhar confined him. From there too 
he escaped and wanted to go to Kabul. When Mun'im K., the 
governor there, heard of his flight, he by stratagem got his 
brother, Mîr Hâsham, who was jâgîrdâr of Ghorband, ete, into 
confinement, and Abü-1-M'aâlî did not go there, but in Naushahra 
joined the Kashtnîris who had been oppressed by their ruler, Ghâzî 
K. He won them över by oraft and flattery and fought with the 
ruler of Kashmîr. He was defeated. Some have written ' that 
when he joined Kamâl K. the (Gakhar) country was then in the 
hands of Adam Gakhar the uncle of Kamâl. and that Kamâl K. 
showed belief in Abü-1-M'aâli and raised an army, and they two 

l Ferishta saye that he settled mattere with Kamil. 



went together to Kashmir. Af ter the defeat he apologised. 
Abu-1-M'aâlî went secretly to pargana Dîpâlpür, which was in the 
fief of Bahâdur Shaibânî, and hid himself in the house of M. Tülak 
who was a servant of Bahâdur, but who had formerly been a servant 
of Abu-l-'M'aâli. it chanced that one day Tülak had a quarrel 
with his wife and severely punished her. She went to Bahâdur 
and revealed the facts, and said, " They have resolved to kili 
you." Bahâdur immediately went off on horseback and put Tülak 
to death, and imprisoned Abü-1-M'aâlI and sent him to Bairâm K. 
He put him in charge of Walî Beg to take him to Bhakar. He 
went off to Gujarat in order that he might go from there to Mecca. 
in Gujarat he committed an unjust slaughter and fled to Khân 
Zaman. He, in accordance with a summons, sent him back to 
Bairâm. This time Bairâm detained him with honour for some 
days and then imprisoned him in the fort of Bîâna. At the time 
of his own downf ali he from Alwar* released Abü-1-M'aâlî, and sent 
him to court with other Amirs. Ali the Amîrs did homage in the 
town of Jajhar (in the district of Rohtak). The Shâh (Abü-1- 
M'aâll) too came and paid his respects on horseback, which dis- 
pleased the king. He was again pttt into chains and made över 
to Shihâbu-d-dîn Ahmad in order that he might send him to 
Mecca. Two years afterwards, he in the 8th year returned from 
the holy places, and with evil intent came to Jalaur and had an 
interview with Sharîfu-d-dîn Husain Ahrârî— who had become a 
rebel. He gave him a body of troops and he went to the territory 
of Agra and Delhi and raised the dust of strife. He first went to 
Nârnol and took possession of the king ' s treasure. He came to 
Jhanjhanün and from there went to Hişşâr Firüza. He saw that 
things were not succeeding and that the royal aTaies were pur- 
suing him on alî sides. So he went to Kabul. He wrote an 
account of himself to Mâh Cücak Begam the mother of M. 
Muhammad Hakim — who had the management of affairs in 
Kabul. Abü-1-M'aâlî put this verse into his letter. 

ı Apparently to Abu-1-M'aâlî. 
•î This is a ınistake. Bairâm was 
prooeeding towards Alwar, but it 

wag from Bîâna that he released Abul- 
M'aâli. See A. N. II. translation. p. 




We've not come to this door in quest of honour and glory. 

We've come here for protection against the hand of fate. 

People told the Begam that Shâh Abü-1-M'aâlI was a young 

man of distinguished rank and courage and that Hümâyûn had 

betrothed her eldest daughter to him. If she cherished him, it 

vrould be an advantage to her. She was deceived and wrote in 

reply — „ , 

r Verse. 1 

" Show kindness, and alight, for the house is thy house." 

She brought him with honour into Kabul and gave Fakhru- 

nisâ Begam (her daughter), the sister of M. Muhammad Hakim, in 

marriage to him. When by this connection he became master of 

the situation, he, from his wicked nature, and the evil suggestions 

of some persons ho the efîect that while the Begam lived his posi- 

tion would not be secure, in the middle of Sha'bân 971, April 1564, 

entered the Begam's chamber with two ruffians and killed her. 

He also killed many leading men, and among them Haidar Qâsim 

Kohbar, whose ancestors had held high ofnee in the family, and 

who was then Vakil. M. Sulaimân, who always was wanting to 

get Kabul, came there from Badakhşhmân at the secret request of 

M. Muhammad Hakim and some Kabul officers. Shâh Abü-1- 

M'aâlî took M. Hakîm with him and came out to fight. An en- 

gagement took place near the Ghorband river. When the conflict 

was beginning (Ut. was in the balance), the well-wishers of M. 

Hakîm carried him över to M. Sulaimân, and ali the Kabulis. 

dispersed. Shâh Abü-1-M'aâlî became confused and fled. The 

Badakhşhis pursued him and seized him in the village of Chârî- 

kârân (Charikar). in Kabul on the day of the 'Idu-1-fitr in this 

year, 13 May 1564, he was hanged by orders of M. Hakim and 

received the retribution of his deeds. 

With my own eyes I saw in a thoroughfare (gazargâh) 
A bird take the life of an ant. 

1 The Darbâr A. gives another line 
besides this one. See p. 746. I do 
not know where the Maaşir got the 
statement that the Begam's advisers 
told her that Hümâyûn had betrothed 

her eldest daughter to him. 

s Taken from Akbarnâma II. 207. 
The lines come from Nişjâmî Khusrü 
and Şhîrîn, near the end, 



His beak was not withdrawn from the prey 
Before another bird came and finished him. 
Be not secure when you have done wrong, 
For retribution is according to nature. 

Shah Abü-1-M'aâli had a pleasant wit and wrote ' poetry 
His takhallas was Shahîdl. 


Son of the well-known ' M. Wâlî who was married to Bolâqî 
Begam the daughter of Prinoe Daniel. Af ter his father's death 
he received the rank of 1000 with 400 horse, and in the 6th year 
of Shah Jahan his rank was 2000 with 1500 horse and he had the 
jâgîrdârî and faujdârî of Sîwistân. Afterwards he had an increase 
of 500 horse, and in the 31st year, on the death of Sazâwâr K. Mash- 
hadî, he was made faujdâr of Tirhut in Bihar. Afterwards, when 
the wondrous workings of fortune disorganized Shah Jahan's 
sovereignty, and the intrigues of his sons produced confusion in 
affairs, and things ended in civil war, and Dara Şhikoh, who had 
the management of affairs, was defeated by Aurangzeb and took 
to flight, and the capital was brightened by the arrival of Aurang- 
zeb's army, it appeared to Aurangzeb * that the most important 
thing was to secure for Shujâ' from his father the inclusion of the 
township of Monghyr and the provinee of Bihar and Patna in the 
wide country of Bengal. Prince Shujâ' had always been desir- 
ousof this, and now Aurangzeb took his part. Consequently 
the other jâgîrdârs and faujdârs, wilîingly or unwillingly submit- 
ted to him (Shujâ'), and M. Abü-1-M'aâlI also was obliged to join. 
Shujâ, who had previously been defeated near Benares, and whose 
affairs had f ailen into disorder,was pleased at the defeat of Dârâ 
Şhikoh and the conveyance to him of Bihar, and expressed his 
gratitude very warmly. But when Aurangzeb proceeded towards 

l Badayüni III. 248. There is a 
notice of Abu-1-M'aâlî in the Dar- 
bar A. 743. The M. Wâlî who mar- 
ried Bolâqî B. was a son of Khw5jah 
Hasan Naqshbandî and Fakhranisfi 
B. thehalf-sitter of AkbarB. 310. He 

is also mentioned in the Tüzük J. 

î After DârS's first defeat Aurang- 
zeb endeavoured to propitiate Shujâ. 
Khâfi K. II. 42, 43. 



the Panjab in pursuit of Dârâ Şhikoh, and it seenıed likely that 
the enterprise would take a long while, Shujâ' formed greater 
desires and advanced into the provinee of Allahabad. On receiv- 
ing this news Aurangzeb withdrew from following Dârâ Şhikoh 
and turned his rein in order to fight with Shujâ'. Before a battle 
took place, Mir Abû-1 M'aâli by the guidance of auspiciousness left 
Shujâ's camp and joined ' Aurangzeb. He was rewarded by the 
present of an elephant, ete., and the title of Mirza K., a present 
of Rs. 30,000 and an increase of 1000 with 500 horse so that his 
rank became 3000 with 2000 horse. After Shujâ' fled, and Prince 
Sultan Muhammad was appointed to pursue him, Abü-1-M'aâlî 
was made his auxiliary. Afterwards, he received the faujdârî of 
Darbhanga. in the 6th year he was ordered to proceed with 
Ilahvardî K., the faujdâr of Gorakhpur, to punish the zamindar 
of the Morang. in that quarter he died a natural death in 1074, 
1663-64. His son 'Abdu-1-Wâhid K. in the 22nd year received 
the title of Khân. He did good service at the siege of Haidarabad. 
The pargana of Anhal * in Mahva— which had been assigned to 
this family from the time of M. Walî— was made his jagir and 
deseended to his sons When the Mahrattas took possession of 
Mahva, they dispossessed them. Hisgrandson is Khwâja 'Abdu- 
1-Wâhid K. Khvvâja Himmat Bahâdur, who in the time of the 
Nizâmu-1-mulk Aşaf Jâh came to the Deccan. When the rule 
came to Şalâbat K., he got his grandfather's title, and gradually 
attained high rank and the title of Aminu-d-daulah Bahâdur 
Saif Jang and the diwânî of the establishment of 'Alî Jâh,s the 
heirof Nizâmu-d-daula Aşaf Jâh, and died in 1189, 1775. He 
was unequalled as a faithful friend. 

His name was M. Muqim and he was the sister's son and 
son-in-law 6 of Burhânıı-1-Mulk. His father had the title of 
Siyâdat K. After the death of his father-in-law he (Ş af dar) 

1 'ÂlamgîrnSma 240. 2 J. II. 198. 

3 'Ali Jâh was the eldest son of 
Nizâm 'Alî K. and died in 1795, before 
his father. (Beale). 

* dar pâs âshnâi be misal bûd. The 

author of the Maaşir says somewhere 
that the Deccanis are unequalled for 
the constaney of their friendships. 

6 See Siyaru-1-M. III. 303 note. for 
a reference to Şafdar's widow. 





W as appointed governor of Oudh by Muhammad Shah and he, 
after chastising the rebels there, brought them into subjectıon 
in 1155 1742 he, at the emperor 's order, went to Patna to assıst 
'Alî Verdî K ' the governor of Bengal, where the Mahrattas were 
making a disturbance. As a reward he received charge of the 
forts of RohtâB and Chunar, but as 'Alî Verdî suspected some 
thing he procured an order from the emperor directing hım to 
desist from helping him, and he returned to his own provmce. in 
1156 he came to court in obedience bo a summons and was made 
superintendent of the artillery. in 1159, 1746, the province of 
Allahabad was made över to him on the death of 'Umdatu-1- 
mulk Amîr K, in 1 1 61 when the Durrânî Shah (Ahmad) marched 
from Qandahar to attack India, and passed beyond Lahore, he 
to support the emperor's orders, proceeded to Sirhindalong wıth 
Sultan Ahmad Shah, and after I'timâdu-d-daula Qamaru-d-dm 
was killed he stood firm and displayed vigour until the Durranı 
Shah retreated. When, one month aftenvards, Muhammad Shah 
died on 27 Rabîu-s-sânî of that year, 16 April 1748, and Ahmad 
Shah sate on the throne, and shortly afterwards news came of the 
death of Âsaf Jâh, Şafdar Jang put on the Vizier s robes. As he 
was displeased with 'Alî Muhammad K. Rohilla he «tured^up 
Qâîm K. Bangash against S'aad üllah K., the son of the saıd 
Rohilla, When Qâîm K. and his brothers were killed, as has been 
detaüed* in the biography of his father, Muhammad K. Bangash, 
Safdar Jang stirred up the emperor against Ahmad K. Bangash, 
the brother of Qâîm K., and demanded the latter's property. 
The emperor halted in Alîgarh (Kol), and Şafdar Jang marched to 
the Ganges from which Farakhabad was twenty kos distant. The 
mother of Ahmad K. came and settled the mat! er for sixty 
lacs of rupees, and the emperor returned to the capıtal. Şafdar 
Jang in order to collect the promised money atayed for some time 
and set about confiscating the properties of Ahmad K. He placed 
Qanauj Newal 3 Rai of the Kayath caste, who had formerly held 


l See Siyaru-1-M. III. 287. 
« Maasir III. 772. 
8 Siyaru-1-M. IH. 290. Irvine's 
Pangash Nawab», J. A. S. B. for 1879, 

pp. 60 and 64. Nawal or Neval Bai 
was killed in the battle of Khudâgaon 
in August 1750. 

a lovv office on his establishment, but had been gradually promoted, 
and was now Naib of Oudh , and went himself to court. Newal 
Rai was killed in a battle wifch the Afghans, and Şafdar Jang set 
about collecting an arrny, and in concert with Sûraj Mal the Jat 
marched against Ahmad K. Bangash. A battle ensued in which 
he was disgracefully defeated, 1 and in 1163, 1750, he went to the 
capital. Meanwhile Ahmad K. Batigash stirred up strife in 
Allahabad and Oudh and failed not to plunder and burn every- 
where. Next year Şafdar Jang joined with Mulhar Holkar and Jai 
Âpâ (Jyâpa) Scindiah — who were two influentiâl Mahratta leaders— 
and addressed himself to confronting Ahmad K. This time the 
Afghans were defeated/ and they went off and took refuge on 
the slopes of the Madârih hills, which are a branch of those of 
Kumaon. At last they were reduced to make supplications, and 
to make a peace on ternıs satisfactory to Şafdar Jang. Meanwhile 
news came of the approach of Ahmad Shah Durrânî from Lahore 
to Delhi, and Şafdar Jang in accordance with the emperor's order 
took Holkar with him by the promise of a large subsidy and came 
to Delhi in 1165, As Javîd K. Bahâdur the eunuch, who was the 
centre of affairs, had made an agreement with Qalandar K. the 
ambassador of Shah Durrânî, and then sent him back, Şafdar J., 
who did not like the eunuch, invited him one day to his house, and 
put 3 him to death, and took charge of the business of the sover- 
eignty. Afterwards. the emperor, at the instigation of Intizâmu 
d-daula, the Khân-Khânân, son of Qamaru-d-dîn K., sent him a 
message that he should give * up the superintendentship of the 
ghusUçhâna and the artillery. He understood the object, and 
stayed in his house for some days and then applied for his dis- 
missal. As it was not granted he went off without leave and 
halted at two kos from the city. Every day there was an increase 
of disturbance till at last Şafdar Jang raised up a fictitious prince. 
Ahmad Shah appointed Intizâmu-d-daula vizier in his room. 

1 InSeptember 1750. Irvine l.c. 74. 

i Siyaru-l-M.III.306. Irvine l.c. 98. 
The defeat was in April — May 1751. 
The Madârih range is mentioned in the 
Siyar M. Persian text. 

s Siyar M. 328, Elliot VIII. 133 
and 317. The raurder was on 28 
August, 1762. 

* Siyaru-1-M. III.*330. 



'Imâdu-1-mulk engaged in fighting with Şafdar Jang, and the 
contest went on for six months. At last by the mediation of 
Intizâmu-d daula peace was made on the agreement that Şafdar 
should retain the provinces of Allahabad and Oudh. Şafdar Jang 
set out for his government and died ' on 17 Zîlhajja 1 167, 5 October 
1754. A separate account has been given of his son Shujâ'-u-d- 


in the 23rd year of the reign of Aurangzeb he was appointed * 
to the service of *Arz Mukarrar (Revision of petitions) in the place 
of Latîf ' Ullah K. in the 24th year when Sultan Muhammad Akbar 
showed signs of rebellion, and there was only a small force in 
attendance on the king, Asad K. was sent in advance to the tank 
Püshkar, 3 and Abü Naşr was sent along with him. Afterwards he 
becarae Qürbegî, and in the 25th year was removed from office. 
Afterwards he was made governor of Kashmir. and in the 4 İst 
year he was removed from there and appointed to the government 
of Lahore in the room of Mukarram K. For some cause he lost 
his mariiab and in the45th year he was again received into favour 
and made governor of Malwa in the room of Mukhtâr K. and had 
a manşab of 3000 with 1500 horse. Af ter that he was for a time 
attached to Bengal. in the 49th year he was made governor of 
Oudh and held a commission of 3000 with 2500 horse. Nothing 
is known of him after that. 

l He died at PâparghSt (Beale). 
The Siyar M. III. 339 has. Mahdîghât. 

s Maaşir 'Âlamgîri, 188. 

3 Text tâlâb-i- Bhakar; but the 
place meant is really the famous 
saered tank Püshkar, described in 
the Rajputana Gazetteer II. 67. and 
which according to the Khulâşat 
Tawârîklı and the Araish Mahfil is 
three kos from Ajmere. in the Bib. 
Ind. edition of the Âîn the place is 
also \vrongly spelt Bhakar, and henee 
we have in Jarreft II. 267 Bhakar 
with variants, none of which is right. 
Aurangzeb waş theıı in the city of 

Ajmere and preparing to encounter his 
son Muhammad Akbar who had joined 
the Rajputs and was meditating re- 
bellion. He afterwards fled to the 
Mahrattas and eventually went to 
Persia and died there. He left his 
wives and children behind him. in 
the Maaşir 'Âlamgîri the Püshkar tank 
is apparently called the Rânâ'stank 
Tâlab-i-Pvânâ. Here too, p. 200, Püsh- 
kar is misspelt as Bhakar. Apparent- 
ly Asad K. and Abü Naşr were_sent 
to Püshkar to intorview Shah 'Alanı 
(afterwards Bahâdur Shah). 



Grandson of I'timâdu-d-daulah and brother's son of Nür 
JahânBegam. He was f amous for his beauty and princeliness, and 
he had great taste both in dress and food. He looked after 
carpets, ete, and in ornamentation and style and in ali worldly 
matters he was distinguished, so that in those respects none of his 
equals or rather of his superiors could come up to him. He had 
such nicety and sueh lofty ideas that sometimes he was stili 
arranging his turban when news came that the darbâr was broken 
up, and sometimes when he was not contented with the arrange- 
ment of his turban he put off his riding. By the favour of his 
grandfather he arrived at high dignities and held his head high. 
He was so haughty and mighty that he regarded neither the 
earth nor the heavens (fulk-u-mulk). 

As his handwriting resembled that of I'timâdu-d-daula, he, 
in the time of the viziership (of the latter), signed most of the 
grants and cheques. After I'timâdu-d-daula's death he from in- 
experience and youth quarrelled with his (paternal) uncle Âşaf 
Jâhî and made a league with Mahâbat K. He also became inti- 
mate vvith Prince Sultan Parvez and attained to a high position. 
He went to the Deccan in company with the prince , and after his 
death came to court. in the 22nd year of Jahangir he was made 
governor of Tatta (Sind), and when Shah Jahan came to the 
throne he, on account of disagreement with Yemenu-d-daula Asaf 
K., was degraded from his office and influence and was allowed an 
annual pension of Rs. 30,000. For a long time he lived in retire- 
ment with comfort and tranquillity. İn the 23rd year, at the 
request of the Begam Şâhib he was made faujdâr of Ajmere and 
had the rank of 2000 with 800 horse. As he had the dâu-ş-ş'alab 
(the fox's disease) he could not attend to business. in the 26th 
year he received an allowance of Rs. 40,000 and again lived in 
retirement in Agra and spent the rest of his life in careless ease. 
He died in the beginning of Aurangzeb's reign. He had a 
poetical vein and earnestly desired to compose eloquent divans. 
He made a seleetion of many poems and called it the Khulâsa- 
i-Künîn (the cream of two vvorlds). His son Hamîdu-d-din K. 
was successful by being the companion of Prince Aurangzeb. 



Afterthe battle with Rajah Jeswant Singh-which was the first 
crowning victory— he had the title of Khânazâd K. Af ter that his 
name became Khânî. in the 26th year, on the death of Kurram 
Ullah, he was made faujdâr of Müngî Pattan which is 20 kos froin 
Aurangabad, and on the barıks of the Godavery. in the 29th 
year he was governor of the fort of Qandhâr in the Deccan. 


He belonged to the Salamı Saiyids of Shiraz. His grandfather 
Mir 'lnayatu-d-dîn Sar Ullah— who was also called Hibbat Ullah, 
and wascommonly known as Saiyid Shâh Mir-had attained great 
proficiency in the acquired sciences, and was a school-fellow of 
Amir Sadru-d-dîn. » He came to Gujarftt in the time of Sultan 
Qutbu-d-dînthe grandson of Sultan Ahmad-from whom Ahmada- 
bad derives its name. After some time he returned to his home, 
and again at the time of the disturbance of Shah Ism'aîl Şafavî 
(the first) came to Gujarât during the reign of Sultan Mahmûd 
Bîgarah , with his son Mir Kamalu-d-dîn , who was the f ather of Abu 
Turâb. 'üe-took up his abode in Campânîr— Mahnıüdabad, the 
former capital of the Sultans. He set up as a teaeher, and he also 
wrote useful books. He left good sons. The best of them was 
Mir Kam&lu-d-din, who was distinguished for outward and ınward 
perfections When he died, leaving a good name behind him , Abü 
Turâb remained as the eldest of the brothers and cousins. The 
family of these Saiyids is connected with the Maghrabıh order, 
the lamp of which order was S. Ahmad* Khattû. Tbey are 
called Salami because apparently it happened that oneof theır 
aneestors had heard the sound of a reply to his greetjng when he 
visited the tomb of the Prophet; Peace be upon hım and his 

family ! 

Mır Abü-Turâb acquired influence in that country by his up- 
rightness and akili, in the year when Akbar unfurledhis standards 
there the Mir appeared before him sooner than the other Amırs 

1 B. 500. The grandfather 's name 
is there given as Ghiâşu d-dîn as in 
A/N. IH- 217. 

î One of Sultan Husain Baıqrâ's 

officers. See Habîbu-s-siyar. The 
account of A.T. is taken fronı A.N. 
III. 217. 

3 Bayley's Gujrat, 90. 



of Gujarftt. At the station of Jotftna, Khwâja Muhammad HaravI 
and Kh&n 'Alam reo«iw©d him and introduced him, and he was 
ezaited by performtng the prostration. When, before the royal 
standarda halted at Ahmadabad, an order was given that every 
oûe of the Gujar&t officers who had gathered together in the royal 
aroy, should ' give bail, so that there might be no mistake made 
in eaotiousness, I'timad K., who had held supreme sway in that 
country, became security for ali except the Abyssinians, and Mîr 
Abü Turâb went bail for I' timâd. Af terwards when nearly half of 
the country had been assigned to I'timad and the other officers of 
Gujarftt, the royal retinue proceeded towards Cambay to see the 
ooean, and Ikhtiyâru-1-mulk Gujarâtî from şhort-sightedness and 
turbulenoe fled from Ahmadabad. I'timad and ali the others who 
had taken the oath were on the point of going off when Mîr Abü 
Turâb arrived and engaged them in talk. They were near im- 
prisoning him and oarrying him off with them when Shahbâz K. 
came from the king, and so theirevil intentions did not result in 
action. The loyalty of Abü Turâb was again conspicuous, and he 
reoeived royal favours. From that time he was always in favour. 
in the 22nd year, 985,* 1577, he was appointed to the high 
post of leader of the pilgrims' caravan, and five lacs of rupees and 
10,000 robes 1 of honour were given to him for distribution to the 
needy at Mecca. in the 24th year (987) news came that he had 
aooomplished the journey and that he was brînging with him an 
impression of the Prophet's foot. On him be the benediction of 
purity ! He repofted that this was the fellow of the one that 
Saiyid Jalâl Bokhârî had brought to Delhi in the time of Fîrüz 
Shah. Akbar ordered that the Mîr should halt with the caravan 
at the distance of four kos from Agra. There, in accordance with 
commands, the court- officers prepared a pleasure-house, and the 
king with the great officers and learned men came and placed that 
piece of stone — which was dearer than life — on h' 8 shoülders and 
walked some paces. The nobles, by relays, respectfully carried 

1 A.N. UI. 7. 

* Test 989, but both this and the variant 982 are wrong. 
was 985. See A.N. III. 217. 

S khil'at, but probably in this case ordinary süite of clothes, 

The 22nd year 



it to the city, and by the king's direction it was placed in the 
Mir 's lodging. Khair alqadam, Hail to the footsteps, is the 
chronogram (987). 

The explanation given by inquirers is that a report was cur- 
rent at the time that the king claimed the gift of prophecy 
and asserted that he was an apostle, and that he had a low 
opinion of the Muhammadan religion— which will endure to the end 
of the world— and that he was trying to set it aside ; God preserve 
us! Accordingly in order to muzzle men's mouths, this respect 
and honour took place out of artificiality. And the words of 
Abü-1-fazl support this view, for he says that although H.M. knew 
that the relic was not genuine, and though cognoscenti had pro- 
nounced it to be spurious, yet he, in order to retain the veil andto 
preserve the respect (for the Prophet) and not to disgrace the 
simple-minded Saiyid, and to prevent the sarcastie from sneering, 
showed snch reverence to the relic. Many who from wickedness 
had indulged in slanders were put to shame by this behaviour ! ' 

in the 29th year when the government of Gujarât came to 
I'tlmâd K.— who for year s hadruled it — Mir Abü Turâb was made 
Amîn and went off to Gujarât with his two brothers' sons Mîr 
Muhibb Ullah and Mîr Sharafu-d-dîn. Up to the year 1005, 2 
1596-97, the lamp of his life remained burning. He is buried in 
Ahmadabad. His son Mîr Gadai had a place among Akbar's 
officers, and under the guise of service he did not abandon the 
character of Saiyidship and Shaikhship. 

1 The passage purports to be a 
quotation from the A.N., but it is not 
exact. See Vol. III. A.N. 281. 

* As pointedout by RieuHL 968a, 
the Mirât-i-Ahmadî states that Abü 
Turâb died in 1003. At p. 41 of Part 
II. of that work, lith. ed., it is stated 
that the date of death is 13 Jamâda- 
al-awwal 1003 (14 Jamıary, 1595). 

Abü Turâb is. the author of a history 
of Gujarât B.M. MS. Or. 1818. Ac- 
cording to Rieu, his grandfather's 
name was Ghiyâsu-d-dîn , and his 
father's Qutbu-d-dîn. His son Mir 
Gadai is mentioned in Blochmann, 
506. The text of Abu Turab's history 
was publishedby Dr. Denison Rosa in 
the Bib. Ind. in 1 909. 




Younger ' son of Maham Anaga, who by the abundance of her 
understanding and the straightness of her loyalty had much in- 
fluence över Akbar. From the cradle to the throne she was a 
favourite, from her length of service and her reliability. She 
took aleading part in the overthrow of Bairâm Khân, andconducted 
the political and financial affairs.. Though Mun'îm Khân was the 
Vakil of the State, she managed everything. Adham Khân was 
a Panj-hazâri. He first acquired a name by his heroism during the 
siege of Mânkot when he was in attendance on His Majesty. 
That fortress was in the Siwaliks on the summit of a lofty hill, 
and consisted of four forts built in a wonderfuI way on the top 
of small hills, so that the whole seemed to be one fortress. 
Selim Shah laid the foundations of it at the time he returned from 
the Ghakar campaign, in order that it might be a protection to the 
Panjab. He wished to depopulate Lahore and to develop 
Mânkot. For the former was a great city and the habitation 
of divers traders, and men of various classes. it could easily 
produce a large and well-equipped army. As it was on the 
route of the Mughul army (from Kabul) the latter might come 
there and get much assistance, and things might pasa beyond 
the power of remedies. While occupied with those thoughts he 
died. in the second year Sikandar Sür took refuge there, but 
at last was admitted to quarter, and delivered över the fortress. 
in the thirdyear Bairâm K., who was always suspicions of Adham 
Khân, gave him as his jâgîr Hatkântha near Agfa, which was 
inhabited by Bhadûriyas, who were notorious for their rebelliousness 
and turbulent opposition to kings ; so that both might the rebelli- 
ous be punished and also Adham be kept away from the Presence. 
He was sent there along with some other officers, and he by 
his energy reduced the district into order. After Bairâm's fail 
Akbar sent him along with Pir Muhammad K. Shirwftnî and 
others, in the end of the fifth year and begjnning of the sixth 

1 Blochmann 333. 





(968, 1561), to conquer Mâlwa, as the injustice and folly of Bâz 
Bahâdur had been repeatedly reported to H.M. When Adham 
reached Sârangpür, which was Bâz Bahâdur's capital, the latter 
came a little to his senses and prepared to fight. There were 
gallant contests on both sides, but at last Bâz Bahâdur was 
defeated and fled to Khandes. Adham rapidly marched to 
Sârangpür and took possession of ali Bâz Bahâdur's property, 
including his dancing girls and songtresses, who were famous 
throughout the world. These successes made him presumptuous , in 
spite of Pir Muhammad Shirwânî's eounsels. He divided the 
territory of Mâlwa among the officers and sent a few elephants 
by Şâdiq Khân to H.M. He himself indulged in pleasure. Akbar 
was displeased. He regarded his correction as the most important 
matter, and made a rapid journey from Agra and arrived in sixteen 
days, viz., on 27th Shabân of the sixth year, 13th May 1561. 
Wheû Adham had marched out two kos from Sârangpür in order 
to take the fort of Gâgraun, H.M. suddenly appeared. On 
learning this Adham paid his respeots. H.M. proceeded to 
Adham's quarters and alighted there. They say that Adham 
had evil designs, and sought for a pretext (for killing Akbar). 
Next day Mâham Anaga arrived with the ladies. She roused her 
son from his slumber of neglect and caused him to pay the res- 
pects of offering presents and holding feasts, and to produce 
for H.M. 's inspection whatever of Bâz Bahâdur's had come 
into his possession, whether animate or inanimate, as well as 
ali the dancing girls. H.M. returned some of the things to 
him, and after a halt of four days, set out again for Agra. They 
say that when he was returning, Adham Khân induced his 
mother-^who was in charge of the harem— at the first stage 
«ecretly to make över to him two beautiful dancing girls of Bâz 
Bahâdur. He thought that no one would notice this, but by 
chance H.M. came at önce to know of it, and ordered them 
to be searched for. Adham Khân became alarmed and let the 
girls loose to wander in the fields. When they were caught and 
brought back, Mâham Anaga put those innocent women to death. 
Akbar winked at this, but in the same year committed Mahva to 
the charge of Pir Muhammad K. and recalled Adham K. to court. 



Adham K. was tilled with envy when Skamsu-d-dîn Muham- 
mad K. Atka obtained the chief control of affaira, and Mun'îm K., 
who had similar feelings, was alwaya stirring him up to wrath. 
At last on 12th Ramzân of the 7th year, 16th May 1582, 
when the Atgah Khân and Mun'im K. and other officers 
were in the Hail of State, engaged in public business, Adham K. 
came in with a number of ruffians. The Atgah Khân raised 
himself half up, and ali the others stood up to do him honour. 
Adham laid his hand on his dagger and went towards the Atgah 
Khân, and made a signal to his companions. They wounded and 
slew the Atgah, and then Adham audaciously took his sword İn 
his hand and went towards the female apartments and got 
up on the raised verandah which went round the harem. A 
great uproar ensued, and Akbar awoke and putting his head 
out över the wall inquired what had happened. Then he came 
out in wrath, sword in hand. As soon as he saw Adham K. he 
said, "Son of a bitch, why have you slain my Atgah? (foster- 
father)." Adham ran forward and seized Akbar's hands and said 
" Your Majesty, consider the matter, there has beeh (only) a" 
httle scrimmage." • The king withdrew his hand from his clasp 
and struck him in the face with his fist with such foroe that he feU 
to the ground. To Parhat Khân Khâşa Khail and Sangrâm 
Husnak, who were standing there, he said, " What are you 
gazmgat.bindthis madman." They obeyed and bound him 
Akbar bade them fling him down from the terrace, head föremost 
lhey d!d this twioe, and his neck was broken. in thîs manner 
the ımptous shedder of blood received the retribution of his deeds 
in the year 969, 1562. I n accordance ™th orders both bodies 
were conveyed to Delhi, and the chronogram Dü khün shud, 
(Ihere vvere two murders), 970, was composed. They say Mâham 
Anaga, who was then on a bed of sickness, heard that Adham K 
had committed such an outrage, and had been imprisoned by the 
king. Maternal love made her get up and come to the king, think- 
ıng that perhaps he would release her son. The king on 
seeing her said, «Adham küled our Atgah, and we have Jalled 

andaki talüih. Ci: the phrase tal&sh-u purlcâsh ia BâdshShnSm» n, «el. 


1 48 THK MAASlSrTJIr-irMA&A. 

him. " That prudent lady said , " Your Majesty has done well.' ' 
But she did not know that her son had been capitally punished. 
When she came to be certain of this, she out of respect did not 
utfcer any laments, but the oolour lef t her cheeks and her heart re- 
ceived a thousand wounds. H.M. out of regard for her long ser- 
vice spoke comfortably to her and dismissed her to her home. 
There she sate in sorrow, and her illness grew worse. Forty days 
af ter the occurrence she departed to the other world. H.M. show- 
ed his pity by escorting the body for some distance and sent it off 
to Delhi with ali reverence, where a grand building was erected 
över the tombs of Mâham Anaga and Adham Khân. 1 

His name is Khvrâja Sultan 'Alî. His first employment was 
as ashrâf-i-khazâna (accountant) in the establishment of Hümâyûn. 
On account of his straightness and ability he was the recipient of 
favours and in 956 (1549) he was made the head of the Diwân-i- 
Mjarch (the offiee disbursements, i.e., he was made mashraf-i- 
buyütât). When in the year 957 Mîrzâ Kâmrân the younger brother 
of Hümâyûn became opposed to his elder brother, who was kinder 
to him than a father, and established himself in Kabul, he treated 
the royal clerks and servants with severity and put the Khwâja 
in prison, and extorted money and goods. When the king 
(Hümâyûn) resolved to march to India, the Khwâja was taised 
to the rank of Mîr Bakhshî (chief paymaster). When Hümâyûn 
died, Tardı Beg Khân, who claimed to be Amîru-l-Umarâ , under- 
took, in conjunction with the Khwâja, the management of Delhi. 
The Khwâja in the battle with the notorious Hemû had the charge 
of the centre assigned to him, along with other officers, and when 



1 İt serana probable that Adham 
was the son of Nadim Koka, or at 
least that the latter was MSham 
Anaga' 9 husband. See B.A.S.J. for 
January 1889, p. 99, and Addendum 
50, and second Addenda No. 67 to 
m y translation of the Akbarnama. 
Adham's eldef brotheı wae BSqî K. 
See B. 323. in the original edition of 

the Maaşir Adham's was the first life. 
As regards Adham's parentage, refer- 
ence may be made to the similar case 
of liangtosh whom Manuoci supposes 
to have been an illegitimate son of 
Aurangzeb, Manueci, Irvine II. 43. 
The account of Adham's murder of 
the Atgah K. , ete. , is taken from Akbar- 
nâmah II. 175. 

Hemû attacked the oentre, the Khwâja gave way together with 
Ashraf Khân Mîr Munshî and Maulânâ Pîr Muhammad Shirwânî— 
who were seeking an opportunity for ruining Tardî Beg the 
oommander-in-chief — and took to flight. When the officers arrived , 
ashamed and disgraced, at the camp of Ak bar — who had come 
from the Panjab to Sirhind with the intention of giving battle to 
Hemû — Bairâm Khan at önce put Tardî Beg to death, and kept 
the Khwâja and the Mîr Munshî— who were suspected of treachery 
and bribery— under surveillance. After that the Khwâja and the 
Mir Munshî took to flight and went off to the Hijâz. in the fîfth 
year of Akbar's reign they had the felicity of paying their respects, 
and the Khwâja was received graciously and raised to the rank .of 
3000. The compiler l (stiteher) of the scattered pages has not 
ascertained what finally became of the Khwâja or when he died. 

After acquiring learning in Shiraz, the abode of knowledge, he 
for a time occupied himself with teaching the ordinary sciences. 
When he came by sea to Surat and thence proceeded to Bur- 
hânpûr, the Khân-Khânân, who was a magnet for the attraction 
of hearts, captured him and took çare of him, and chose him for a 
companion. After that he attached himself to Prince Shah Jahan, 
and became the law-officer (Mîr 'Adil) of his army. in the affair 
of the Rânâ (of Udaipür) he was his secretary and confidant. 
When by his good counsels peace was made with the Rânâ, his 
reputation inereased and he became the prince 's diwân. After the 
campaign was över he received at the request of Shah Jahan 
the title of Afzal Khân. in the Deccan he went on behalf of the. 
Prince to Bijâpür in company with the 'Adil Shâhî vakils and 
brought 'Âdil Shah to the highvvay of sincerity and obedience, and 
conveyed to the. prince as tribute 50 elephants, rare curiosities 
adorned weapons, and money. in the 17th year the prince 

1 it would appear from this sen- 

tence that this biography, or at least 

this remark, was made by Abdu-1- 

Hayy, but it is not signed Q. There 

of Afzal in B. 376. He iş 

batî by A. F. , which means 

either that he came from Turbat, or 
that he was of the Turbat elan. See 
Blochmann, 348, No. 37. The last 
mention of Afzal seems to be at p. 
lllof A.N. II. 

* PSdshâhnâma II. 339-40. 




obtained pargana Dholpür as his fief and sent Darya K. to take 
charge of it. Before this a request had made that the pargana 
should be assigned to Sultan Shahriyar, and Sharîfu-1-mulk took 
possession of it on his behalf. it came to * âght 1 between 
the two, and it chanced that a gun-shot entered the eyes of 
Sharîfu-1-mulk and blinded hini. This suppüed the teaven for a 
disturbance. Nür Jahân Begam, who espoused the cause of 
Shahriyar, became angry, and Jahangir, who had handed the 
bridle of his power to her, became alienated from, his heir. The 
prinee who had been summoned to the presence from the Deocan 
for the affair of Qandahar stayed his progress and Shahriyar was 
appointed to the campaign under the guardianship of M. Rustum. 
An order was giyen to the Prinee that in lieu of his old jagirs he 
should take from the Deccan, Gujarat, or Mâlwa, whatever plaoe 
he wished and should settle there, and that he should send 
ofl the auxiliary officers for the purpose of the Qandahar 
campaign. The object was that if the prinee submitted to 
yield up the jâgîrs and to par t with the men, there would then 
oocur another rift in his consideration and establishment, and 
that if he made a disturbance, and became disrespeetful, there 
would be a pretext for punishing him. Af ter that what other 
strange things might not happen ? 

The prinee sent Afzal K. to court in order that he might cori- 
vince Jahangir by arguments that the plan was ali wrong, and that 
to take a light view of such an important business could only bear 
the fruitof evil to the State. He ought not to make över everything 
to women/ but apply his own far-seeing mind to affairs. Ifc 
would be a sad thing if there should be any breach in the devotion 
of this faithful follovver (Shah Jahan). İf Jahangir ordered, at 
the word of the Begam, that his jâgîr should be taken away, how 
could he live among enemies ? 

Herequested that the fief s of Mâlwa and Gujarat should also 
be taken from him and that the port of Surat, which was the 
gate of Mecca, might be granted to him ; n order that he might go 
there and became an anehorite. 

1 Cf. Elliot VI. 383. 

» KhSfi K. 1.331. 



The sole desire of the prinee was that perhaps the dust 
of disturbance which had been raised might be laid by the 
sprinkhng of soothmentand moderation, ajıd that the veil of res- 
pect and reverence might not be rent. But the intriguers and 
ill-wishers had not prepared the materials of strife in order that 
things might be put right by Afzal Khân. Though Jahangir 
was touched and made suggestions to the Begam, she only became 
more insistent, and her enmity inereased, and Afzal was dis- 
missed without gaining his object. 1 When the prinee became 
convinced that whatever submissions he might make would be 
imputed to weakness, and wouId encourage his enemies to go 
further, he perceived that it was necessary to hurry off before the 
royal army was gathered together ; possibly the veil (between 
himself and his father) might hereaf ter be removed. As this story 
has been told elsewhere in these pages, we shall not repeat 
it, but proceed with the biography of Afzal. 

Af ter the prinee turned his rein and, without visiting his 
father, wentto Manda and then established himself at Burhanpûr, 
Afzal K. was sent off to Bijapur to dispose of some business. 
When the prinee did not, on account of the approach of the 
imperial troops, think it âdvişable to remain in Burhanpûr, he 
decided to go to Bengal by the route of Telingâna. Many of his 
servants became unfaithful and M. Muhammad the son of Afzal 
K. also fled with his family, and chose separation. The prinee 
sent Saiyid J'aafar* known as Shuja'at K. with Khân Qulî Uzbeg, 
the elder brother of Qulîj K. Shahjahânî, af ter him with orders to 
bring him back if possible. Otherwise they were to bring his head. 
He was bold, and stood and fired his arrows. Though they used 
soo thing words it was of no avail. He got rid of Khân Qulî and 
wounded Saiyid J'aafar. He himself bfavely gaye up his life. As 
the prinee was always trying to amend the past, and sought to 
please his august father, he after returning from Bengal sent Afzal 
K. with suitable presents in 1035, 1626, the 20th year of Jahangir 's 

1 ÇhSfi K. T. 332. 
* See KhSfi K. I. 343 who oalls 
him Muhanmıad J'aafar. He killed 

Saiyid j'aafar and was killed himself. 
He was the son of the Afzal who 
is the subject of this biography. 



reign, to court, but Jahangir unkindly detained ' Af çal K. and 
exalted him by making him his Khânsâmafi (steward). in the 
22nd year when Jahangir proceeded to Kashmir Afzal remained in 
Lahore on account of the difficulties of the journey and the 
work connected with the household. On the way back the in- 
evitable event (the death of Jahangir) occarred. Shahriyâr made 
himself be nominated to the sovereignty in Lahore and made 
Afzal his vakil and the centre of ali his affairs. As he in his 
secret heart was a well-wisher of Shah Jahan, on the day 
when Shahriyâr drew up an army and appointed it under com- 
mand of Sultan Bâîsanghar to oppose Âşaf Khan, and himself 
mounted and went af ter it, Afzal represented that Şhahriyâr's 
going was not advisable, and that he should wait tül news came 
from the army (lashkar, perhaps it means camp here). By 
his arguments he delayed him till men without substance (Ut. 
without hands or feet) who had been gathered merely by a waste 
of money and were without a leader, dispersed without any 
real contest, and Shahriyâr crept helplessly into the citadel. When 
in 1037, 1628, Shah Jahan ascended the throne of India, Afzal 
came from Lahore on 26 Jumâda *-al-akhir of the fîrst year, 22 
February 1628, and did homage. He was promoted to the office 
of Mir- Saman (major-domo) and had an increase of 500 with 500 
horse, and so had the rank of 4000 zât (personality) with 2000 horse- 
in the second year he was made Chief Divvân 3 (Diwân^i-kull) 
in the room of Irâdat M. Sâwajî, and had an increase of 1000 
with 1000 horse. The chronogram * is Shud Flâtûn rvazir-i-Iskaridar. 
"Plato beoame the vizier of Alexander " (1038, 1628-29). in the 
6th year he begged that Shah Jahan would hohour him by visit- 
ing his house which was called and dated Manzal Afzal's 
" House of exaltation " or " House of Afzal " (1038, 1628-29). From 
the place of mounting to the house itself — a distance of twenty- 

1 The Iqbâlnâma 248 says that in 
the 20th year the rank of 1500 trith 
1500 horse, &c, and sent him haok. 
it looka as if the two oecasions of 
Afzal's coming to Lahore had been 
mixed up. Perhapa ne came agahı 

when Shah Jahan aubmitted to his 
father and was reeeived into favour 
and made steward. 

* Pâdshâhnâma I. 176 sayş 23rd. 

* do. 257. 

* do. 495. 



five jartbs, 1 varieties of carpets, were laid down. in the llth 
year his head was raised as higb as Satürn by his obtaining the 
manzah of 7000. in the 12th year, when his age was 70, bodily 
illness prevailed över him, and the appearance of departure were 
visible on the cheek of his condition. Shah Jahan visited him and 
shevved him the kindness of inquiries. On 12 Ramzân 1048, 7th 
January 1 639, in Lahore, he departed from this sad world. The 
date of his death was found to be Z khûbt bard gol niknâmi, 1048. 

"He carried off the bal! of a good name for excellenoe " 
(that is, he surpassed ali in the goodness of his reputation). 

The excellent man was irreproachable in conduct. Shah Jahan 
frequently said that in eight and twenty years of service he had 
never heard from Afzal Khan a bad word against anyone. He 
was the admirable of the age for e!oquence, and he was skilfui 
in astronomy and mathematics and in accounts. What they say, 
viz., that with ali his acience and learning he never put anything 
on paper, and that he did not know figures, is probably based 
upon his dignity and indifference. Indeed he put everything 
upon his peshkar, Dîânat Rai Nâgar * Gujarâtî. it was he who 
conducted ali the examinations. So that a wit said in an elegy 
af ter his death that when the angel put the quesfcion in the tomb, 8 
the Khan replied, " Ask Dîânat Rai, he will answeryou." His tomb 
is ori the other side of the Jamna at Agra. He lef t no children- 
His brother's son 'rnâyat Ullah K. who had the title of 'Âqil K. 
w as brought up by him as a son. 


One of Aurangzeb's officers. His tribe was connected with the 
Aghuz (Oghuz, who was one of the descendants of Japhet, the son 

< A jarîb- is about 55 yarda in 
length, and so the distanoe would be 
nearly 1400 yds., about three quarters 
of a mile. 

2 A tribe, PâdshâhnSma I. 365. 
They ar» brahmans. 

8 Afzal's tomb is the famous Chîni 
kâ Rauza on the left bank of the 
Jamna between I'timâdu-d-daulah's 
tomb and the Taj. it is the subject of 


a no tice in the Archsological reports. 
See Beale. Afzal was a poet and 
wrote under the name of 'Allâm-i 
His coming to Jahangir in the 1 7th 
year, 1030, 1621, with the spoils ob- 
tained from the Rânâ is mentioned 
in KhâB K. I. 322. The Chînî kâ 
Rauza is noticed in Keene's Guide to 

+ Text Aghar. See A.N. I. 171 trans- 



of Noah , — Peace be upon him ! Hence they are called by this name. 
Many of them havebeen renovvned fpr courage and have devot- 
ed their lives in every oountry. in the time of Shah Jahan one of 
them, by name- Husain Qulî, who joined the king's service with 
his troop (tuman) attained the rank of lf>00, with 800 hoTse, 
and the title of Khân, and died in the 25th year. Aghuz K. 
in the first year of 'Âlamgîr Aurangzeb) became the head of his 
tribe and went in company with pf inces Muhammad Sultan and 
M'uazzam K. in pursuit of Shujâ' towards Bengal. in the battles 
there he gave proof of courage. They say that one day the army 
had to cross the Ganges while on the other side Muhammad 
Shujâ's men were ready to offer opposition. Aghuz, who was the 
scout, and was in front of Diler A., the head of the vanguard, 
pufc his horse into the river and, on arriving at the other side, 
engaged in a hand-to-hand çombat. A warlike (mast) elephant 
which was in the enemy's van lifted him and his horse with his 
trunk and flung them to a distance. Aghuz immediately killed 
the driver with his sword and took his place on the elephant. 
Just then Diler K. came up after having seen with his own eyes 
what had happened. He praised him and went round and round 
jıim. Aghuz. said: "I have taken the elephant for your lordship, 
be good enough to give me a horse out of the spare (kot&l) ones. 
Diler said : "Be the elephant also bleşsed to you," and sent him 
two good horses. 1 

in that year Aghuz received the title of Khân and went 
with the Khân-Khânân on the Assam oampaign and did great 
deeds. The Khân-Khânân (Mîr Jumla) was pleased with him, 
but as his Moghuls oppressed the villagers and were wanting in 
discipline, nor was prohibition effectual, the Khân-Khânan came 
to pass him över. On this account Aghuz became disgusted and 
in the 5th year he got his 2 discharge from the Khân-Khânân, 
nolens volens, and set off to courfc. Though the Khân-Khânân 

ation. The Oghuzsn are referred 
to in tire 'ÂfeHngîrnamabkö21, top line. 
See also note to aocovuıt of EkatSz !£• 
in Maasir. 

l The story is told in Khâfî K. II. 
95. Diler waa on an elephant at the 

time. The river was the Mahananda 
in the Maldah district. See the 
biography o( Diler K. Dâödıai II. 46 . 
« See the details in Khâfî K. II. 167- 



wrote about this to his son Muhmmad Amin A. Mîr Bakhşhi, 
and A^uz was for a time in disgrace and without an office and 
excluded from court, yet aftervvards he was restored and received 
into favour, and appointed to the Kabul auxiliaries. Thefe he 
exerted ' himself to punish the Khyber Afghans who are always tur - 
bulent, and did not fail to attack and kili them, and to destroy 
their dwellings. in the 13th year he was summoned to court and 
named for the expedition to the Deccan where Sivâ Bhonsla was 
giving trouble. There too he distinguished himself, and repeatedly 
attacke 1 and defeated the Mahrattas. Aftervvards in accordanee 
with a summons, he went to court, and in the 17th year again 
went to Kabul. On this occasion too he behaved with courage. 
in the 18th year he was thânadâr of Jagdalak, and in the 24tlı — he 
had charge of the roads in Afghanistan and was given a kettle- 
drum. For years also he carried on the work of the State in the 
capital (Kabul?), in the 35th year, when the king summoned him 
to the Deccan, and when he arrived near Agra, the Jâts— who at 
that time were turbulent and practised highway robbery , attacked 
a caravan, and plundered some carts which had f ailen behind and 
made the men prisoners. When Aghuz heard of this he attacked 
their fort and rescued the prisoners. He rashly proceeded to 
attack another fort, and a bullet struck and killed him in 1102, 
1691. Aghuz K. 2nd was his son. He gradualîy got his father's 
title and was living in the time of Firdüs Ârâmgâh , Muhammad 
Shâh. He rose to great fame and died at the appointed time 

Nephew(brother's son) of ibrahim K. Fath Jang. When his 
uncle was governor of Bengal he was governor of Orissa. in the 
19th year of Jahangir he was sent against the Zamindar of Kokra* 
who had become rebellious. Suddenly nevvs came that Shah 
Jahan was coming to Bengal viâ Telingâna. Ahmad Beg vva» forced 
to abandon his expedition and to go to Piplî which vvas the capital 

1 See 'Alamgirnama 10ü9, and 
Khâfî K. II. 237, ete. it appears from 
Khâfî K. II. 232, ete, that a poem 
waa composed about Agbuz or Aghar 
whioh was called the Agharnâraa. 

8 Text Khurda, but see notice of 
Ibrâhîm Fath Jang. This notice re- 
peats a good deal of vvhat has been 
aftid in the biography of Ahmad's 
uncle Ibrâhîm. 



of the province. As he had no power to resist, he carried off his 
property to Cuttack, which was twelve kos distaut in the direction of 
Bengal. There too he could not protect himself and went off to 
Burdwan to Şâih Beg the faujdâr of that place. From there too he 
came away and joined his.uncle. On the day of the battle which 
ibrahim K. waged against Shah Jahan's troops, Ahmad formed the 
reserve with 700 horse. When the engagement became hot, Ibrâhîm's 
vanguard gave way and became mingled with Ahmad's force. He 
f ought manfully and was wounded. After ibrahim had been killed 
on thefield, Ahmad in spiteof his wounds went bravely off toDacca 
where were the family and possessions of his uncle. But the army 
of Shah Jahan followed at his heels, going by the river, «nd Ahmad 
had no resource but to submit. By the intervention of the prince's 
courtiers he entered into service. When Shah Jahan became 
ruler of India he conferred on Ahmad the rank of 2000, with 1500 
horse, and made him faujdâr and tuyuldâr (fief-holder) of Siwistan 
(Sehwân). Afterwards he was made deputy of Yemenu-daulah and 
made governor of Multan. When that connection came to an end, 
he waited on the king and was appointed jâglrdâr of parganas 
Amethî and Jâîs appertaining to Lucknow. in the 25th year 
he was made faujdâr of Baiswâra (in Oudh) in süccession to 
Mukarram Khân Şafavî with an increase of 500, and 500 horse. 
in the 28th year he was set aside, and on aocount of some acts was 
for some time without a manşab or a jagir. in the 30th year he 
was reinstated. 1 

He was a Caghatai, and his ancestors, generation after genera- 
tion, had served the family of Timur. His ancestor Mir Ghiyâşu- 
d-dînTarkhân was one of Timur 's amirs. He' himself spent a long 
time in Kabul in the service of M. Muhammad Hakim, and he 
was classed among the îkatâz * of the Mirza. For the young men 
who were distinguished for bravery and were near companions of 
the Mirza were known by this name. After the Mirzâ's death he 

1 B. 611 supposes that Ahmad 
was the son of Muhammad Sharîf 
whom Jahangir executed for high 

* Lit. riding or attacking singly, _ 
and applied to men who singly charged 
the enemy (cavaliers seul), (monoma- 
chi). Irvine, Army of theMoghuls43. 



came to the court of Akbar and obtained the rank of 700. in the 
year 1002, 1594, when Kashmir was taken from M. Yûsuf K. 
Reşavi and distributed ' among various nef-holders, he was at 
their head. Afterwards when M. J'afar Aşaf K. married his 
sister, Ahmad Beg* s importance and influence increased. in 
the time of Jahangir he became one of the great officers and had 
the rank of 3000, the title of Khân, and the right to a flag. He 
was also made governor of Kashmir. in the 13th year he was re- 
moved and came to court and died some time aftemards. He 
was full of courage, and was also able, and maintained 700 
chosen troopers. His sons were ali soldiers and brave men. 
The foremost of them was S'aîd K. Bahâdur Zafar Jang who rose 
to the highest rank and became the glory of his family. He kept 
alive the name of his ancestors. Up to the present day many 
things are connected with his name in India. High and low speak 
of him. A separate aocount of him has been given. His eldeşt 
son Muhammad Mas'aüd was killed * in the Tîrah campaign against 
the Afghans. Another son Mukhlaş Ullab K. Iftikhâr K. in the 
beginning of Shah Jahan's reign by increase of rank by 500 with 
250 horse rose to the rank of 2000, with 1000 horse, and had the 
title above mentioned. in the 2nd year he had the increase of 
1000 horse and was made faujdâr of Jamü. He afterwards had 
another increase of 500 and died in the 4th year. Another son 
Abü-1-Baqâ kept company with his elder full brother S'aîd K. 
Bahâdur. in the 5th year he was thânadâr of lovrer Bangaah, 
and in the 15th year when Qandahar fell into the imperial pos^ 
session, S'aîd K. as a reward for the battle he waged against the 
Persians, obtained the title of Bahâdur Zafar Jang and got the 
rank of 1500, with 1000 horse, and the title of Iftikhâr K. 

Son-in-law of Khwâja 'Abdu-r-Rahim Khân-i-biyutât. He 
was an honest man of military tastes. in the time of Aurangzeb he 
was made bakhshî and wâq'anavis of the army of Shah 'Alî Jâh 

ı A.N. III. 664 

* Bakar âmida B. 466 has, "He was 
killed in the war with the Târîkls," 
and this is the meaning of the phrase 

though not given in the dictionaries. 

Cf. Khâfî K. I. 345, line 13, andB. 465. 

3 Khâfi K. II. 381 uses the phrase 

Khân-i-Biyutât and speaks of Mir 



Muhammad A'zim Shah who had the charge of Gujarât. Though 
he had a name for harshness and severity which are fit concomi- 
tants of truth and honesty, yet in this duty the prince was 
pleased with him and favoured him, though he disliked most 
writing men. Af ter this, he was made diwân of the army of 
Muhammad Bidâr Bakht, and in the 48th year he was made the 
prince's deputy in the province of Khandes. At the time when 
Shah 'Alam returned after the battle with Kam Bakhşh and 
encamped at Burhânpür, he wished to visit and hunt in the 
park (ramna) of Karâra, which is a delightful place and a hunting 
oround. it ' is three kos from Burhânpür and has a stream of un- 
paralleled purity. İn former times a dam had been placed in 
the stream opposite Karâra, it was one hundred yards broad 
and two yards high and formed a cascade. By the orders of 
Shah Jahan who, when he was a prince, had charge of the 
Deccan and had beautified the spot, another dam was made in 
front of (above?) the former one and at a distance of eighty 
yards. Between the two dams there was a lake 100 yards 
by 80, and there vvas another cascade from the second dam. 
Rows of buildings were erected on the two sides of the lake, 
and a small garden vvas made near it. But when the distur- 
bance of the Râjpüts and the sedition of the Sikhs came to the 
hearing (of Bahâdur Shah) he without delay marched off in the 
beginning of Sh'abân of the third year 1121, September 1700, and 
left the°Khân to protect the city. By chance, in the 4th year 
Tulsî Bai, the wife of one of the Mahratta Sirdârs, made an 
attack with a large army, and after plundering the town of 
Rânwir -which is seven kos from Burhânpür— besieged the governor 
of the fort, who had not power to fight in the field, and had shut 
himself up. As the fort was not strong he was nearly being made 
prisoner. The Khân in his pride and excessive sense of honour 
did not approve of preserving his life in preference to martyrdom, 
or of withdrawing from opposing a female *. foe. 

Ahmad as being the brother of 'Âbdu- 

1 Copied from Pâdshâhnama 1. 331- 
332. it is said there that the 

stream was as olear as an Aleppo 

mirror, and that its breadth in places 

waa 100 yards (bâdshâhî, i.e., royal). 

* zan lıatViya. Perhaps ' ' a warlike 



Ver 8e. 

What is the/ manliness that is ' less than wömanhness ? 

He absolutely cast aside the reins of şelf -con trol and without 
gathering an army or making arrangements for attack and retreat 
(karr u farr) came to Bahâdurpüra and sallied forth. He sent 
yesâıoals and messengers (naqbâ) to summon the manşdbadârs 
and servants. The men, who had had a taste of the Khân 's 
intensity and impetuosity preferred their honour to their self- 
preservation and collected their followers — most of whom were 
piadas (footmen) or carriage people* (gardün-sumâr). Next day 
the Khân — whose foroe was not more than 700 s troopers — formed 
his right and left wings and set off. On the way an encounter 
took place, and the flames of combat blazed forth. Though the 
leader's grandchildren and other kinsfolk set their hearts upön 
dying and slew many of the loe, yet the banditti wounded and 
killed many of the heroes with their long lances. The leader 
too waş twice wounded in the leg by bullets. Meanwhile S. 
Ism'ail Zafrmand K. the faujdâr of Jamûd* — who oommanded the 
reserve — came to assist and quenched the victorious flames of 
the infidels by the water of the sword. The army of İslam 
reached the precincts of the fort of Rânwîr. The battle of arrows 
and muskets went on for two days and nights. When the robbers 
perceived that the firmness of the combatants could not be 
shaken, they went off to the city. Though the Qâzî and the 
headmen of the city exerted themselves to protect the city, yet 
the suburbs were swept clean by the broom of plunder, and were 
consumed by the flames of injustice. On the night 6 of the lOth 

woman." Two B. M. MSS. have zan 
jarîda "a single woman.'^ But 
harbiya is probably right for it cor- 
responds to the zanjangi of Khâfî 
K. II. 6, where also Ijarbl ocoürs. 

1 Perhaps ke shonld be gar " if ". 

2 From the mention of mateadiân, 
i.e., clerks, in KhSfI K. I.C. I con- 
jecture that the phrase gardûn vuıeâr 
means here people accustomed only 
to ride in carts or carriages. 

8 KhSfî K. II. speaks, p. 666, of 

800 or 900 troopers besides Mir 
Ahmad's own men. But the Mahrat- 
tas far outnumbered them. The 
battle was fought on 9 Muharram 
1122 = 27 February 1710 See Elliot 
VII. 422. 

* A pargana in Sarkar Dandes. 
J. II, 224, 225. 

6 Khâfî K. says nothing of this 
second attack. Surely Şafr is a mis- 
take for Muharram. 



Şair the Khân went off at night to make a night-attack, and 
moved off from the foot of the fort of Rârıwîr. Though some 
experienced men said from well-wishing that it was not advisable 
to go by night, he did not listen to them. When he came near the 
oity, the wicked enemy became aware and stopped his path. 
The flames of war burst forth. The brave on both sides shewed 
their courage. Mir Ahmad K. with most of his sons and relatives, 
and two-thirds of his army, drank the goblet of martyrdom in the 
field, Zafrmand K. surpassed the wind in swiftness, and in a 
situation in which the dust could not by the path of the wind 
reach the city, arrived at the city with one son of the martyred 
Khân and a few others. Of the remainder some were wounded 
and some were made prisoners. Two sons survived the Khân. 
One was Mir Saiyid Muhammad who lived like a darvesh, and was 
much respected in that character. The other was Mir Muhâmid 
who received his father's title. A separate account of him has 
beengiven. (Maaşir III, 760.) 

Son of the martyred Mîr Ahmad K. wno bravely lost his 
life while governor cf Burhânpür in fighting with the Mahratta 
ihfidels. At first he had the title of Muhamid K. and afterwards 
he had his father's title. For some time he was faujdâr of 
Chakla Eminabad 1 in the Panjab. By decree of fate, his wife, 
of whom he was exceedingly fond, died there, and he gave himself 
up to weeping and lamentation. This heart-rending wound was 
like the scar of the tulip on his mind. He applied himself to 
building and adorning her tomb and laid out a garden. After- 
wards as deputy of 'Inayat Ullah K. Kashmirî, he became 
governor of Kashmir. it did not answer, and his lif e ended'in 
disgrace. The account of this is as follow&: Mahtavî K. Mullâ 
'Abdu-n-nabi *— who was one of the learned of the age and was 
one of the officers— was always waiting, under cover of protecting 
the islam, to grafcify his own selfish desires. From bigotry 

1 A town in Gujranwala. I.G. IV. 
352. The UmiaâbSd of J. II. 319. 

s SiyarM.I. 57, ıKhSfi K. II. 867, 
»Iso calls him Mahbüb Khân. 



and a quarreisome disposition he occasionally made investiga- 
tioris among the Hindus of that country in the way of censorship. 
As misfortunes and the disorganized state of the sovereignty 
give rise to outbreaks of presumption and disörder, that mischief- 
maker in the second year of Muhammad Shah's reign (1720) 
led away the base and foolish of the city by theolögical ques- 
tions and made them his adherents. Gradually he attacked the 
Naib Şubâhdâr and the Qâ?I and urged that the rules of the 
Law about Zimmîs, 1 such as forbidding them to ride on horses or 
to wear armour, ete, should be put into force, and that they 
should be restrained from publicly praetising their superstitions. 
They answered that the praetice in the capital and other cities 
of India must be followed. How could new rules be introduced 
wjthout the order of the reigning sovereign ! That turbulent fel- 
low turned aside from urging the rulers, and came out with 
the help of his followers and insulted the Hindus whenever he 
saw them. Bychance at this time Majlis 4 Rai, who was one 
of the leading men in the city, came with brahmans to visit a 
garden and was occupied in holding a feast. That light-headed 
fellow came there and raised the cry of "Seize and lay hol d" 
and immediately began to smite and to bind them. Majlis Rai 
fled and came to Mir Ahmad's house thinking that he would be 
safe there. The unjust fellow turned back and set fire to the 
Hindu quarter s and destroyed the Hindus. Not s tisfied with that 
he surrounded the Khân' s house. Whomever he caught he dis- 
honoured. The Khân on that day by stratagem preserved him- 
self from his violence. Next day he having colleeted a body of 
men went with the royal 4 bakhshi and the manşabadârs to put 
matters to rights. The turbulent fellovv gathered together his men 
and took to diseharging arrows and smiting with the sword. 
And at his instigation the Muhammadans of the city also rose 
up. A number set fire from behind to the bridge which the 
Khân had erossed. From both sides of the road and market 

1 Non-Muslim subjects. Hughes' 
Dict. s.v. See also B. 237 n. 

2 Şâhib Rai in Siyar M. But it 
is Majlis in Khâfî K. 

8 Lawrenoe in his Valley of 

Kashmir 195 says it was the Kalâsh- 
püra quartor that was burnt. He 
calls the fanatic 'Abdu-1-Ghanî. 

♦ Bakkal PSdish&hi Klıâfi K. has 
Mir Shâhwar K. Bakshi, 





there was a discharge of arrovvs and muskets and stones, and 
bricks were thrown. The women and children threw whatever 
they could find from the roofs arid doors. During this dread- 
ful uproar Saiyid Walî, the Khân's sister's son, and many others 
were killed. The Khân was brought into dejection and sup- 
plication by these waves of slaughter, for he could neither advance 
nor return, and deeraed it an advantage to save his life, though 
with contempt. After that, the turbulent fellow ('Abdu-n-nabî) 
plundered and destroyed the remaining homes of the Hindus and 
brought out Majlis Rai and a number more from their place of 
safety and mutilated l them. At the time of circumcising, men 
had their private parts cut off. Next day Mahtavi K. went to 
the chief mosque, and assembling the Muhammadans and deposing 
Mîr Ahmad K. made himself governor of the Masalmans and took 
the title of Dindar K. For five months-during which no other 
governor c^me from the court— he issued decrees and orders. He 
sate in the mosque and tranfeacted financial and administrative 
business. When Mümin' K. Najm Şânî as deputy of 'Inayat 
UUahK., who was appointed to quiet the uproar and to make 
ne w arrangements, arrived in the end of Shawwâl * within three 
kos of Kashmir (i.e., Srînagar), Mahtavi K.— who was ashamed of 
his own evil deeds— came 3 out with a number of learned men, and 
the chief persons of the .city, together with Khvvâja 'Abdullah, 
a mansabdâr (offieer) who was one of thenotables there, to welcome 
the deputy and brought him with honour into the city. The 
Khwâjah, either from friendship or from mischievousness, which is 
the leaven in the composition of that country, advised him first 
to go to the house of Mîr Shâhwar K the Bakhshî, and apologise 
for what had occurred. After doing that he would be accepted 
(be forgiven). As the time of retribution for his deeds had arrived, 
he gave ear to the messenger of death, and at önce went off there. 

l Their ears and noses were cut ofî 
and they were circumtised or rather' 
had thejr male organs cut off. Khâfî 
K. II, 869. 

* Shawwâl 1132, equal to end of 
August 1720. 

S This seems to be incorrectly 
statcd Mahtavi alias Mahbüb did 

not go out to bring in the Naib. He 
proposed to do so : but his friend the 
Khwâja advised him first to go to 
the house of the Bakhshi. See 
Khâfî K. 870. The text calls the 
Bakhshî Mîr ShShpür. See also Siyar 
M.I. 160. 

The ovvner of the house, who had posted some of the Ghakkar * 
mansahdârs and others and some men of the Judî a Malî ward in 
corners of the house, went out after a while on pretence of busi- 
ness. The men suddenly fell upon the doomed man, and first of 
ali killed his two young sons who always went before him, chant- 
ing the birth of Muhammad, and then put him to death with 
many tortures. Next day his followers girt up their loins for 
battle to revenge the death. of their leader and fell upon the Judî 
Malî (or Carbîlî) ward, whose inhabitants were said to be Shias, 
and the Hasanabad ward. For two days fighting went on betvveen 
the two parties. As there was a general riot on this side (the 
followers of Mahhtavî), they were at last victorious and killed 2 or 
3000 of the people of the two wards together with many Moghul 
travellers. They also dishonoured the women and for two or 
three days plundered much money and goods. After \vards they 
went to the house of the Bakhshî and the Qâzî. The first got into 
a corner where chey could not f ollow him. The second came out 
and escaped. 3 They did not leave a single brick of their houses. 
When Mümin K. entered the city, he acted on the principle of 
"Hold aslant and dont pour " and* sent off Mîr Ahmad K. with 
an escort. The Khân arrived at the capital. Afterwards he got 
from Qamaru-d-dîn K. Bahâdur I'timadu-d-daula the faujdârî of 
Moradabad. There he şuffered much anguish. The date of his 
death does not appear. 6 

Younger brother of Saiyid Mahmüd K. Bârha. in the 17th 
year of Akbar's reign he, as also his brother, was appointed 7 
along with the Khân Kilân to the advance force sent to Gujarat. 

1 Perhaps this should be Kakar— an 
Afghan tribe: 

5 Siyar 161. Judi Bal. it ie Char- 
bilîin Khâfî K. Iİ. 870. 

8 " By changing his clothes, " Khâfî 

+ Khâfî K. say s he sent him off to 
Eminabad where his son was buried. 

6 The author makes no ınention 
of his own grandfather Muhammad 

Kâzim K. in connection with the 
Srînagar riots, but it appears from 
Khâfî K. that he was then Di w ân of 
Kashmir and that he was dismissed 
on account of these disturbances. 
Set Khâfî K. II. 869, and also Maaşir 
III. 721, where the dismissal is ad- 

6 I. B. 407 

1 A.N. II. 372 






After the Ahmadabad vietory, the king sent him in pursuit of the 
sons of Sher K. FülâdI who had taken their families and goods 
with them, and göne off to Idar. Though they moved swiftly, 
and entered the mountain defiles, yet many öf their goods fell 
into. the hands of the king's soldiers. The Khân returned, and 
iid homage. After vvards when Pattan became the royal camp : 
it was made över to Mîrzâ Khân ('Abdu-r- Rahim, S. Bairâm) and 
the government of it was entrusted to Saiyid Ahmad (on account 
of M Khân's youth). in the same year Muhammad Husain M. 
and Shâh Mîrzâ raised the standard of rebellion and came and 
besieged Pattan alöng with Sher K. The Khân looked after the 
fortifications and defended the place. At last the Khan A'şşim 
Koka approached with a large force, and the Mirzâs withdrew 
from the siege. in the 20th year of the reign, he was sent off 
with his brother's sons Saiyid Qâsim and Saiyid Hâshim to 
chastise the rebels connected with the Rânâ— who after the killing 
of Jalâl K. Qürcî, had stirred up the dust of strife. On account 
of his good service he was encompassed with favours. in the 
year 980,' 1572-1573, hedied. He had attained to the rank of 
2000. His son Jamâlu-d-din was one who was known to the 
emperor. At the siege of Chitor, when two mines were charged 
with gunpowder and set fire to, one hung fire, and at that time 
a number of men were killed. He too consumed the flo\yer of 
his youth. 

The Navâit tribe was a nevvly arrived one and belonged 
to the nobles of Arabia. The word " newly arrived " has become 
by frequent use Navâit. The author of the Qâmûs says •. " Navâtî 
are ocean sailors and Nutiyy is the singular." But it is evident 
that Navâît is according to the rules of grammar the plural of 
Nâît or Nâîta. And Navâtî is not connected with Navâit. 4 There- 
fore the generali ty who cali the Navâît boatmen and rely 
upon the Qâmûs have f ailen into error. They say that the tyrant 

l This is a mistake. Jalâl K. Qürcî, 
was killed in 983, 1575-1570, and in 
984 Saiyid Ahmad took part in the 
expedition against Siwina, A.N. III. 

166, 1 67. Probably 980 is a copyist's 
error for 985. See B. 408. 

S But see Lane 2863c. The word 
seems to be Greek. See I. G. XIV, 346. 

Hajâj the son of Yûsuf set himseJf to rpot out the nobility and 
put to death many pious and learned people. Consequently men 
went into exile wherever they could find security. A number of 
the Qoresh tribe left Medina in 152 A.H. (769 A.D.)and embarked 
on ships. They landed on the shores of the Indian Ocean 
in the Deccan country known as the Konkan and made it their 
home. in course of time they spread out and established villages, 
and in order N to distinguish each set of them, they took titles 
from anything with which they had a slight eonnection. Strange 
titles have become usual among them. 

Mullâ Ahmad was possessed of learning and other perfections, 
and was one of the erudite. By good fortune he became a 
favourite wıth 'Alî 'Adil Shah, the ruler of Bijapnr, and in a short 
time became, by his wisdom and judgment, the strong pillar of 
his dominion. After a time he for some reason fell out of favour 
with 'Âdil Shah, or perhaps he thought in his haughtiness that he 
could have something higher than Bîjâpüri service, and came to 
have a desire for the service of Aurangzib. He waited for an 
opportunity, and at last in the 8th year Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh after 
settling the matter of Sivâ (jî) came with a large army to attack 
Bîjâpür. 'Âdil Shah became conscious of his offences and awoke 
from the heavy sleep of neglect and sent the Mullâ — who surpassed 
the other officers in ability — to the Rajah to make an arrange- 
ment. The Mullâ — whose long-cherished desire now attained 
fulfilment — thought this a great opportunity and joined the 
Rajah at the foot of the fort of Pûrandhar in 1076, 1665-66, and 
revealed his secret thought. When this was reported to the 
king, an order was sent for summoning him and he was granted 
the rank of 6000, with 6000 horse. They say that a hint was 
given to the Mîrzâ Rajah that after the Mullâ came to court 
his title would be S'aad UUah K. and that he would be promoted 
to a suitable appointment. 

in fine the Rajah, in accordance with orders, gave him 
from the Oovernment two lacs of rupees, and Rs. 50,000 to his 

son, and sent him to court. The Mullâ in accordance with fate • 

from which no one is exempt — fell ili on the way and died at 
Ahmadnagar ; and it appears that as he did not recognize the claim 



of his old salt, so did he not profit by his new fortune. His son 
Muhammad Asad in accordance with the royal order came to 
court and in the beginning of the 9th year did homage. He 
received favours and obtained the rank of 1500, with 1000 horse 
and the title of Ikrâm K. Mullâ Yahîâ the younger brother 
of Mullâ Ahmad — who had, before his brother, come in the 6th 
year from Bîjâpür to court— received the rank of 2000, with 1000 
horse and was »ppointed to the Deccan. He did good service 
along with the Mîrza Rajah in devastating the Bîjâpür territory. 
Afterwards he received the title of Mukhliş K. and lived in 
Aurangabad. His son Zainu-d-dîn 'Alî K. and his son-in-law 
'Abdu-1-Qâdir M'âtbar K. each received a suitable rnanşab. 
When the faujdârî of the Konkan became held by M'atbar K. 
he did so well in settling the country — which was the hoıne of the 
vile Mahratta tribe — that he established his' reputation at court. 
He acquired such influence that everything he did was approved 
of. The king, wheh he became at ease about that troublesome 
country, of ten declared that it was göod to ha ve such a servant 
as M'atbar K. He left no son, — though Abü Muhammad the 
son of one of his relatives was adopted by him as a Son, — and his 
t'aluq came to Zainu-d-dîn 'Alî K. his wife's brother. The 
latter held it for a long time, and aftenvards in the time of 
Muhammad Shah he obtained , it for the second time. in the 
beginning of Farrukh Siyar's reign, Haidar Qulî K. Khurâsânî 
was invested with the Diwânî of the Deccan and came to Auranga- 
bad. As his power and influence were a thousand ' and one 
times greater than that of a (an ordinary) diwân he attacked the 
Khân before mentioned (Zainu-d-dîn) about the money of the 
Khâlşa lands, which had been in his kceping (or, perhaps, which 
had been embezzled). in the beginning of the government of 
Husain 'Alî K. Amîra-1-Umarâ (the younger of the Bârha Saiyids) 
he went to Arcot to S^aadat Ullah K. Nâîtha. He, on account of 
being of the same tribe and of the respect for an old family, 
regarded his arrival as an honour. By the assistance of that noble- 
minded man he spent the rest of his days İd peace. His son too 



l Lit. "1001 times.' 

!„„e„rre„oe of hi, heir, sent him . deod o. grft of *. 

nualıtıes. İn the reıgu <= f agaınst 

L of the officers of Nizâm Shah, came ™** ££ h o Ugh there 
Tlcapür (Elichpur) and forcibly ** *^/^ ln bis 
was no large imperial anny tnere yet Ahma K ^ 

early youth, engagfcd him w*h but *J££T ^ that time 

out of the city and -^^"/t Te D eecan cainpaigns 

he continually distinguished hnnself m the *£» * 

an d in the siege of Daulatabad he went « w£i ^ 

Bahâdur *^^£Î^,V»»**«>. *» 
from B^anpur at the pa, *o ^ ^ Zafarmgar 

öto Zaman left Ahmad K.. ^ leader8 

with Bahar* Singh Bandıla. Xt chanCe<1 f men> 8en t 

afte r comin g near (^^^^ ™i* * 
off their troops along wıth the _£ba , Z ^ & 

Abyssinian, who had jomed 'Ad d Shah , who 

large force against the ^^^Z l önce attacked' 
W ere in the öpen pla^n ^ ^ - ^ ^ fim that 

them. Ahmad K and Bahar b ng MtoniriımM1 t and 

^ MS r Î^'S^S-d himself on the day 
t0 < T Uk^'of ^Ambarkot, and many of his best men ^ 
° m ,1 t K usedto say that Ahmad was the predommant 

k ;r n er rrvto^L^^ 

- T _ „ vr I * This preceded the affair of Ko- 

l padshâhnSma I. 517. I. G- * Al - han kheA See pgdshühnSma I. 502. 

302. , . . . at . A mbarkotw aS theout e r£ortof Dau- 

» Bahâdur Singh in **- but at ^^ ^^ ^ ^^ rftor Mahk 

p . 3 2lPaharSiaghasiöv arl ant. j ^^ 
3 Pâçlshahnâma I- 5l«. 



that Mahâbat K. prevailed över the marauding ' foe, Ahmad K 
obtained renovvn for his fighting The Khân commander-in- 
chief laboured to honour and advance him, and so he took no 
other title than that of Khânzâda (the Khân's son). 

When in the ninth year Daulatabad was visited by Shah 
Jahan, Ahmad K. had an increase of 500 and 500 horse and was 
promoted to the rank of 2500, with 2000, and went off with 
Shaista K. who had been deputed to take Sangamnîr* and Nâsik. 
He in his zeal proceeded with the permission of his leader to 
attack the f ort of Ram Saj 8 and took it from the hands of 
Sâhü's men. After that he was honoured by the gift of a drum, 
and attached to the royal stirrup. Afterwards he was made 
faujdâr of Gulshanâbâd. * As he had been brought up in that 
country he went with joy. in the 23rdyear he was raised to the rank 
of 3000, zât and horse, and made governor of the fort of Ahmad- 
nagar. in the year 1061, 1651, and beginning of the 25thyear, he 
died. He inherited courage and generosity, and he also had other 
qualities in perfection. in his office there were never any dis- 
missals, and if any one got an assignment (tankhıvâh) for his sub- 
sistence it was like his own property. Even if it doubled in value 
his clerks did not interfere with it. in spite of his grandeur 
he was gentle to every one and spent his days in humility and 
piety. He was an excellent governor of many children and 
relatives. As his father had made Ashtî in Berar his residence and 
his placö of burial, Ahmad K. laboured to improve the place and 
made a garden there. He also saw to the building of a lofty 
mosque and of a tomb for his father. For a long time it waş 
a place of prayers and a shrine for the public. At present, 
except for some old tombs, there is no trace 6 remaining either 
of famous inhabitants or of homes. 

l Bar sir kahi g hanim. Kahî, ap- 
parently from kah straw, means a 
marauding or foraging party. 

* Sungamnere of Grant-Duff's map, 
S.E. Nâsik, 

3 Ram Sij in variant and Khâfî 
K. J. 521. 

* Apparently «nnt.her name for 

Wardhâ in the Central Provinees, for 
Ahmad 's father made Âshtî his home. 
See Blochmann 484 and note 2, and 
biography of Muhammad K. Niyazi 
Maaşir III, 376. 

6 The MSS. differ. The text has na 
az qvffân nâmfau na az masâkin nlshân. 
Blochmann's MSS. has autun for 




Second sön of S. Salim Cistî of Fathpür— May his grave be 
holy— whose family was of Delhi. 4 His (S. Selîm's) father was 
S. Ba,hâu-d-dîn, a descendant of Farîd Shakr Ganj. The Shaikh 
lived long in Arabia and often made the pilgrimage and became 
known in that country as the Shaikhu-1-Hind. After he returned 
to India he settled in the village of Sîkri, twelve kos from Agra, and 
which was a dependency of Bîâna. Because in that delightful 
spot Bâbur had won a victory över Rânâ Sângâ, he ordered 
it to be called Shukrî. On the top of a hill near that village 
S. Selîm buut a mosque and a Kbânqâh (monastery) and there 
practised asceticism. A wonderful circumstance it was that 
Akbar, who had come to the throne at the age of fourteen, for 
fourteen other years— when he came to be eight and twenty— had 
no child who lived. When he heard of the Shaikh he had a 
keen desire at that age that he should ask help from him^ The 
Shaikh ga ve him the good news that he would have three sons. 
At the same time, there appeared signs of pregnancy in the 
mother of Jahangir. As on such occasions a change of residence is 
a good omen, that chaste lady was brought from Agra to the 
Shaikh's house, and on Wednesday I7th Rabi'-al-awwal 977, 
31stAugust 1569, Jahangir was born. He was called Prince 
Sultan Muhammad Selîm after the name of the Shaikh. The 
chronogram is Dur 8hahwâr lajh-i-ABar (977) : "A royal pearl 
from a great (akbar) ocean." Aftenvards, when the births of 
Sultan Murâd and Sultan Daniel also took place, and the 
Shaikh's influence was recognized, Sikrî became a city, and a lofty 
khânkâh and a madrasa were a cost of five lacs. The 
chronogram was im lâ tara fil-bilâd aânlhâ : " And you'll not see in 
cities another such." (982 = 1574-75.) Delightful palaces, large, 

gutifin and T.O.,'MS. 628, has makân 
nâml. it appears from the note in 
Blochmann 484, and also from the I.G. 
artiele Âshtî, that the tombe have 
been restored. The Maaşir has in the 
third volume, p. 376, a life of Ahmad 
K.'s father Muhammad KhSn. The 


author of the Maaşir knew the Berars 
well. it was at Ashtî that a great 
battle was fought in Akbar's reign. 

l B 475. 

8 Salîm's father was first at Ludi- 
ana and afterwards oame to Delhi, 
Khazîna A.I. 432, 



stone bazaars and beautiful gardens were made. As while the 
city was being made , the rich country of Gujarat was conquered , 
Akbar wished to cali it Fathâbâd, but it became known as Fathpür, 
and this name was approved of by the emperor. The Shaikh died 
in 979, 1571-72. The chronogram is tf&aikk Hindi: " The fndian 
ghaikh." 979. in consequence of the sincerity and respect that 
axisted between the Shaikh and Akbar, his sons, sons-in-law, and 
grandchildren obtained high office, and as the wife *>.nd daughter 
of the Shaikh were connected by fosterage with Prince Sultan 
Selim, the Shaikh's descendants became his foster-brothers, and 
during his ruh- many of them rose to the rank of 5,000, and became 
owners of drums and flags. 

in fine Shaikh Ahmad showed many choice qualities in his 
relations with the world. He did not abuse people and did not 
become overcome with sorrow on beholding many improprieties. 
By his loyalty and his connection by fosterage with the prince 
he became famous and was enrolled among the great officers. 
Though ' as yet he had not reached the rank of 500, he had great 
influence. in the 22nd year during the expedition to Mâlwa he 
got a ohill (perhaps a stroke) (hatvâzadagî) . When he came to 
the capital, his illness, on account of eareiessness, became para- 
lysis. in the samo year he died, on a day when Akbar was march- 
ing to Ajmere and had sent for him. He took his last leave, and 
died after reaching his home in the year 985, 1577. 


His other name was Mîr malang (malang means enthusiasfc) 
and he was the sister's son of Mühammad Murâd K. He vvas one 
of the distinguİ8hed men of Aurangzeb's time, and held suit- 
able appointments. in the 5-lst year when the king saw markı** 
of weakness in hirnself, and perceived that Mühammad A'zim 
Shah — who had a name for courage and had won över the leading 
officers — looked upon Kâm Bakhşh with severe eyes, he, because 
he always regarded this prince with affection, appointed Ahsan 

1 He had reached the rank of 500 when he died. 
chiefly taken from A.N. III. 212. 

The account iri text is 



K. to be his bakhshî and straitly charged him to take çare 
of him. Accordingly, he continually looked after him in his 
comüıg and going. Mühammad Â'zim Shah repeatedly accused ' 
Kâm Bakhşh to his father, but it was of no avail. At last he 
wrote to his full sister Zîhatu-nisâ * Begam a letter in which he 
said, "Though it wopld be no great task (kâre-nîst) to chastise 
the impudence of that insolent one, yet respect for HM. restrains 
me. ' ' After the king had read this letter he wrote " in reply : 
" Do not disturb yourself about ali this. We are sending away 
Mühammad Kâm Bakhşh. " After that he presented that prince 
with the insignia* of sovereignty and sent him off to Bîjâpür. 
After he arrived at the fort of Paren da, news eame of the death 
of Aurangzeb, and most of the officers went off Avithout warning. 
Sultan Hasan endeavoured to secure the affections of the 
renıainder, and made excellent endeavours^ after reaching Bîjâpür 
so that Saiyid Niyaz K the governor made över the keys and 
joined the prince. The prince promoted Sultan Hasan to a com- 
mission of 5000 and gave him the title of Ahsan Hasan and made 
him Mîr Bakhshî. When the prince marched from Bîjâpür and 
took possession of Gulbarga, he camç to Wâkinkera — which had 
again come into the possession of Pîrmâ 6 Nâîk zamindar. Ahsan 
Hasan laboured to get possession of this also. Aftervvards he 
took the prince's son with him, as a matter" of custom, and 
marched against Karnül. He took money from th«re and went 
on to Arcot where Dâüd K. Patnî was faujiâr. He neglected 
not the smallest particular which could be of use to the prince, 
and in spite of little money and other difficulties he devoted 
himself to the carrying on of afiairs. He again joined the prince. 
When they were within four atages of Haidarabad he soothed 
RustumDilK. of Sabzawâr, whö was the governor there, and 

1 Khâfî K, II. 547-48. 

* KhBfî Khân has Zibu-nisâ, but 
she was already tîead. 

8 it woald appear from Klıâfi Khân 
648 that Aurangzeb, after the letter 
waa read to him, caused the reply to 
be endorsed on it and put his own 
signftture to it. 

* id. 548. Aurangzeb sent him off 
under a fanfaronade of musie. 

6 Pemnaik of Grant-Duff 1. 405. 

8 Gün tora. it was an öriental insti- 
tution to have a prince with the army 
however yoımg, för İnek 





ınducecf him to join the prince. As Hakim Muhammad, who had 
the title of Taqarrab K. and was the Vrzier, was envious of Ahsan 
Hasan — a thing which has of old destroyed dominions — he con- 
tinually misrepresented things to the prince, and alienated his 
feelings frora him. At the time when there was between Ahsan K. 
and R ustu m Dil a movement of loyalty towards the prince, 
Taqarrab K. represented that they were- plotting to make the 
prince a prisoner. The prince whose disposition tended towards 
madness, and who at that time was doubly perturbed on account 
of anxieties, af ter putting Rustum Dil to death as related 1 in his 
biography, sent for the Khân and imprisoned him, and put him 
to death with torture. They say that though men had warned 
him that the prince meditated imprisoning him, he — who always 
behaved with loyalty — would not believe this. This event hap 
pened in the year 1120, 1708. His elder brotner Mir Sultan 
Husain entered service in the 2nd year of Bahâdur Shah and 
obtained a commission of 1000, with 200 horse and the title of 
Tal'a Yâr K. 


He had a high rank in science, and was a man of praiseworthy 
morals. He was related on the mother's side to Muhaqqiq-i- 
Dawwânî. 8 From the first his company was pleasjng to Akbar, 
and in the 9th year he was sent with an order to Cingiz K. who 
was a leading man in Ahmadabad. He returned with presents 
from the Khânto Agra. in the 17th year he tooka soothingletter 
to I'timâd K. Gujaratî and brought * him to service along with 
Abû Turâb. in the 19th year, vvhen Akbar vvent to the eastern 
districts, he vvas in attendance. 6 Aftervvards he was appointed 
to the Deccan tor the purpose of guiding 'Âdil K. of Bîjâpûr, and 
returned to court in the 22nd 8 year. After that he was made fauj- 
dâr of Sambhal, and in the 26th year, vvhen 'Arab Bahâdur Niyâ 
bat K. and Shâh Dana with a number of ingrates had stirred up 
commotion there, he strengthened the fort of Bareli (Bareilly), and 


Maasir 11. 327. 




6 and 7. 



480, and Badayünî 








III. 422. 




exerted himself along vvith the fiefholders. Though the rebels used 
threats and promises in order to induce him to join them he 
did not consent, and by excellent contrivance managed to 
cause dissension among them. At last Niyâbat K. joined the 
royalists. The Hakim along with the other fiefholders sought for 
battle and defeated ' the enemy. in the same year he was made 
Sadr* of Bengal. in the 3 ist year he was made bakhshî of the 
province of Agra. Afterwards he went to the Deccan with the 
Khân A'zim. When the said Khân took away his jâğir of Hindia 
he, without being summoned, came 8 to court in the 35th year, and 
consequently was not admitted to an audience. After inquiries 
were made, he received an order for him to pay his respects. He 
was confirmed in the pargana of Hindia, and was allowed to depart 
af ter some time. in the 40th * year corresponding to 1003, 1595, 
he died. He vvrcfte poetry and had the takhallas of Dawâi. This 
verse is his. 


in the night of her dark locks a dream of death seized me, 
A strange sad dream it was which had no interpreter. 
He attained the rank of 500. 

Son of Mahârâjah Je3want Singh When his father died in 
his thânadârî 6 of Jamrüd, he was in his mother's womb. He was 
born after she came to Lahore." The king wished to get hold of 
him, and the Râthors who were old servants of the deceased rose 
up in arms. Some were killed, and some took Ajît to his native 
country. After the king had göne tvvice to the province of Ajmere 

l A.N. III. 348. 

* A.N. 372. 

5 A.N. III. 684. 

* A.N. III. 671. He died oıı 
23rd August 1593. Badayünî II. 

6 He died in or near Kabul in 
1678. Elliot VII. 187, 290. 

6 The Maasir A. 177 says Ajît and 
his brotner were born at Lahore. 
See translation in Elliot VII. 187. 

Khafî K. II. 259 implieş that they 
were born in Afghanistan, lor he says 
that vvhen their servants were bring- 
ing them and their mothers to Aurang- 
zeb there was a fight at the Attock 
crossing. Possibly, hovvever, he means 
that the children were stili in the 
womb. Elphinstone, p. 561 of 4th 
ed., taktıs it that they were born in 
Afghanistan. See also the translation 
of Khâfî K. in Elliot VII. 297. 




and striven to ruin the tribe, and had sent Prince Muhamınad 
Akbar to pursue them, they engaged in instigating that prince (to 
rebellion) and pervertedhim so that at last he, in league with these 
men, came within İJ kos of the royal «anıp. As they became from 
'some reason suspicious of him, they lef t the prince, and he was 
compelled to fly. The king appointed a faujdâr m Jodhpür, and 
as long as the king lived, Ajit remained in the recesses of the hills. 
Af ter the king's death, he disgraced (be hurmat salçhta) the faujdâr 
and took possession of the town. Bahâdur Shah sent him a sum- 
mons during the war with A'zim Shah but he did not come. Conse- 
quently after the battle he marched to Jodhpür, and appointed 
Khân Zaman the son of Mun'im K. Khân-Khânân against him. 
When the Khân came near Jodhpür, Ajit waited upon him, and 
having received assurances he submitted, After his offences had 
been forgiven, he was raised to the rank öf 3000. 

When the king went to the Deccan with the intention of con- 
fronting Kâm Bakhşh, Ajit in the course of the march joined with 
Rajah Jai Singh 'Kachwâha, and taking his necessaries, and leav- 
ing his tents behind, went to his native country. When the king 
returned from the Deccan, he was minded to punish the tribe, but 
the rebellion of theSikhs, whohad become world-conquerors in the 
Panjab, prevented him. With a regard to prudence he overlooked 
his acts and omissions and arranged through the Khân-Khânân 
that he in concert witb Rajah Jai Singh should pay his respects on 
the march and go io his native country. Aftervvards, whenhe 
had made proper arrangements, he was to come to court. As the 
intriguing heavens are always stirring up fresh commotions the 
inevitable event (of death) appeared for Bahâdur Shah after he had 
reached Lahor©, and thereafter dissension broke out among the 
princes. in the second year of the reign (of Farrukh Siyar) Hus- 
sain 'Alî Amîru-1-umarâ was appointed against Ajit. Ajit was 
overeome by alarm and submitted to the Amîru-1-umarâ. By 
agreeing to pay tribute his offences were wiped out. He sent 
off his daughter, to be married to the king according to the 
established custom; and was honoured with the government of 
Gujarat. Aftenvards he joined the Saiyids and in the end of 
Muhammad Farrukh Siyar's reign came to court from Ahmadabad, 



and received the title of Mahârâjah. He took part with the 
Saiyids in the arrangements for imprisoning the king, and on this 
account he became an object of reproach to high and low, and 
in the beginning of Muha nmad Shah's reign was removed from the 
government of Gujarat. By good fortune he got a sanad ' for the 
city of Ajmere and took possession of it. Afterwards when the 
officers were sent against hini with an army he went to his native 
country and his men entrenehed themselves in Garha Patlî. Th e 
royal army went and besieged that place. At last peace was 
made, and it was agreed that Abhai Singh his eldest son should 
remain at court as his father's representative. Abhai Singh 
after coming to court at the instigation of the nobles there 
withdrew from filial duties and wrote to his younger brother 
Bakht Singh, and he sent * Ajît to the other world while he was 
asleep. Abhai Singh got the title of Mahârâjah and in 1140, 1728, 
was made governot of Gujarat in lieu of Sirbuland K, He went 
to his home and spent one year in settling the country. in the 
llth year of Muhammad Shah he entered Gujarat and surrendered 
the province to the Marhatta Chaut. When he saw that they weıe 
predominant he in the 15th year came to his native country, and 
the whole province fell into the power of the Mahrattas. 

Mahârâjah Ajit Singh had two sons. The first was Abhai, 
of whom an account has been given. The seçond wae Bakht Singh , 
who after his father's death got possession of his native country. 
After him his son Bijai Singh is at the tim© of writing (died in 
1794) in possession, and is renowned for his çare of the subjects, 
and for proteeting the weak and for putting down the oppressive. 
The supplementary account of Sultan Muhammad Akbar is that 
after hefled from the neighbourhood of Ajmere— as he had no 
home— he went to Sambhâ Bhonsla. Sambhâ received him and 
kept him for some time. When Aurangzeb marched to the Deccan, 
the noise of killing infidels was heard everywhere. Akbar got 
f i'ightened and embarked in a ship and went off to Persia. When 
the ship reached Muscat the governor there took charge of him and 
vvrote to Aurangzeb. Meanwhile Shah Sulaimân Şafavî heard of 

1 Siyar M. trans. I. 230. 

2 Khâfi K. II. 074, and Tod'a Rajasthan, Annals of Ma r w5r. 



his having come to Muscat. Prince Akbar too had previously 
UM Shah Sulaimân his intentions. The Shah wrote to the land- 
owner l of Muscat, who regarded the Shah as his suzerain and 
ordered that Prince Akbar should be sent to him. He was ahvays 
treated with respect, and there were continually feasts and recrea- 
tions. At last he asked for auxiliaries. The Shah said , ' ' Your father 
is stili alive ; when the time of your brothers comes, I will give you 
proper help." Akbar was sad and said that the climate did not 
agree with his constitution and asked leave that he might go to 
Qandahar and live in the warm country (in the Garmsîr). The 
Shah gave him leave, and provided him with the necessary ex- 
penses. Af ter Akbar came to that country he died in 1115. * 

Brother of Saiyid Hizabr 8 K., of whom an account has been 
giyen in this book. in Jahangir's time he at first had a suit- 
abİe manşab and at the end of his reign his rank was 1500 with 
600 horse. After the accession of Shah Jahan his manşab was 
confirmed and he went with the Khân-Khânân to Kabul for the 
purpose of putting down Nazr Muhammad K. the ruler of Balkh 
who had raised the flag of disturbance in that province. in the 3rd 
year he received a robe of honour, and a sword and an increase 
of 500 with 200 horse, and was appointed to aceompany Yemînu- 
d-daula to the Bâlaghât of Berar. in the 6th year he attended 
Prince Muhammad Shujâ' in the affair of Parenda. The Prince 
left him with 500 horse, as a şort of thâna (station) in Jâlnapûr to 
protect the roads. in the 8th year, at the time of the return 
from Lahore to the capital, he along with islâm K. was active in 
chastising the rebels of the Duab. Afterwards he accompanied 
prince Aurangzeb when he was appointed to the army for chastis- 
ing Jujhâr Singh Bandila. in the 9th year, at the time when 

See Elliot 

1 The imâm of Muscat. 
VII. 312. 

î Should be 1118, or 1706 A.D., 
»ocording to Beale ; but Khâfî K. in 
the account of the year 1117, II, p. 
549, 8»y» that a report of the prinoe's 
death had been current for a year 

and wns now confirmed. The Maaşir 
speaks of his going to the neighbour- 
hood of Qandahar. Khâfî K, speaks 
of the Oarmsîr of Khurâsân, the 
prinee having objected to Ispahan as 
too oold. 

8 B. 392, and 395 note. 



the Deccan became for the second time the residence of the king , 
he was appointed to punish Sâhû Bhonsla and to devastate the 
country of 'AdüKhân, in the contingentof Khan Zaman Bahâdur. 
in the 13th year he received an increase and had the rank of 2000 
with 1000 horse in the 19th year he went with the prince Murâd 
Bakhsh to conquer Balkh and Badakhshân. Afterwards, he went 
with prince Shujâ' to Bengal, and in the 29th year he accompanied 
prince Sultan Zainu-d-dîn to court and did homage. Afterwards he 
received a horse and returned When Aurangzeb obtained the 
sovereignty, and battles took place with his brothers, he was active 
on the side of Shujâ' in the first battle, and also in the engagement, 
which occurred on the borders of Bengal, and jeoparded his life. 
At last, when Shujâ' went off to Arracan and had no one with him 
except ten Saiyids of Bârha and twelve Moghul servants, 'Alam 
Bârha accompained him. He disappeared ' in that country (j'.e. 
perished along with Shujâ'). 


Younger brother of Mîr M'uizzu-1-mulk of Maşhhad. He 
too in the reign of Akbar attained to the rank of 3000 and acted 
along with his brother in carrying out the king's work. in the 
22nd year he produced before Akbar the story of his birth (maulüd- 
nâma) which had been written by Qâşî Ghi şu-d-dîn Jâmî, who 
was endowed with eloquence and gifts, and was for a time 
Humâyün's Şadr. it was written therein 2 that on the night of the 
birth of the king, Hamiyün having seen in a dream that God had 
presented him with a son, ordered that he should be.called Jalâ- 
lu-d-dîn Muhammad Akbar. Akbar shevved great pleasure on be- 
holding it and rewarded the Mîr vvith favours, and gave him the 

1 B. 392, and 395 note. 

* B. 382. The story is told in the 
annals of the 23rd year in the 
Tabaqât N. and just at the end of 
that year. The king was then at 
HSnsî in the Panjab. B's suggestion 
of Nadîna is supported by a MSŞ. 
of the Tabaqât in my posseasion. 
The modern name is Nagîna, N.W. 


Moradabad. See I.G. XVIII, 299. 
it is in the Bijnor district. The facts 
about 'Âlî Akbar 's being sent in 
chains and put in prison are recorded 
in the Akbarnâma III. 309. it is 
not said there that he was imprison- 
ed for life. The punishment took 
place in the 25th year 988, 1580. 



pargana of Nadîna (text Nadîa) as a re\vard. As his brother held- 
a jagir in Bibar (viz. Arrah) lıe vvas made a partner witlı him. 
in the 24t.h year when many of the Bihar officers took the path of 
rebellion the two brothers joined them. But from far-sightedness 
they soon separated from them, and Mir M'nizzu-1-mulk came to 
Jaunpür, vvhile Mîr 'Alî Akbar stopped in Zamânia six kos from 
Ghazipur. Nevertheless he vvas alvvays by messages and wiles 
fanning the flames of sedition. When his brother' s boat sank in 
the Jumna in the 24th year, an oıder vvas sent to the Khân Azim, 
who had charge of Bengal and Bihar, to arrest Mîr 'Alî Akbar 
and to send him off in châins. He had reeourse to fawning and 
wiles in dealing with the Kokaltâsh. But as the latter was a 
clear-sighted man, his stories did not avail, and he was conveyed 
to the Presence by guards. The kindness of the king abstained 
from inflicting capital punishment on him. but sent him to the 
school of the prison. 


He vvas born and bred in Badakhşhân, and was adorned with 
excellent qualities. When he came to India, the coin of his 
loyalty vvas fully tested in Akbar's heart, and he vvas honoured by 
the title of Akbar Shâhî. He distinguished himself in battle. in 
thecampaign in the Deccan h vvas an auxiliary of Prince Sultan 
Murâd. When the prince made peace and retired from Ahmad- 
nagar, Şâdiq K. from considerations of prudence made his abode 
in Mahkar in the 41 st yeiar. Azhdar K. and 'Aîn K. and other 
Deccanis rose up to make disturbance. Şâdiq K. appointed a choice 
force under the Mîrzâ, and he suddenly f eli 2 upon their camp and 
seized abundant plunder, including elephants and ukhâra vvomen 
(dancing girls). On account of this success, Khudâvvand K. and 
other Nizâm Shâhî officers resolved to give battle vvith 10,000 
horse. Şâdiq K. fought a battle on the bank of the Ganges, 3 vvith 

ı B 482. 

i Akbarnâma III. 711. 

8 Akbarnâma 715, vvhere the river 

is called the Ban Gang, qu. the 
Penganga of I.G. XX. 102. it is a 
tributary of th© Wardh5. 



M. 'Alî Beg in the vanguard, eight kos from Pâthrî. The Mîrzâ 
on that day displayed valour and defeated Khudâvvand K. vvho 
attacked him vvith 5,000 horse. in the 43rd year he took the fort 
of Râhütara, 1 a dependency of Daulatabad, after a siege of one 
month, and in the same year the tovvn of Pattan — vvhich is an 
ancient city on the bank of the Godavery — vvas taken by his 
exertions. in the end of the same year the fort of Lohgarha * 
Daulatabad vvas taken by his efîorts. Both of these forts became 
deserted from vvant of vvater and are in the same ştate to-day. 
The Mîrzâ in the campaigns of S. Abü-1-fazl also fought battles 
and did good service, in the siege of Ahmadnagar he gave great 
help to the servants of Prince Daniel. in the 46th year he vvas 
revvarded for his good services vvith a flag and drum. After that 
he vvas for a long time in the Deccan as an assistant of the Khân- 
Khânân, in the time of Jahangir he got the rank of 4000 and 
vvas made governor of Kashmir. After that he obtained the fief 
of Oudh, and vyhen Jahangir vvas residing at Ajmere he came to 
court and visited the shrine of M'uînu-d-dîn. He embraced the 
tomb of Shahbâz K. Kambû, vvho vvas buried in the enclosure, 
and said, " he vvas our old friend," and then died. He vvas buried 
in the same place. This occurred in the llth year on 22nd 
Rabî'-ul-awwal 1025, 30th March, 1616. 

Though he had but fevv servants, they were ali excellent and 
had good vvages. He vvas very fond of learned and pious men. 
As he vvas addicted to opium (koknâr), the confectionary depart- 
ments in his establishment vvere in great order. Varieties of con- 
fections and drinks and svveetmeats vvere produced in his assem- 
blies. He had a pöetical vein and composed verses. 3 

Akbarnâma 73*.', where the text 
has Ahûbara vvith the variant Râhü- 

•2 749. Both forts surrendered tor 
want of vvator. 

8 See B. 482, and Tüzük J., pp. 11 
and 163. B., p. 482, note, rightly 
doubts the ooırectness of the state- 
ment at p. 1 1 of Tüzük, that he be- 
langed to Delhi. None of the MSS. 
have this. Instead, theystate that he 

vvas a distinguished man of this tribe, 
Aln alüsh ıııeaıiing the tribe or 
company of the Akbarshâhîs. Or 
perhaps it nıeans "this dynasty.' ' 
The expression is used at p. 1(53 of 
the Tüzük. M. 'Alî Beg vvas över 
seventy-iive vrhen he died. He left 
no ehildren. The incident of his 
embracing Shahbâz 's tomb is not ınen- 
tioned in the Tüzük. 







Son of Muhtaram Beg and one of Akbar's officers. He 
obtained the rank of 1000 and in the 9th year he was sent off, 
\vith other officers, in pursuit of 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg who had fled 
from Mahva to Gujarat. in the 17th year when the king proceeded 
tovviuds Cîujarat, and the Khân Kilân was sent off in advance, 
'Alî K. was sent with him. in the 19th year when the king pro- 
ceeded to the eastern districts, he \vas one of the companions. 
Afterwards he was sent with a body of troops to puniah Qâsim 1 
K. alias Kâsü who was making a disturbance with a body of 
Afghans in Bihar. He did good service, and af ter that he distin- 
guished himself along with Mozaffar K. in the 21st year he came 
to court. in the 23rd year, when Shahbâz K. went off to punish 
Rânâ Pratâp alias Kikâ, he was enrolled as an auxiliary. in the 
25th year he was appointed to act along with the Khân A'zim in 
the eastern districts. As he did not do well there he in the 3 İst 
year was sent to Qâsim K. the governor of Kashmir.* in a battle 
with the Kashmiris in the 32nd year, when it was 'Saiyid 'Abdul- 
lah's turn (to command) and the imperial troops were defeated, he 
was killed, 8 in 995, 1587. 

He was enıinently skilled in * the sciences, especially in medi- 
cine and mathematics. He was one of the ablest physicians of 
the day. They say that he came to India from abroad in great 
poverty and distress. By the help of auspicious fortune he became 
enrolled among Akbar's servants. One day, by Akbar's order, 
several bottles containing the urine of sick and healthy persons 
and of cattle and asses were brought to the hakim in order to 
test his skill. He diagnosed ali of them by his powers of consi- 
deration,and from that time his reputation and influence increased 
so that he became an intimate companiorı of the monarch. He 

l A.N. III 105. * A.N. III. 516. 

s A.N. III. 522, and B. 443, who 
refers to Badayflni III. 326, who 
describes him as an occasional poet. 

* B. 466. Insteadof dar /unun the 
B.M. MSS. Add. 65657, and 6567, 
ha ve zû funtln. 

acquired power and became the equal of the highest officers. 
Af ter that he was sent on atı embassy to Bîjâpûr. Alî ' 'Adil 
Shah the ruler thereof went out to welcome him and brought him 
into the city with great pomp. He presented him with the rari- 
ties of the country and wished to send hini back, when suddenly 
in the year 988, 1580 (23rd Şafr=10th April), the cup of his 
(Âdil Shah's) life was spilled. Though Şâhib Ferishta (».e., the 
author of Ferishta's history) has related that Hakim Ali Gîlâni 
went away before this event, taking with him the suitable pre- 
sents previously given and that at this time Hakim Aînu-1-mulk 
Shîrazî came as ambassador, and that on account of the inevit- 
able event he went back without presen ts, yet in the opinion of 
the author of these pages the account of the circumstances by 
the very learned Abu-'l-Fazl is more correct.* 

As the catastrophe of the killing of 'Alî 'Âdil Shah is not 
devoid of singularity , it is here related. He was the most just and 
liberal of the dynasty, but in spite of his excellent qualities he 
was very unchaste. At last being much inclined towards fair 
faces he by great efforts got from the ruler of Bîdar two beautiful 
eunuchs. When his desire was nearjy gratified, he being possessed 
by immodesty and baseness, in the darkness of his private çhamber 
showed his improper desires to the elder of the two. That jewel 
of purity, from chastity and honour, would not yield up his body, 
and finished off the king with a dagger, which he had from 
foresight secreted on his person. A remarkable * thing is that 
Maulânâ Muhammad Bezâ of Mashhad, who had the takhallaş of 
Rezâi, found the chronogram Shah Jahân shud shahid : ' ' The king 
of the world was martyred, 988." 

Hakim 'Ali in the 39th year prepared * a wonderful tank, a 
road within which led to a chamber (kâshâna). The extra- 

1 Chând Bîbî's husband. 

s Akbarnâma III. 298, and Ferish- 
ta's account of the Bîjâpûr dynaaty. 
He is presupaably a better authority 
or Deccan affairs than Abu-'l-Fazl. 

8 Probably the singularity of the 
chronogram lay in its describing a 
death under such circumstances as 
a martyrdom. 

* See Eiliot VI. 193, where is a 
quotation from the Zubdatu-t-taw- 
ârîkh. See also A.N. III. 650—51. 
Badâyûnî, Lowe 273, and Iqbâln5ma 
part II, account of the 39th year. it 
is in the Iqbâlnâma that the atatenıent 
ocours that the water was kept out by 
air. The subaqueous house waa tnade 
at Lahore. it seems that Sakîm *Âli 



ordinary thing was that the water of the tank could not enter the 
chamber. Men went down and endured much difficulty in 
examining the place, and many were so troubled that they returned 
when they got half-way. Akbar vvent to see the spectacle and 
came to the chamber. He got under the water at a corner of the 
tank and af ter descending two or three steps he arrived at the room. 
it was much decorated and was well-lighted and there was space 
for ten or twelve people. There vvere sleeping coverlets (farsh 
khwâb) and clothing, and there was a collation. There were some 
books in recesses. The air did not allow a drop of water to enter- 
As the king stayed there for a little, a strange feeling took posses- 
sion of the men outside. Up to the 40th year the Hakini had 
attained the rank of 700. Hîs cures astonished the world. At 
last when Akbar was attacked with diarrhcea, the Hakîm's en- 
deavours were unsuccessful. The king got angry and said to him, 
" You were nothing but a foreign spice-seller (pasâri). 1 Here 
you put off the sandals of exile. We raised you to this rank in 
order that some day you might be of use." And being exeeedingly 
angry he * flung two pâjâma strings at him. The Hakim taking some- 
thing out of a bag flung it into a jug of water which immediately 
became congealed. He said, "I have got this kind of medicine, 
but of what use is it seeing that it does not apply to the present 
case. " The king on account of the unsettlement and restlessness of 
illness insisted, saying, " Whatever is to be, will be : give this to 
me." Accordingly, owing to this medicine there was astringency 
and constipation in his frame. But there was a pain in his belly 

constructed a similar chamber at 
Agra. See Tüzük 73, and Elliot VI. 
320; also Darbâri Akbar!, p. 124. 

l Ferhaps the true reading is ba 
siyate-i-ıoilayat , " You were nothing 
but a foreign vagabond." 

* I believe that the y/ord* are 
dû tikka and that they mean two 
strings or bifa of things, and that pro- 
bably they were the s rings of Akbar's 
sleeping süit. I think that we must 
look to the previous clause to under- 
stand the passage. Akbar is described 
as havinğ reprpached Hakim 'Alî 

with being an adventurer and as 
having said that he had loosed his 
sandal-straps (pâtSba) in India. By 
throwing him the strings he told hini 
in effeet to go about his business İt 
was a rude and contemptuous w«y of 
dismissing him. Where the Maaşi'r 
got the story I do not kno w. Per- 
haps it was from the Zakhîra Khaw- 
ânîn. The Zubdatu-t-tawâ"rîkh has a 
long account of the illness. but it does 
not mention this incident. The story 
however is told in the Hindustani 
translation of tlıe Akbarnâma. 



which produced restlessness. So the physicians were obliged to use 
laxatives. These produced excessive motions, and he died. 

One l of the wonderful things is the way in which the illness 
began. They say that there was an elephant in Jahangir's 
establishment named Girânbâr, which no other elephant in the 
elephant stables of the emperor could withstand. But Sultan 
Khusrau had an elephant named Aprüp * which also was first 
rate in battle. Accordingly Akbar ordered that these two ponder 
öus mountains should contend together. 


Two iron mountains moved from their place. 
You'd have said, the earth moved from end to end. 

He also appointed the elephant Ranhatan, 3 one of his special 
elephants, to act as an assistanfc, that is, whenever one of them got 
the better of the other, and the driver could not restrain him, the 
said elephant was to come out of ambush and assist the defeated 
elephant. Such an assistant elephant is called tapanca,* and this 
was one of the king 's inventions. Akbar was seated in the jharoka 
watching the spectacle, and the princes Selîm and Khusrau were on 
horseback and waiting. As it happened, the elephant Girânbâr 
after much fighting overcame his antagonist. Akbar wished that 
the tapanca should come to the rescue, but prince Selîm's men 
forbade this and flung stones at Ranhatan, and his driver, who 
was bravely pushing forvvard, was hit with a stone so that the 
blood flowed. The courtiers excited the king by their urgency 
and he told Sultan Kharram (Shah Jahan), who was by his side, to 
go to his father 6 and teli him that, " The Shâh Baba (Akbar) said, 
' in reality ali the elephants are yours, why then this immodera- 
tion.' " The prince said in reply, " I did not know about it, and 

1 B. 467, and Khafi Khân I. 230. 

* Abrüp seems to be the more 
likely reading. Apparently it had 
önce beloaged to the Rajah of Udai- 

3 Variant Banthan B. Bantahman. 
Perhaps Banthan is right and may 
mean a pil lar in battle Jike the Hrat 

part of the name of the fort of Ran- 
thanbhor-i2«n«Maro&a. See the ac- 
count in AsadBeg's Wikâya where the 
elephant is called Chanehal, Elliot VI. 

* Lit. ' ' slap. ' ' it also means a pistol. 

6 " Shâh Bhye"— "The Shah- 
brother." See Price's Jahangir, 74- 




I do not approve of the driver's having been struck." Sultan 
Kharram said, " If this is so Fil go and separate the elephants by 
means of fireworks." But though every effort was used, they were 
unsuccessful. At last Ranhatan too was worsted, and together 
with Aprüp plunged into the Jumna. Sultan Kharram returned, 
and by soothing words calmed down Akbar. Me.anwhile Sultan 
Khusrau came making a noise and spoke unbecoming words about 
his father to Akbar, so that thelatter's wrath blazed forth. Ali the 
night he was restless from fever, and his constitution was upset. 
in the morning Hakim 'Alî, the Galen of the age, was called in, and 
Akbar said : " The foolish words of Khusrau have excited me and 
brought me into this state." Aftenvards the fever ended in 
dysentery and was the cause of his death. 

They say that as in the latter part of his illness H. Hakim 
'Ali prescribed melons, Jahangir 1 after his accession blamed him, 
saying that his preecription had killed his father. 

in the third year of his reign 1018,* 1609, Jahangir also 
went to Hakim Ali's house and visited the tank. After examin- 
ing it, and coming out, he received Hakim 'Alî into favour and 
gave him the rank of 2000. Some time after, the Hakim died. 
They say he spent nearly Rs. 6,000 every year on medicines and 
broths for the needy. Hakim 'Abdu-1-Wahâb his son in the 15th 
year made a claim for Rs. 80,000 against a number of the Saiyids 
of Lahore, saying that his father had made över this sum to them 
(i.e. to their father). And he produced a bond (khat) with the Qâzî's 
seal on it and produced two witnesses in court to prove the claim 
according to law. The Saiyids deiıied, but it was not possible for 
them to get out of the obligation. Aşaf Khân was appointed 
to enquire into the dispute. As a rogue is timid (Çkâin khâîf 
mibâşhid) 'Abdu-1-Wahâb 8 proposed to the Saiyids to withdraw the 
claim. Aşaf K. made various investigations and f Abdu-l-Wahâb 
was obliged to confess that the claim was false. He was theref ore 
deprived of his rank and jagir. 

ı Cf. Price's Jahangir, 71. 

* Tüzük 73. The year should be 
1017, as Hakim 'Alî died in the 
beginning of 1018, Tüzük 74. 

S See the story in the Tüzük J. 
306 , and Iqb51nâma 101. Apparently 
the two authors of the Maasir did not 
know the 2nd volume of the Tüzük. 




One of Akbar' s officers. in the 40th year he held the rank of 
350. He was appointed, for the first time, to accompany the Khân- 
Khânân 'Abdu-r-Rahîm in the affair of Mîrtha, and he did good 
service, in the 38th year he came to court with the Khân-Khânân 
and was admitted to an audience. After that he was appointed 
to the Deccan, and in the battle which took place in the 4 İst 
year under the Jeadership of M. Shahrukh and the Khân-Khânân 
with the Deccan leaders, he was in the altamsTı. Aftertvards he 
had the command of the Telingâna force. in the 36th year he 
from his zeal came to help Sher Khwâja near Pâthrî. Meanwhile 
he heard of the defeat of Bahâdur K. Gllâni — whom he had lef t with 
a few men in Telingâna— and he turned back to that quarter. He 
fell in with the enemy, and though most of his companions fled, he 
stood firm and was made a prisoner. in the same year, when 
Abü-1-fazl for political reasons made peace with the Deccan leaders, 
he was released and joined the imperial leaders. in the 47th year. 
he was in command of the lef t wing in the battle betvveen M. Irij 
and Malik 'Ambar, and in which the imperial servants gained a 
great victory. in the 7th year of Jahangir he was appointed 
under 'Abdullah K. Fîrüz Jang. An order was given that they 
should go to the Deccan by the route of Nâsik with the army of 
Gujarat. They were to keep in touch with the second army which 
had been appointed under Khân Jahân Lodî and to carry out 
the king's business together. When Abdullah K. came into the 
enemy's country and saw no signs of the other force he turned 
back towards Gujarat. 'Ali Mardan resolved to die, and fought 
with the enemy's army, which was following him. He was wounded 
and made prisoner and was carried off by the bargîân (banditti or 
skirmishers) of 'Ambar. Though surgeons were sent to him, he died 
after two days in 1021, 1611. One saying of his is vvell known. 
Some one said on an occasion, " Victory is from heaven ' ' (asmöni). 
The hero (bahâdur) answered, " Certainly 2 victory is from heaven, 
but the fighting (maidân) is ours." His son Karm Ullah attained 

1 B. 496, Tüzük J. 108, whore it seems as if the two daya at'terwards rfiferred 
to 7ülfiqSr Beg who was wounded on the same day by a rooket. 

2 Fath asmânî, âmâ Maidân az mâ ast, Kâmgâr Husainî. B.M. MS. 69b. 






in Shah Jahan's reign to the rank of 1000 with 1000 horse, and 
for some time was governor of Udgîr in the Deccan. He died in 
the 2 İst year. 


His father was Ganj 'Alî K. Zîg, which is a Kurdish tribe. He 
,vas an old servant of Shah 'Abbâs Mâşî ('Abbâs the ist). Tn the 
time of Shah 'Abbâs' childhood and when he was living at Herat, 
Ga.nj 'Alî was a head servant, and during his reign, by good ser- 
vice and courage — which he shovved during the Uzbeg interregnum 
in battles with that tribe — he attained to high rank, and received 
the title of Arjmand Bâbâ (honoured father) and for nearly thirty 
years was ruler of Kermân. He always showed the notes of 
justice and subject-cherishing. When the Shah in the time of 
Jahangiv besieged Qandahar and after 45 days took it from 'Abdul- 
l-'Az-îz K. Naqshbandî, he made över the government to him. One 
night in the year 1034, 1625, he was sleeping in the verandah of 
the citadel of CJandahar on a couoh which rested against the 
verandah railing. The railing gave way, and he between sleep and 
waking fell dovra, without any one's noticing it. Af ter a while 
some of his servants came upon him and found him dead. The 
Shah gave his son 'Ali Mardan K. the title of Khân and made him 
governor of Qandahar and called him Baba 'Şânî (Bâbâ the 2nd). 

After the Shah' s death, and when the sovereignty came to 
Shah Safî his grandson, the latter, on unfounded suspicions, 
degraded many of the Shah 'Abbasi omcers, Âlî Mardan got 
frightened and considered that his safety lay in joining Shah 
Jahan, and wrote and spoke to S'aîd K. the governor of Kabul. 
He also set about strengthening the walls and bastions, arid made 
a fort on the top of the Koli Lakah — which is part of the fortress 
of Qandahar, and finished it in forty days. VVhen the Shah heard 
this he resolved to destroy him , and in the first place sent for his 
eldest son. 'Alî Mardan was obliged to send him, but when 
after that the Shah put to death every one whom he suspected 
he threw ofl the mask. The Shah despatched Sîyâwash ' Qul-lar- 

1 Pâdshâhnâma II, 31 ; qullar- 
âqâsht is a Turkish phrase meaning a 

commander of troops. See Vullers s.v. 
Perhaps the meaning of the pre 

âqâsî— vvho had been sent to Mashhad— against him. 'Alî Mardan 
K. sent a petition to Shah Jahan to the effect that the Shah was 
seeking his life and requested that the king would send one of his 
omcers in order that he might make över the fortress and come to 

in the year 1047, 1637-38, S'aîd K. the governor of Kabul, 
Qulîj K. the governor of Lahore, as well as the governor of 
Ghaznin and Bhakar and Sivvîstan, went, in accordance with örders, 
to Qandahar. When S'aîd K. arrived before Qulîj K. he perceived 
that as long as Sîyâwash was in the neighbourhood of Qandahar, 
the people would not be properly submissive. in concert with 
'Alî Mardan— his whole force being 8000 horse— he at the distance 
of one farsakh (league) from Qandahar attacked Sîyâwash who * had 
5 or 6000 horse. A great battle took place, and the Persians fled, 
and did not turn rein till they had got to their camp on the other 
side of the Arghandab * river. S'aîd K. did not give them time to 
halt there, but went against them, and they lef t their baggage and 
evacuated the place. The heroes spent the night in the Persians' 
tents, took ali the property and returned to Qandahar. On the 
arrival of Qulîj K., who had been appointed governor of Qanda- 
har, *Alî Mardan went off to the Presence, and in the 12th year 
he kissed the threshold in Lahore. As before he arrived he had 
been made a panjhazârî zât u sawâr (holder of 5000 with 5000 
horse) and had received a flag and drum, he was on this day made 
an ofncer of 6000 with 6000 horse, and was given the mansion of 
I'timâdu-d-daulah which now belonged to the government. Ten 
of his leading servants received suitable positions. And out of 
special grace, 'Ali Mardan who was accustomed to the clim&te of 
Persia, and could not stand the heat of India, was made governor 
of Kashmir. At the time of the royal standard's proceeding to 
Kabul, 'Alî Mardan took leave to his post, and when in the begin- 
ning of the 13th year 1049, 1639-40, Lahore became the royal 
residence, 'Alî Mardan was summoned from Kashmir and made an 

vıous sentence is that- though 'Alî 
Mardan sent his son yet the Shah was 
stili determined to destroy hini ('Alî 
Mordan j. 

1 He alsb oceupied a strong position. 
Pâdshâhnâma II. 43. 

8 Text Andarâb, but see Pâdshâh- 
nâma II. 45. 



officer of 7000 with 7000 horse, and in spite of his being governor of 
Kashmir, he was also made governor of fhe Panjab, so that he 
uıight by winter quarters and summer quarters pass the hot and 
cold seasons in comfort. in the \fyh year, 1050, he was made 
governor of Kabul in succession to S'aîd K. in the 16th year— when 
the royal residence was in Agra — he was suinmoned there and 
received the high title of Amîru-1-Umarâ, the present of a kror of 
dâms and the gift of I'tiqâd K.'s house, which was the finest 
mansion that officers of high rank had efected on the bank of the 
Jumna, and which at the king's request I'tiqâd had presented as 
peshkash. Thereafter 'Alî Mardan received permission to return to 


in the 18th year Tardı 'Alî Qatghân, ' the guardian of Subhân 
Qulî K. the son of Nazr Muhammad K. — who had been appointed 
by Nazr Muhammad to the charge of Kahmard and its neighbour- 
hood in succession tollangtosh (Yâlângtosh)— wickedly attackedthe 
Baluchis living in Zamîndâwar and plundered some of the Hazârî 
tribes who dwelt on the bank of the Helmand. He then halted 
twenty kos from Bâmiân with the intention of making another 
attack when an opportunity offered. 'Alî Mardan sent Farîdün and 
Farhâd, who were his confidential servants, against, him, and they 
marching quickly fell upon the Uzbeg encampment. Qatghân 
after some struggle took to flight. His wife and some of his kins- 
men, and ali his property were seized, and in the same year the 
Amîru-1-Umarâ came to court and obtained leave to go and con- 
quer Badakhşhân , where Nazr Muhammad had f ailen out vvith his 
sons and servants. Aşâlat K. Mir Bakhshî was appointed to accom- 
pany him. 'Alî Mardan K. in the 19th year sent* an army from 
Kabul against Kahmard, and as there were few men in the fort, 
they fled without drawing the sword, and the fort was taken 
possession of. On hearing this the Amiru-1-Umarâ left with the 
Kabul army. On the march it appeared that the Kahmard garri- 
son had, from cowardice, at the approach of the Uzbeg army, sur- 
rendered the fort, and been plundered ' by the Aimâqs and other 

1 Pâdshâhnâm* II. 401. 

2 Pâdshâhnâma II. 458. 

8 PâdshâhnSma II. 460. The gar 

rison surrendered under promise of 
being allowed to depart in saf ety , but 
the promise was not kept. 



tribes on their route. As under these circumstances it was, on 
account of the want of provisions and forage, difficult or rather 
impossible for the army to proceed, the recapture of the fort had 
to be put off to another time, and 'Alî Mardan turned his atten- 
tion to the taking of Badakhşhân. When he came to Gulbihâr, 
the thânadâr of Panjshîr (Daulat Beg), who knew the road, stated 
that it would be difficult for a large army to get thr ugh the 
defiles and passes. it would also be necessary to cross the Panjshîr 
river in eleven places, which could not be done without bridging. 
Accordingly the Amîru-1-Umarâ sent off Aşâlat K. to attack Khin- 
jân. He went and came in sixteen days, and then went (with 'Ali 
Mardan) to Kabul. This going and coming at such a time when 
there was confusion ' in Türân did not please Shah Jahan. 

in the same year, in the beginning of 1056, 1646, Prince 
Murâd Bakhsh, 'Alî Mardan and others with 50,000 horse were 
appointed to take Balkh and Badakhşhân and to chastise the 
Uzbegs and Almânân. As at this time Jânnişâr K. was sent off to 
Persia to offer condolences for the death of Shah Safî, and con- 
gratulations on the accession of 'Abbâs the 2nd, a request was 
made to the latter for the sending of the Amîru-1-Umarâ's eldest 
son who was a hostage with the Shah. The Shah did not sever 
the links of old friendship but sent him. The Amîru-1-Umarâ went 
off with Prince Murâd Bakhsh by the route of the Tül (long) Pass. 
When they came to Sirâb, Sultan Khusrau, 4 the second son of Nazr 
Muhammad, who was in charge of Qanduz, could not maintain his 
ground there on account of the predominance of the Almânân 
(robbers) and joined the prince. Afterwards when the prince 
came to Khulm, three stages from Balkh, he sent the king's letter 
to Nazr Muhammad, in which vvere comforting messages and an 
invitation to him to come in. He said in reply that the whole 
country belonged to the empire, and that he desired after doing 
homage to go to Mecca. But that it was likely that the Uzbegs 
in their wickedness would kili him and plunder his property. The 
Amiru-1-Umarâ went on rapidly with the prince to the Imâm's 

1 Pâdshâhnâma II. 462. Shah Jahan thought advantage should have been 
taken of the confusion to conquer Badakhşhân. 
i See notice of Khusrau in İst vol. Maasir . 






shrine (Mazâr-u-sharlf), and then it appeared that Nazr Muhammad 
was drawing out the time by wiles and deceits. They en- 
camped two kos from Balkh. At evening Bahrâm Sultan and 
Subhân Qulî Sultan, Nazr Muhammad's sons, and nıany of the 
nobles came and did homage, and then returned af ter taking leave. 
in the morning they went on to Balkh to ha ve an- interview with 
Nazr Muhammad and he went off to Bâgh Murâd to prepare a 
feast. He took some jewels and ashrafîs with him, and fled, and 
then made arrangenıents in Shiburghân for collecting soldiers. 
Bahâdur K. Rohilla and Aşâlat K. pursued him and fought a 
battle. Nazr Muhammad, seeing their power, turned his rein and 
went 1 to Andakhüd and thence to Persia. in the beginning of the 
20th year the Khutba was read and coin struck in the name of 
Shah Jahan, and twelve* laos of rupees' worth of gold and silver 
vessels as well as 2500 horses and 300 camels were seized. But 
it appeared from the clerks that Nazr Muhammad had 70 lacs in 
cash and goods. Some of this was taken by 'Abdu-l-'Azîz (Nazr M.'s 
eldest son) and much was plundered by the Uzbegs, and a small 
portion Nazr Muhammad had taken with him. Besides Khusrau, 
who had already göne off to court, Bahrâm and 'Abdu-r-Rahmân — 
two sons and three daughters and three wives — received in Kabul 
the kindness of the emperor. The enigmatic chronogram was : s 


Nazr Muhammad was Khâh of Balkh and Badakhşhân ; 
There he lef t his gold, his wives, his landa. 

When Prince Murâd Bakhsh wished to return before the newly- 
conquered territory had been properly settled and did not obey 
the king's prohibition, the affairs of the country again got confused, 
and Shah Jahan censured the prince and deprived him of his fiei 

l Pâdshâhnâma II. 552. 

* Pâdshânâma 540. 

8 This İ8 an obscure chronogram. 
The only way I can get at the figures 
1056 is by supposing that there is a 
pun on the toord Nazr. The lines may 
then be rendered Balkh and Badakh- 
şhân were the prosent (nuzzar) of 

Muhammad K. He leftout gold, wife, 
and lands. Nazr-i-Muhammad Khân 
yields 1703, and if we deduct zar, 
qabîla, imlâkrâ, the vulue of which is 
647, we get 1056. 1703-847=1056. The 
Pâdshâhnâma has another enigmatical 
chronogram at vol. II. 547. 

and rank and ordered S'aad Ullah K. to settle the country. An 
order was given to the Amîru-1-Umarâ to punish the rebels of 
Qanduz and to return to Kabul after the arrival of the governor 
of Badakhşhân. in the same year, 1057, 1647, Prince Aurangzeb 
was given the government of Balkh and Badakhşhân and was sent 
there. The Amîru-1-Umarâ also went with the prince. When 
they came to Balkh it appeared ' that 'Abdu-l-'Azîz, the eldest son 
of Nazr Muhammad, and who was the governor of Bokhara, had 
proceeded from Qarshî to the Oxus and had sent in front of him- 
self the army of Türân under Beg Oghli. He had crossed the 
Oxus and taken up his position in Aqcha. î Qutluq Muham- 
mad Sultan, another son of Muhammad Sultan, joined him. The 
prince went off in that direction without entering 8 Balkh. A battle 
took place in Timurabad,* and the Amîru-1-ümarâ defeated 
his opponent and came to the quarters of Qu*tluq Muhammad Sul- 
tan— which were far 6 from those of Oghli. His men plundered 
the tents and goods and animals of Qutluq and returned safe and 
loaded with plunder. Next day Beg Oghlî attacked the Amîru-1- 
Umarâ with his whole force. He stood firm, and the prince (Aur- 
angzeb) himself came to his assistance. A number of the Uzbeg 
leaders were killed and the others fled. At this time 'Abdu-l- 
'Azîz K. and Subhân Quli Sultan his brother— who was known by 
the name of the Little Khan— joined with many Uzbegs and set 
about dividing the good fi horses from the bad. Whoever had a 
good horse came forth to fight. Yâdgâr Tukriya attacked the 
Amîru-1-Umarâ with a force of single fighters (ika tâzân = mono- 
maohi), and nearly made his way to him. The Amîru-1-Umarâ 
seeing this drew his svvord from the scabbard and spurred his 
horse. Others joined him, and the of battle burst forth. 
At last Yâdgâr was wounded » in the face by a svvord and his horse 

1 Pâdshâhnâma II. 688. The text 
copies the Pâdshâhnâma. 

s Do. do. 

3 He came to Balkh but did not 
enter the city. This was on 1 Jııma- 
da-al-awwal 1057 = 25th May 1647. 

* Timurabad, one kon from Fatlıa- 
bad. Pâdshânâma 688, 

6 "Somewhat far," PSdshânâma 
689. 6 PâdshShnâma II. 697. 

^ Khâfi K. I. 667, where he is called 
Yâdgâr Beg. Acoording to KhSfî K. 
it was 'Alî Mardan who wounded him. 
See PâdshâhnâmS II. 698. YSdgSr, 
whom the PâdshâhnSma calls Yâdgâr 
Makrît, was pardoned. 



was wounded by a bullet, and they f eli , and he was captured by 
the Amîru-1-Umarâ's servants. He brought him to the prince, and 
was congratulated. 

in fine there was a great battle for seven days, and 5 or 6000 
Uzbegj were killed. The prince continuing the fight came to 
Balkh and wished to leave his camp in the oity and to pursue the 
foe at full speed. 'Abdu-l-'Azîü turned his rein and in one day 
crossed the 0.xus. Many of his followers were drowned. After- 
wards when Balkh and Badakhşhân were restored to Nazr Muham- 
mad, the Amîru-1-Umarâ came to Kabul and looked after affairs 
there. in the 23rd year he came to court and was given the fief 
of Lahore. After sorae time he was allowed to go to Kashmir, the 
climate of which agreed with him. When prince Dârâ Shikoh was 
appointed to the affairs of Qandahar, though the province of Kabul 
was assigned to his eldest son Sulaîmân Shikoh, yet the Amîru-1- 
Umarâ was sent off to guard it. Then he again went to Kashmir. 
in the end of the 30th year he was summoned to court, and after 
arrival was attaeked by dysentery ; consequently in the beginning 
of the 81st year, 1067, 1657, he received permission to return to 
Kashmir. At the stage of Mâchîwârah he died (on 16th April, 
16E7), and his body was brought to Lahore and buried in his 
mother's tomb. His effects to the amount of one kror of rupees 
in money and goods were confiscated. Though in Persia he 
behaved contrary to the ways of the servants of the Şafavî family 
and made himself charged with disloyalty and faithlessness to his 
salt, yet in India he attained great respect by his loyalty, courage 
and ability, and was exalted above ali the other ofncers. His 
position with Shah Jahan was such that the latter called him Yâr 
YVafâdâr (the faithful friend). 

One of his great deeds, which willremain on the page of Time 
for ages, was his bringing a canal into Lahore, which is the orna- 
ment of that city. 

in the 13th year 1049, 1639-40, 'Ali Mardan represented to 
the emperor that orie of his servants who was skilled in excavating 
oanals undertook to bring a canal to Lahore. One lac of rupees 
was estimated as the cost, and this was sanctioned. The person 
named surveved the country from the debouchement of the Ravi — 



which has a fail in the hill-country— through the level country to 
Lahore, a distance of fifty kos. He commenced to dig and com- 
pleted the work l in a little över a year. İn the 14th year on the 
banks of that canal and in the vicinity of the city, in a place which 
was high ground, he made a garden which became known as the 
Shalamar and was provided with ponds, canals and fountains. 

This was completed at a cost of eight lacs of rupees in the 
16thyear under the superintendence of Khalîl Ullah K. Hasan, 
ündoubtedly there is »o other-such garden in India. 

If Paradise be anywhere on earth 
it is here, it is here, it is here. 

As the water did not come in sufficient quantity, another lac 
of rupees was put at the disposal of the engineers. it chanced 
that the chief workmen from ignorance spent Rs. 50,000 uselessly 
in repairs. At last by the decision of a number * of men who knew 
aboüt water-works five kos of the old canal were preserved and 32 
new kos were made. The water came then without hindrance to 

the garden. 

Alî Mardan while governor of Lahore imprisoned and sent to 
Kabul the " Faqrâî," 3 who renounced prayer and fasting, and 
called themselves " Independents " (be qaid, Antinomians) , and 
were the cause of various immoralities and debaucheries. His wealth 
and power and executive ability are famous ali över India. They 
say that in a feast to the king there were one hundred golden dishes 
with covers, and 300 şilver ones. As regards his sons, separate 
accounts have been given of ibrahim K., who attained to high 
rank, and of 'Abdullah Beg, who, in Aurangzeb's time, had the 
title'of Ganj 'Alî K. He had two other sons Isahaq Beg and 

1 The statement in text seems 
rather conf used. it is abridged from 
th« PîdshShnâma II. 168. Tho canal 
iı the Haslî or Shâhî Canal described 
in I.O.VII. 17. it i» now a »mail part 
of the Bârî Dü5b Canal. See Mu- 
hammad Latîf's Lahore. p. 253. it 


bsgan about fifty miles above La- 

î See notioe of MullS AUa-1-Mulk 
aliaa Ffail K., îlaaşir III. 52*. 

8 Should not this be Fikriyâ, «.«., 
"the contemplative," aee Hughes 
Dict. of islâm, p. 588, No. 10. 




Ism'âîl Beg, who, after their father's death, had each the rank of 
1,500 with 800 horse and were both killed in the king's service in 
the battle of Samügarha where they accompanied Dârâ Shikoh. 1 


His name was Mir Husainî, and he was one of the leading ser- 
vants of Abü-1-Hasan, the ruler of Haidarabad. in the 30th year 
of Aurangzeb, after the taking of Golconda, he became a king's 
servant and attained the rank of 6,000 and the title of 'Alî Mardan 
K. He was appointed to the territory of Kanchî (Conjeveram) 
in the Haidarabad Carnatic. in the 35th year when Santâjî 
Ghorpura came to relieve Ginjî— which was being besieged by the 
royal forces— he exerted himself to defeat him. After a struggle 
he was made prisöner,* and his elephants, ete, were plundered. 
After two years he was released by paying a large ransom. He 
wasin his absenee 8 (ghaibâna) restored t o happiness by receiving 
the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse. Afterwards he was for a while 
governor of Berar, and for some time was deputy of Mühammad 
Bîdâr Bakht in Burhânpür. He died in the 49th year. Müham- 
mad Rezâ*, his son, was after his death made governor of the fort 
of Râmgarha and held the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. 


They say 6 that he was not really an Afghan. As he had 
lived for a long time with one of that tribe, and the latter was 

1 He also had a famous daughter, 
commonly called Sahibjî, of whom 
there is an account in the life of Amir 
K. Mir Miran I. 284. 

2 Khâfî K. II. 416. He was wound- 
ed and made prisoner and was released 
after paying a ransom of two laca of 
rupees. Khâfî K. says he was re- 
leased after a few days, and the Maaşîr 
A., p. 364, does not say that he was 
imprisoned for two years, though it 
puta the release into the 37th year 
1105, 1693-1694, while Khâfî K. puta 
the defeat into 1104. it is Khâfî K. 
who speaks of 'Alî Mardan as having 

been of the rank of 6,000 when he was 
defeated. If so he was reduced when 
he got the rank of 5,000 afterwards. 
But perhaps there is some raistake on 
the part of K. K. 

3 Maaşir A , 364. Ghaibâna means 
that he was not at court when tho 
honour was conferred. 

* Maaşir A., 516. 

6 The Siyar M. says he was an 
Ahîr; translation III, 233. ! See also 
Beale, and Forster's Travels. The 
Afghan who brought up 'Alî Müham- 
mad was called DSüd. Calcutta He- 
vieıv. October, 1875. 



rich and chüdless, he put 'Alî Mühammad into possession. 'Alî 
Mühammad took the property and at first took up his quarters in 
Aonla 1 and Bankar, which are parganas north of Delhi in the 
dâman-i-koh of Kumaon. He spent some time in the service of 
the zamiûdars and faujdârs there, and aftervvards took to oppres- 
sion and laid waste Bâns Bareilly and Muradabad which were the 
jagir of I'timâdu-d-daulah Qamaru-d-dîn. I'timâdu-d-daula sent 
his matsadî Hîranand* to settle the estates, and 'Alî Mühammad 
encountered him and completely defeated him and got possession 
of much plunder and a large park of artillery. Ftimâdu-d-daulah 
was unable to remedy matters. After this 'Alî Mühammad became 
a rebel and sent for many men f rom the Roh, which is the home of 
the Afghans, and took possession, partly of the royal territories, 
and partly of the lands of the Rajah of Kumaon. He prepared 
magnificent tents of a red colour like those of the kings of India, 
Accordingly the king himself set out to put him down. The 
vagabonds of the royal camp went on ahead and set fire to Aonla. 
At last by the intervention of the Vizier — who, in spite of his 
agent Hîranand's having been plundered, was partial to him on 
account of his dislike of Umdat-ul-Mulk and Şafdar Jang— a 
foundation of peace was laid, and he came in and did homage. 
He received the Sarkar of Sirhind in lieu of vvhat he had held. 
When the Shâh Durrânî approached in 1161, 1748, he came out 
of Sirhind and took possession of his old estates of Aonla and 
Bankar (Bangarha?). in the same 3 year (1748) he died. His 
sons were Sâd Ullah K., 'Abdullah K., and Faiz Ullah K. (and 
others). The first died of illness (in 1764). The second was killed 
along with B.âûz Rahmat Ullah (in 1774), and the third is at the 
time of writing living 4 in Râmgarha. Of his companions were 
Hâfiz Rahmat K. and Dündî K.,— they were eousins,— and the 
former was closely conneeted with the Afghan (Dâüd), who had 

1 Text Anwala; it was in Sarkar 
Budaun, J. II. 288. Aonla is uow a 
tahsîl and town in Bareilly, I.G., V. 
388. 'Alî Mühammad is buried in 

4 Or Harnand. He was killed in 
the battle. 

S According to Forster he died on 
4 Jumâda the 2nd, 1100 = 6th May, 
1747. But this must be wrong. See 
note at end of article in C.B. 

* He died in 1794. 'Ali M is said 
to have left four sons (Beale). An- 
other account is that he left sis. 



been 'Alî Muharamad K's. master (khâwand). They took posses- 
sion of his territory ('Alî Muhammad's) and gained a name for 
Jeaderehip. The latter (Dündî) died of illness (before 1774). The 
first lived for a long time tül Shujâ'u-d-daula , the son of Şafdar 
Jang Abü-1-manşür, in the year 1188 led an army against him. 
After 1 a ûght he was killed. Since then no one of the tribe has 
distinguished * himself. 


One of the proteges of Hümâyûn, in the year when 
Hümâyûn had heard untrue tales about Bairâm Khân and had 
eome to Qandahar from Kabul, he put 'Ali Qulî in charge of the 
latter city. Aftervvards he accompanied Hümâyûn to India and- 
in the beginning of Akbar's reign he took part with 'Alî Qulî K. 
Zaman in the affafr of Hemü Baqqâl. Afterwards he was joined 
with Khwâja Khizr K. in resisting Iskandar (Sûr), and in the end 
of the sixth y#ar he went with Shamsu-d-dîn Muhammad K. Atka 
to oppose Bairâm K. Nothing more is known of him. 



His name was 'Alî Murâd, and he was the toster-brother of 
Sultan Jahândâr Shah. He was of noble family. in the time tthen 
Jahândâr was\a prince, he obtained a place in his master's heart, 
and when the latter was governor of the province of Multan, he 
managed the affairs. in the time of Bahâdur Shah he got the title 
of Kokaltâsh K. After the death of Bahâdur Shah, and the 
murders of three princes, and when that fair one (shâhid) the Sul- 
tanate of India came into the arms of Jahândâr Shah, he obtained 

1 He w»s killed in the battle, which 
took place on lOth Şafr 1388, or 23rd 
April, 1774. (Beale.) 

* 'Alî Muhammad was the founder 
of the present family of the Nawabs 
of Râmpflr. The author of the 
Hadîqa-ul-Aqâlim has a good deal to 
say about 'Alî Muhammad. He was 
present at Bangarha when 'Alî Mu- 

hammad surrendered, and he describes 
his personal appearance. He gives 
the date of hiş death as 3 Shaw- 
wâl 1161, 15th September, 1748, in 
the first year of the reign of Ahmad 
Shah. See p 141 of Newal Kishore's 
lithograph. He ealls 'Alî Muhammad 
a Rajput. 
8 B. 432. 



the rank of 9,000 with 9,000 horse, the title of Khân Jahân Bahâdur 
Zafr Jang, and the office of chief Bakhshî. Muhammad Mâh, his 
younger brother,^who had the title of Zafr K.,— and his brother- 
in-law ' Khwâja Husain K.„ each received the rank of 8,000. The 
former of them had the title of A'zim K. and the nizâmat of 
Agra, and the latter had the title of Khân Daurân and the 2nd 
Bakhshîship. This is the Khân Daurân, who Was appointed 
guardian of Muhammad I'zzu-d-dîn, the son of Jahândâr Shah, 
and who went off to oppose Muhammad Farrukh Siyar. His 
cowardice was such that without drawing his sword from its 
scabbard, or a drop of blood having fallen from a soldier's nose, 
he, at night, lef t * the camp with thesaid prince and took the road 
to Agra. 

Kokaltâsh K. was not remiss in devotion to his master, but 
as there was rivalry between him and Zül-fiqâr K., the materials 
of envy boiled över, and in councils they contradicted one 
another, and did not provide for the final issue of things, or do 
what was fitting. Moreover, the reigning sovoreign was infatu- 
ated with L'al Kunwar and had bidden farewell to thought and 
prudence, and did not look after the affairs of state. The flower 
öf success did not blossom, and the parterre of wish took the 
colours of autumn. in bhe battle which took place with Farrukh 
Siyar in 1123 s near Agra, Khân Jahân stood firm and fell in his 
master's service 


His father was, Haidar Sultan Uzbeg Shaibânî. in the battle 
of Jâm he joined* the Persians and attained the rank of an Amîr. 
At the time of the returning of Hümâyûn from Persia he entered 
into service with his two şans 'Alî Qulî and Bahâdur and did good 
service in the conquest of Qandahar. When the king was pro- 

1 The husband of his wife's sister, 
Irvine, A.S.B.J. for 1896, 160. 

2 Siyar M. I. 50, Irvine l.c, 185, 
Elliot VII. 435. 

8 1123 îs the year stated by Khafî 
K. II. 721, but it really was 1124, 
and the last month of that year. The 

Eng'lish date is lOth January, 1713. 
See Irvine l.c , 198. 

* Though Haidar was an Uzbeg by 
race, he had married a Fersian wife, 
and apparently he fought on the side 
of Tahmâap and the Persians in the 
battle of Jâm which took place in 
September 1528. 



ceeding towards Kabul, a plague broke out in the camp and 
many died. Among them was Haidar Sultan. 'Alî Qulî alvvays 
behaved well in battle, and did especially well in the conquest of 
India, and rose to the rank of an Amîr. When a madman named 
Qarabar collected a number of men in the Düâb and Sambhal and 
opened the hand of plunder, 'Alî Qulî was appointed to put him 
dovvn. He soon got possession of him and sent his head to court. 
When Akbai came to the throne, 'Alî Qulî K. had fighting with 
Shâdî ' K., who was one of the Afghan leaders. VVhen he got news 
of the advance of Hemû towards Delhi, he regarded that as the 
more important matter and \vent off to Delhi. He had not arrived 
when Tardî Beg K. was defeated. He heard of this in Mîrtha and 
went towards the king. Akbar also on hearing the news of Hemü's 
presunıption had returned from the Panjab. 'Alî Qulî waited 
upon him and went off as vanguard from Sirhind with 10,000 
horse. it chanced that an engagement took place in Pânîpat 
where the battle between Bâbar and Sultan ibrahim Lodî had 
taken place. A great battle ensued , and suddenly an arrow pierced 
Hemü's eye. His army lost courage and fled, and Akbar and 
Bairâm K. had approached near the field of battle when there 
eame the good news of victory. The officers who had distin- 
guished themselves were exalted by suitable titles, and 'Alî Qulî was 
called Kbân Zaman, and had an increase of rank and fief. After 
that he won great vietories in Sambhal, and subdued many of the 
seditious as far as Lakhnau.* He also acquired much property 
and many elephants. in the third year Shâham Beg, the son of a 
camel-driver, who possessed beauty of form and on this account 
was one of Humâyün's body-guard, and with whom the Khân 
Zaman, owing to his evil nature, had long been in love, fled from 
the presence and came to the Khân Zaman. The latter did not 
regard the majesty of empire, and according to the evil practice of 
Transoxiana ealled him Pâdishâham " My king " and prostrated 
himself before him. When his doing of such things became known , 
he was summoned to court, but though orders were issued to him 

I Text wrongly has Shâhî. 
i it is Lakhnau also in A.N. II. 56, 
but it seenıs that the place raeant is 

Lakhnor in Sambbal. 
384, and the note. 

See Elliot V 



about the camel-driver 's son they had no effect. This was the 
beginning of the cloud which came över the king's heart with 
regard to 'Alî Qulî. He gave marty of his fief s to men for their 
maintenance, and 'Alî Qulî in his presumption and immodesty 
became obstinate. Bairâm K. out of magnanimity (or perhaps, 
from pride) overlooked this and did not attempt to put him down, 
but Mullâ Pîr Muhammad K. Shirvvânî — who was the Khân- 
Khânân's vakil and was master of the powerof the State — disliked 
the Khân Zaman, in the fourth year the remainder of his estates 
was confiseated and given to Jalâîr officers,' and he was appointed 
to Jaunpûr vvhere the Afghans were plotting opposition. 

The Khân Zaman sent his confidential servant, Burj 'Alî by 
name, to make his apologies and to conciliate the court. On the 
first day Pîr Muhammad K., who was in the fort of Fîrüzâbâd 
(near Delhi) began a dispute with Burj 'Alî, and at the end said, 
" Fling him down from the tower of the fort." in consequence, 
his skull was fractured. The Khân Zaman perceived that his ene- 
mies desired, under the pretext of Shâham Beg, to destroy him. 
Accordingly he sent him away and went to Jaunpûr, and by great 
contests succeeded in bringing that extensive territory into order. 
When Bairâm K. was set aside, the Afghans of that country 
thought their opportunity was come and raised up the son of 
' Adili and gave him the title of Sher Shah. They attacked Jaun- 
pûr \vith a large force and 500 elephants. The Khân Zaman col- 
lected the officers of the districts and engaged the enemy. The 
latter were victorious and entered the lanes of the city. The 
Khân Zaman came from behind and regained what had been lost. 
He dispersed the foe and obtained many elephants and other 
plunder. But he did not send the fruits of these celestial vietories 
to court, but became proud and arrogant. Akbar made an ex- 
pedition to the eastern provinces in Zî-l-qada of the 6th year, 
July 1562. The Khân Zaman \vith his brother Bahâdur K. did 
homage in the town of Karra — which is on the Ganges — and pre- 
seni ed the rarities of the country together with noted elephants, 
and he was allovved to depart. 

1 A.N. II. 08, \vhore Hııaain K. Jalâîr is mentioned. 




in this year Fath K. Patnî (or Panî) and others made the son 

of Selîm Shah the material of strife and collected a large armv in 

Bihar and took possession of the Khân Zamân's estates. The 

Khân Zaman went there with other officers, and as he did not think 

it expedient to give battle he laid the foundation of a fort on the 

bank of the Sone and entrenched himself there. The Afgbans 

attacked him, and he was conıpelled to come out and engage them. 

As soon as they encountered him, they routed the imperial forces. 

The Khân Zaman— who was sheltering himself behind the wall— set 

his mind upon. death, and went to one of the bastions and dis- 

charged a cannon. By heaven's decree the ball struok Hasan K. 

Patnî's elephant, and there was a great uproar in the army, and 

the inen fled. The Khân Zaman gained an unexpected victory. 

How the world acts like wine ! 

it develops whatever ^>ne is. 

The Khân Zaman in his arrogance did not recognize the rights 
of his master, and in the lOth year he in concert with the Uzbeg 
chiefs raised the standard of rebellion and went to war against the 
fiefholders of that country, When he heard of the approach of 
the royal army he erossed the Ganges and encamped near Ghazi- 
pur. Akbar oame to Jaunpür and sent M un' im K. , the Khân-Khan- 
ân, against him. That honest Türk in his simplicity accepted 
the Khân Zamân's hypocritical excuses and begged for his being 
forgiven. in company with Khwâja Jahân— who, at his request, 
had göne from Akbar to soothe and conciliate him (Khân Zaman) 
— he embarked on a boat and had an interview with the Khân 
Zaman. The latter, out of craf t artd hypocrisy did not agree to 
appear before Akbar in person, but sent off Ibrâhîm K. who was 
the greybeard amorıg the Uzbegs together with his own mother 
and noted elephants. it was agreed that until the king^returned 
he should not cross the Ganges But the presumptuous man did 
not wait for the king's return and erossed the Ganges, and pro- 
ceeded to take possession of his fiefs. Akbar censured Mun'im K. 
and went off on the expedition himself. The Khân Zaman heard 
of this and lef t his tents and other property andwent off. Aiter 



that he again sought to ünite himself with the Khân-Khânân and 
obtained önce more, at Mun'im 's intercession, the pardon of his 
erimes. Mîr Murtaza Sharîfî and Maulânâ 'Abdullah Makhdümu- 
1-Mulk went to the Khân Zaman and confirmed his repentanee by 
exacting toba l (repentanee or perhaps vows). After this, when 
Akbar proeeeded to Lahore to put down the commotion of Muham- 
mad Hakim, the Khân Zaman, who had become infected with 
sedition (Ut. whose navel has been cut in sedition) again raised the 
head of disaffeotion and recited the Khufba in the name of Muham- 
mad Hakim. He gave Oudh to Sikandar K. and Ibrâhîm K. and 
appointed his brother Bahâdur K. to oppose Âşaf K. and Majnün 
K. in Karra Mânikpür. He himself took possession of the territory 
up to the bank of the Ganges and came to Qana'uj. He besieged 
M. Yûsuf K (Mashhadî) who was the jagirdar there, in the fort 
of Shergarha f our kos from Qanauj . On hearing of this offensive 
news Akbar hastened * to Agra from the Panjab and then went off 
eastwards. The Khân Zaman heard of this, and as he did not 
think that the king would return with such rapidity he recited the 



His swift, gold-hooved steed beats the Sun 
Which goes from east to west but halts a night. 

He was helpless, and lef t the foot of the fort and went to 
Bahâdur K. at Mânikpür. From there he in pargana Singraur 
made a bridge över the Ganges and erossed. The king hastened 
from (Râî) Barelî and erossed the Ganges at Mânikpür on an 

1 A.N. II. 268. For Mîr Murtaza's 
death, ete, see Baday ünî , Lowe 101. 

* Akbar did not make great haste 
on the way from Lahore to Agra. 
He stopped at Thânesar and saw 
the fight between the Sannyasis. 
He left the Panjab on 22nd Maroh 
1567. (Elliot V. 318). He left Agra, 
vrhere he heard of the Khân Zamân's 
besieging Shergarh, on 3rd May, 
having arrived there 19 days before, 
iris., on 15thApil. 

8 Thi« cotnes from Ferishta, who 


probably does not mean that 'Alî 

Qulî actuaUy uttered the worda. 

TheBariaıi Akbarî has a longac- 

couût of the Kfesn Zaman, and in 

quoting the lines at p. 220 it saya 

that Khan Zaman used them ironica.1- 

ly. it also has a different reading. 

the word mând ending both Hnes 

whereas the Maasir has mând in the 

first line and âmid in the second. As 

Ferishta has mând and âmed does 

not rhyme, I ha ve adopted mând. 

Mând may also mean " reaembles." 






elephant with ten or eleven men. He with a few men — in ali 
there were one hundred horse — arrived to within half a kos of the 
enemy's camp and halted that night. Majnün K. and Âşaf K. eame 
with their troops — which were the vanguard — and sent Akbar news 
one after the other. it chanced that on the night the Khân Zaman 
and Bahadur K. were in complete carelessness and were spending 
their time in drinking. Whoever spoke of the king's rapid march 
and of his being near at hand was supposed to be romancing. On the 
morning of Monday in the beginning of Zî-1-hajja 974, 9th June 
1567. Majnün K. was plaeed on the right \ving and Âşaf K. on 
the lef t, and in the fields of the village of Sakrâwal, one of the depen- 
dencies of Allahabad — which was afterwards styled Fathpür — they 
reached the Khân Zaman. Akbar was on the elephant Bal Sündar, 
and he put M. Koka in the howda ('imârı) while he himself took 
the place of the driver. Bâbâ K. Qâqsâl in the fîrst onset dis- 
persed the enemy and came up to the Khân Zaman. One of the f ugi- 
tıves in his confusion struck against the Khân Zaman, and the tur- 
ban fell off his head. Bahâdur K. attacked Bâbâ K. and drove 
him off. Meanwhile the king had got on horseback. As the enter- 
prises of the ungrateful are unsuccessful, Bahâdur K. was made 
prisoner, and his army fled. The Khân Zaman maintained his 
ground and was asking about the position of his brother when 
suddenly he was struck by an arrow. Another arrow struck his 
horse and brought him to the ground. He was on foot and was 
drawing the arrow out of his body when the elephants of the royal 
centre arrived. The driver Somnâth drove the elephant Nar 1 
Singh against him, and the Khân Zaman said, "lam a leader of 
the army, take me alive before the king and he will honour you." 
The driver said, " Thousands of men like you are passing away 
\vithout name or mark. it is better to kili an ilhvisher of the 
king " He then trampled him under the foot of his elephant. As 
no one knew what had become of the Khân Zaman, the king while 
standing in the battlefield said: " Whoever will bring a Moghul's 
head from among the enemy will get an ashrafl, and whoever 
brings the head of a Hindustani will get a rupee." One of the 

1 This is the name given by the 
T.A. and by Badayünî, but the A.N. 

II. 295 calls the elephant Nainsukh 
(delight of the eyeg). 

plunderers had cut off his (K. Zaman 's) head, and another took 
it from him on the way in the hope of the ashrafî. They say that 
a Hindu named Arzani, who Was the Khân Zamân's factotum, 
was standing there among the prisoners and looking at the heads ; 
when his eye fell upon the head of the Khân Zaman, he took it up 
and smote his own head with it (?) and flung 1 it at the foot of the 
king's horse saying, " This is 'Alî Qulî's head." Akbar alighted 
from his horse and returned thanks to God, and sent the heads of 
both brothers to Agra and other places. 


The chronogram found was Fath Akbar Mubârik. "The 
glorious victory of Akbar." (974.) Another was Dü khün shuda. 
(975). ' ' There were two deaths. ' ' 

The Khân Zaman had the rank of 5,000 and was a man of 
fame and majesty. He was unique for courage and vigour and 

1 There seems to be no authority 
for the statement in text that Arzani 
fluag the head at the foot of Akbar's 
horse. The man was deeply grieved 
at his master's death and struck his 
own head in sorrow either with the 
head or with his hand. See A.N. II. 
295 and Badayünî, Lowe 100. Bada- 
yünî calls the Hindu Rai Arzani. 
s The verse is as follows : — 

The heads of thy enemies ! God 

That thy enemies should not do 
thee reverence (sir nabaahid). 
I stop ray words at "the heads of 
thy enemies. ' * For there is no better 
conclusion than this. 

The verse whieh contains the ohron 
ogram is — 


'Alî Qulî and Bahâdur were slain 

by the might of Heaven. 
Beloved, ask not fromıne Bedîl 

how it happened. 
I sought the year of their de»Ahs 

from the Sage ofUeaaon.. 
He heaved a eigh and said ' There 

were two slayings," 

The chronogram yields 975, which is 
one year too much; but a note to the 
text I. 630 points out first that the 
event took place in the lastmordh 
974, so that the anachromsm ıs not, 
great, and secondly, th*t the heavinj ,. 
of a sigh meanstîjattte£*i'tle*fcer of 
ah "a sigh" should ee deducted, 
which wbiaö mat e the date Tİght. 
Theword" broken — heaıted " {bedii) 
İs probably the tahfrallaş or pen-name 
otthe t.ompoaar. The chronogram 
is given in Badayünî, Lowe 101. 
The second chronogram given there 

Q.atl dü nimakharâm be dîn 
The slaughter of two faithless 
traitors " 

yields 975 and not 973 as stated by 
Mr. Lowe. Both brothers, viz., 'Alî 
Zaman and Bahâdur, were killed. The 
date as given by Badayünî is 1 Zü-1- 
hajja 974 = 9th June, 1567. The name 
of the village «here the battle was 
fought was Mankarwâl aocording to 
Elliot V. 321— and Badayünî. But 
A.N. II. 296 has Sakrâvval. 


military skill. Though he was an Uzbeg, yet as he had been 
nurtured in Persia and his mother was of that country, he was a 
Shia. He did not practice any subterfuge (taqiya) about this. 
He had a poetical vein, and his talçhalla» was Sultan. 

By family he was a Caghatai Barlâs. His ancestors had 
served the Timurid family. 'Alî Sher K., one of the trusty 
officers of Timur, was an aiioestor of his. His father Mirza Jân Beg 
— whose l nature afterwards changed so that there was a worsening 
of his character— was in the service of the Khân-Khânân M. 
'Abdu-r-Rahîm and attained bigh rank. When he died, Âmân 
Beg revived the qualities of his ancestors and became a servant 
of Shah Jahan. He obtained the rank of 1,500 with 1,500 horse 
and was appointed* governor of the fort of Qandahar. He held 
this appointment for a long time, and in the 26th year got the 
title of Alif Khân. in the end of the same year 1063, 1653, he 
died. He had gallant sons. Among them was Qalandar Beg, who 
held the rank of 600 under Shah Jahan. Af ter the first battle 
wlth Dârâ Shikoh which took place near 'Imâdpur in the vicinity 
of Samegarha in the Agra district, he obtained from Aurangzeb the 
title of Khân and the charge of the fort of Kalyan in the prov- 
ince of Bidar, and went off to the Deccan. it was as if this 
family had been set up as the barbican of the court of the Sul- 
tanate ! The Khân in question and his sons spent their lives 
in guarding the forts of the Deccan. After he had been long in 
Kalyan he guarded Ahmadnagar, and in the 15th year (of Aurang- 
zeb) he became, in succession to Mukhtar Khân, the faujdâr and 
governor of the fort of Zafarabad-Bîdar. 8 

When the fortress of Naldrug fell into the hands of the im- 


1 I do not Unow what this refers to. 
A Jân Beg is mentioned in A.N. III. 
718. 'Alî Sher is mentioned by 
D'Herbelot as the lieutenant of Sultan 
Husain in Samarkand, and as for a 
time being Timur'a oolleague there. 
Perhaps the Jân Beg referred to is 
the man whom Jahangir had m tide 

Wa7.iru-1-Mulk when he was prince 
Tüzük, J.,p. 9. 

* Pâdishahnâma I, Part II 216. 
His rank is there stated as 1 .000 with 
1 ,000 horse. 

3 Zafarabad is another namo for 



perial servants, he became the governor thereof. Lastly he 
obtained the governorship of the fort of Gulbarga and also had 
the charge of the shrine of Saiyid Muhammad Gesü ' darâz— May 
the peace of God be upon him ! He also served in war. He died 
one year before the victory över Bîjâpûr. Among his sons— who 
were ali masters of their profession— was Mirza Parvez Beg, who 
was governor of the fort of Mulkher alias Mozaffarnagar which is 
eight kos from Gulbarga. Also there was Nüru-l-'aiyân, who 
obtained the title of Jân-bâz Khân, and afterwards was known 
by his grandfather's name and again by his father's. He in the 
beginning was governor of the fort of Murtazâbâd Mirich and 
aftenvards died as governor of Naşirâbâd Dhârwar belonging to 
Bankâpür. But the most famous was Parvez Beg. His first title 
was Jân bâz Khân, and afterwards he was called Beglar Khân. 
He was governor of many forts. When Ankar Fîrüzgarha was 
taken he was made governor of the fort, but a year had not 
elapsed when he died. His son Beg Muhammad K. became gover- 
nor of Adoni, and his son Mîrzâ M'aâlî became governor of Gul- 
barga. From there he went to Qandhar (in the Deccan) and died. 
His son Burhânu-d-din Qalandar was for a long time governor of 
Mulkher. He reckoned nothing as of any moment,* and was a 
qalandar püre and simple. He 3 was contented with the unsubstan- 
tial four walls of crumbling yellow stone which (God) had made. 


They say that he and Hâjî Ahmad were two brothers and tne 
sons of Hâji Muhammad who was steward (Bakâwal) on the estab- 

1 A famous saint of the Deccan, 
721-825 H., 1321-1421. See Bieu's 
Cat. I. 8476, and Khazina Aşfiyâ I. 
381. See Haig's Hist. Landmarks of 
the Deccar., p. 90. 

4 Alif heeh nadürad. ' ' He regards 
Alif as of no consequence." Aceord- 
ing to the Bahâr-i-'Ajam this ıs a pro- 
verbial phrase, and a couplet of Şa'ib 
is quoted in explanation of it. Pos- 
sibly the author is making a pun- 
Alif was Burhânu-d-dîn's ancestor's 
title, and the point rnay be that he 

did not regard his ancestry. Alif 
ahudan is a phrase meaning "to be 
poor, or a recluse.-' The phrase alif 
hech nadârad may therefore mean 
" he did not mind being poor. ' ' 

8 The sentence is metaphorical. 
Apparontjy ahikananda hero means 
" crumbling ' ' and yellow stone means 

* There is the variant " Mirza 
Hindi " Indian Prince " But it is M. 
Bandı in the Riyâzu-s-Salâtîn, p. 293. 
, Alıverdi is saic to mean " the gift 



lishment of Prince Muhammad A'zim Shah (third S. Aurangzeb). 
'Alıverdi when in poor circumstances had acquaintanoe l with 
Shujâ'ud-daula, the Nâzim of Bengal, and during the reign of 
Muhammad Shah came to Bengal along with Hâjî Ahmad and 
trod the path of erile. Shujâ'ud-daula received then. with kind- 
ness and gave allowances to both brothers. He made them his 
companions and friends and did nothing without consulting them. 
He wrote to court and obtained a suitable rank and the title of 
Khân for 'Alıverdi. As the province of Patna was included in 
Bengal, 'Alıverdi was made deputy thereof. He during Shujâ'ud" 
daula's life behaved presumptuously in Patna and obtained from 
the king the title of Mahâbat K. and the substantive subahdarship 
of Patna. Shujâ'ud-daula was obliged to leave him in possession 
of the provinee. Af ter Shujâ'ud-daula's death, and when the 
government of Bengal came to his son 'Alâud-daula Sarf araz K., 
the latter owing to a penurious disposition, which is contrary to 
chiefship, turned ofî many soldiers. 'Alıverdi in the year 1152, 
1739, took it into his head to seize Bengal and proceeded to 
Murshidabad with a strong army on the pretext of having an 
interview with Sarfarâz. He told his brother Hâjî Ahmad-who 
was in Sarfarâz's employ— what this intention was. Hâjî Ahmad 
helped him in his deceit. When Mahâbat Jang approached, Sar- 
farâz awoke and went out with a small force to meet him. He 
madeafeeblefight and was killed in 1153, 1740. Murshid Qulî 
K. who had the tabhallaş of Makhmûr * and was the son-in-law of 
Shujâ'ud-daula was at that time the governor of Orissa, He 
colleeted an army and hastened to engage 'Alîverdî and was 
defeated (near Balasore) and came to the Deccan to Aşaf Jâh. 

of 'Alî. Siyar M. I. 276, translator's 
note. Verdî is often written Berdî. 

l He was related to him through 
his mother. He went to Orissa, and 
his brother came aftervvards. See 
Siyaru-1-M., translation I. 275. 'Alî- 
verdî's mother was a Perman lady, 
of the Afshar tribe. 

* "The intoxicated " As it was 
his pen-name, it was presumably 
adopted by himsolf , and means intoxi- 

eated in the sense of being filled with 
Divine Love or with poetical fervour. 
The RiySzu-s-Salâtîn has Majbür. 
Makhmûr is probably right as Beale 
says he was called poetioally sarshar, 
which also means intoxicated. See 
also Bieu II. 7966, and OudeCat. 194, 
where he is styled Makjımûr. He 
wrote Rekhtah poetry and died in 
the Deccan. 



Mîr Habîb Ardistânî — who was Murshid Qulî K.'s bakhshi — went to 
Raghü Bhonsla who was makâsdâr * of Berar and urged him to 
conquer Bengal. Raghü sent a large army under the leadership of 
Bhâskar Pandit, his Diwân, and 'Ali Qarâwal — who was his best 
general* — along with Mîr Habîb to Bengal against 'Âlîverd. 
Fighting went on for nearly a month, and then 'Alıverdi proposed 
peaee. He invited Bhâskar Pandit, 'Alî Qarâwal and 22 8 other 
leaders to his tent on the pretext of a banquet , and put them ali to 
the sword. The army scattered like ' ' The daughters of the 
Bier" (the constellation of Ursa Majör). Raghû and Mîr Habîb 
returned unsuccessful, but every year an army was sent to ravage 
Bengal. At last 'Alîverdî fixed to pay a sum of money to Raghü, 
and in lieu of it gave him Orissa, and so preserved the country 
from ruin. He ruled for thirteen years. After his death his 
daughter's son, who had the title of Sirâju-d-daula, ruled for ten 
months. in that time he plundered the port of Calcutta. After- 
wards he waa defeated by the army of the Feringhi hat-wearers 
and got into a boat and fled. When he came to Râjmahal, one of 
his servants by name Nizâm arreeted him and sent him to Mîr 
J'aafar his Bakhshî, who was married to Mahâbat K.'s sister and 
was in league with the Feringhis. His head was severed from his 
body by the pitiless sword, and Mîr J'aafar had the title of Shamsu- 
d-daula J'aafar 'Alî K. and became the ruler by the help of the 
Feringhis. in the year 1172, 1758-59, when the army of Sultan 'Alî 
Gohar came to Patna and besieged it, Şâdiq 'Alî K. alias Miran 
the son of Mîr J'aafar was appointed to relieve Patna. He stood 
firmly in the battle, and was wounded.* When the prince turned 
his reio towards Murshidabad, 6 Miran marched off quickly and 
joined his father. Aftenvards he went towards Purniya where 

1 Properly mukhâşadâr, a collector 
or revenue-agent. See Wilson's Glos- 
sary, 3526. 

î 'Alî Qarâwal was originally a 
Hindu and a Mahratta. Riyâzu-s- 
SalSt.în, 349. 

8 Apparently the total number was 

* Miran 's wounds are mentioned 
in the Siyar Mutakjjarîn, transla- 

tion II. 344, and in the Riyâz 
S. 375. The battle took place near 
Bârh on the bank of the Adhuah (T). 
Shah 'Alam had previously defeated 
Ram Narain at Fatüha. 

6 The Riyâz has Bardwan and the 
Siyar M. says Bihar, but it appears 
that the prince's general did make an 
attempt to march on Murshidabad. 
Ses Siyar M. 345. 





Khâdim Hasan, fche Deputy-Goyernor, was behaving rebelliously. 
When he came near Bettiah, which is a dependency of Purniya, he 
on a night in 1173 (July 1760) was struck by lightning, and the 
harvest of his life was consumed. The chronogram is 

Banâgah barq ' af tada b (a) Miran. 
"Suddenly lightning fell upon Mîran." 

Af ter this occurrence Qâsim 'Ali K. (Mîr Qâsim), the son-in* 
law of J'aafar ' Alî, dispossessed his father-in-law and became ruler. 
Accordingly J'aafar 'Alî went to Calcutta. in the end Qâsim 'Ali 
did not get on with the Christians, and J'aafar 'Ali laid hands on 
power for the second time. Qâsim 'Alî K. came away and 
brought the reigning king and Shujâ'ud-daula, the Vizier, to the 
province (Bihar). But nothing was sucoessful. For a long time 
he waited for his opportunity in attendance on the emperor. 
When- he had no suocess, he for a time went away to outlying 
places. it is not * known what fmally became of him. But J'aafar 
'Alî K. died in 1178, 1703. After him his son Najmud-daula sat 
upon the masnad and died in 1179, 1766. After him Saifud- 
daula for a time and Mubârak Ullah for some months had the 
name of rulers. in 1185, 1771-1772, the whole of Bengal and 
Bihar fell into the possession of the hat-wearers. 

He was the son of the famous Alang Tosh, who was one of the 
Cossacks and eminent horsemen of Türân. He belonged to the 
Alman tribe, and his name was Jatî. in a battle he attacked 
with his breast bare, and from that time he was known as Alang- 
tosh, for alang 8 means in Turkî bare, naked, and tosh means breast. 
He was servant of Nazar Muhammad, the ruler of Balkh, and held 
Kahmard and its appurtenances and the Hazârajât in fief . As he 

1 The chronogram yields 1173. The 
event ocourred in July 1760. For 
Khâdim Hasan the Riyüz has KhSdîm 

* He died near Delhi, in 1777 
(1191). At Kotwal an obscure vil- 
lage. (Beale). 

The Siyar M. IV. 51 saye, he died at 
town betıreen Agra and Delhi. 
3 The spelHng Alang or Tlang, w&'|, 
is wrong : it should be Ilang or. Yâlâng 
as in Maaşir I. 740. See Zenker s. v. 
it is curious that ulanga is Bengalee 
for naked. Tosh is Turkî for breast. 

got amali pay as a servant he was an aimânci 1 (?) and a plunderer 

and raided as far as Qandabar and Ghaznîn and ao got his liveli- 

hood. He also constantly made incursions into Khurâsân. The 

Shah of Persia was unable to protect the peasantry against him. 

Gradually he added soldiering to his robberies, and extended 

his power far and wide, and in order to subdue the Hazâras, whose 

settlements were within the Ghaznîn boundary, and who from old 

times paid revenue to the ruler of Ghaznîn, he established a fort 

there and in the 19th year of Jahangir a great battle took* place 

between him and Khânazâd Khân Khân Zaman, the son of Mahâbat 

K. , who was ruling in Kabul on the part of his f ather. Many 

Uzbegs and Almâns were slain, and Alang Tosh felt the elaws and 

was defeated. After the death of Jahangir and in the beginning 

of the reign of Shah Jahan, Nazr Muhammad K. thought he had 

an opportunity of conquering Kabul and drew up an army against 

it. Alangtosh did not fail to harry the inhabitants in the neiglı- 

bourhood of Kabul. At last when the time of Nazr Muhammad's 

power was coming to an end and his fortunes declined, he took 

away Alangtosh's fief without his having committed any fault, 

and gave it to his own son Subhân Qulî. in similar manner he 

annoyed many of his officers, and went to the place that he loent to. 

Allah Qulî, before Nazr Muhammad K. had deposed his elder 

brother imâm Qulî K. and had added Samarkand and Bokhara 

to Balkh, had separated from his f ather, and came to Kabul in 

the 13th year with the idea of serving Shah Jahan. The latter 

from his spirit of appreciation presented him with Rs. 5,000 by an 

assignment on the treasury at Atak. He also sent Rs. 5,000 to 

S'aîd K., the governor of Kabul, who had made an adrance 

(to Allah Qulî). When in the 14th year he entered service, he was 

raised to the office of 1,000. Shah Jahan gradually advanoed him 

to 2,000, and in the 22nd year when he had distinguished himşelf , 

along with Rustum K. and Qulîj K. in the battle with the 

Persians at Qandahar, he got an increase of 500. When in the 

24th year J'aafar K. was sent off as governor of Bihar, the Khân 

1 Probably the word is almtörıtâ, for al'mân or ataman m»«ıı» plunder. 
Almânji is given in P. de Courteillo as meaning a plunierer. 
* Tiûuk J. 387. 



was appointed to that province. in the 26th year he came to the 
presence and was raised to the rank of 2,500 and 1,500 horse. 


His father was Iftikhâr K. Turkamân, wbo in the time of 
Jahangir was one of the auxiliaries in Bengal. When islâm K. 
Cistî became the governor of that province, he sent a force under 
the command of Shujâ'at K. Shaikh Kabir against Usmân K. 
Lohânî, wbo was rebelling in that quarter. The command of the 
right wing was entrusted to Iftikhâr K. When the battle was 
imminent 1 and the two forces were confronting one another, 
Usmân drove forwara a warlike elephant against the imperial van- 
guard and defeated it and turned against Iftikhâr. He stood firm 
and stretched forth the arm of battle, and af ter a number of his 
old servants and followers had been slain, Iftikhâr was also 

Allah Yâr, after the heroism of his father, became a favourite 
of Jahangir and in time rose to be an Amir. in the end of that 
king's reign and the beginning of Shah Jahan's he attained the 
rank of 2,500, and according to old custom was enrolled among 
the auxiliaries of Bengal. Qâsim K., the governor of Bengal, sent 
his son 'Inayat Ullah along with the Khân to take the port of 
Hoogly, which is one of the leading ports in Bengal. The Ieader- 
ship and control were entrusted to the Khân. He did good 
service in this victory and by his skill and bravery rooted out 
in the fifth year the tree of infidelity and of the sway of the 
Frank which had put down its veins and fibres (rag u resha) in 
that country, and in place of the nâqûs % (woodengong) he caused 
the voice of God's praise to resound. As a reward he received 
an increase in horsemen and in rank. After that, he during 

l Kârzâr tarâzii a similar phrase to 
jangtarözü used in tbe notices of Abu- 
1-Maalî and Jahangir Qulî. 

* Literally " After a number of the 
old servants and helpers had decked 
tho face of courage with the rouge 
of life-sacrifice, that drunkard with 

bravery 's wine manfully drained the 
bowl of death.' * 

S See Hughes' Dict. of islam. The 
nâqüs is used in some eastern 
churches, bot here must be under- 
stood to mean the beUs. For account 
of siege of Hooghly seo Elliot VII. 31. 



the government of islâm K. (Mashhadî) together with islâm K.'a 
brother Mir Zainu-d-dîn 'Alî S'aadat K. led 1 an army into Küo 
Hâjü in the north of Bengal and did good service in extirpating 
the Assamese who attempted to help the ruler of Kûc Hâjû and 
who trespassed» into the imperial territöry. He redueed the 
arrogant to obedience and returned safe and full of plunder. Ho 
waa raised to the rank of 3,000 with 3,000 horse. in the same 
province (of Bengal) he died in the 23rd year, in the beginning of 
1060, 1650. He had sons and other kindred. His sona Isfan- 
diyâr, Mâh Yâr and Zü-l-fiqâr obtained suitable fiefs and appoint- 
ments in that province. The second son died in the 22nd year in 
his father's lifetime, and the third in the 26th year after his 
father's death. Rahman Yâr, the brother of Allah Yâr, obtamed 
in the 25th year, at the request of Prince Muhammad Shujâ', the 
governor of the province, the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horae, and 
the office of the charge of Jahângîrnagar (Üacca). Afterward, 
he got the title xA Rasrhîd K. , and in the 20th year he had been 
appointed as Prince Muhammad Shujâ's deputy to the charge of 
Orissa. He delayed to go there and oecupied himself with his 
former empleyment (at Dacoa). When Shujâ retreated before 
Aurangzeb, he went off to Bengal in a ruined condition and 
vainly tried to oppoae the pursuit of M'uazzam K. r£hân-Khânân, 
and in the 2nd year of Aurangzeb established himself in Tanda 
in order to spend the rains there. When be heard that Rashîd K, 
was recalcitrant and that a number of the landholdera in that 
part of the country had joined with him in opposition and that he 
vvished to take the imperial fleet and join M'uazzam K., be deputed 
his eldest son Zainu-d-dîn* along with Saiyid 'Âlâm Bârha in 
order that when he (the son) came to Dafcca he might arrange to 
kili Rahman Yâr. By fraud and pretext he (Zainu-d-dîn) one day 

1 Pâdshâhnâma II. 75. it was in 
the lOthyear of the reign 1047, 1637- 
163 S. See also Khâfî K. II. 559, 

2 Khâfî K. I. 570 and 618 has 
Zi»inu-l-'5bidîn, but at II. 49 he has 
Zainu-d-dîn. in the Plochmann MS. 
and the I. O. 628 we have *:« instead 
of ta in the third laat line of the 

biography.- The account in text İb 
taken from the 'Alamgîrnâma, p. 515, 
where the name of Shujâ's son is 
given as Zainu-d-dîn. it was Zainu-d- 
din, who went to Dacca and had 
Rashîd K. aliat Rahman Yâr put to 



summoned him to the hail of audience and gave a signal to his 
men. Tbey ali attacked Rahman Yâr with their weapons and 
killed him. 

ALLAH YAR K. MIR TUZAK (Marehal, master of ceremonies). 

He was a servant of Aurangzeb from the daya of his prince- 
hood, and was in attendance in the battle with Maharâjah Jeswant 
Singh. He distinguished himself in the first battle against Dârâ 
Shikoh. in the first year of the reign he received the title of Khân, 
and he conveyed the treasure from the royal camp to Multan for the 
expenses of the force which under the charge of Khalîl Ullah K. 
had set forth to pursue Dârâ Shikoh. Af ter the battle with Mu- 
hamraad Shujâ' he was made superintendent of the cavalcade (?) 
(darogha-i-mulâzamân-i-jilau) and given a commission of 1,500 with 
1 ,500 horse. in the fifth year he was appointed in succession to 
Hüshdâr K., darogha of the ghusalkhâna (private audience-roöm) 
and given a flag. He died in the 6th year, 1073, 1663. 


Son and heir of Mahâbat K. Zamana Beg. His mother be- 
longed to the Khâriazâds of Mewat. in contradistinction to his 
father he was adorned with praiseworthy qualities, and was superior 
in excellencies to his contemporaries. Men were astonished at 
euch a father having snch a son. When in the 17th year of 
Jahangir, the die for overthrowing the for tüne of Shah Jahan was 
cast in the name of Mahâbat K. , the latter was recalled from Ka- 
bul, and the management of that country was given to M. Âmân 
Ullah as depnty for his father, and he received the rank of 3,000 
and the title of Khânzâd Khân. 4 The Uzbeg named Jati, who be- 
longed to the Alman tribe and was a servant of Nazr Muhammad 
K. , the ruler of Balkh — he was commonly called Ilangtosh because 
in battle he lef t his chest bare, for the Turks term '' naked " lU 

1 Pâdshâhnâma I. 158. 

s KhSnazSd in variant and in Iqbâl- 
nâma. The ezplanation of ılangtosh 
is given in Iqbâlnâma 228, where the 
real name is said to be Khastî or Has- 

nî. See also Tüzük J. 388. Thcragh 
here the word is written as Ilang, it 
is Alang or at leaat only Ilang at 1., p. 
187. But Ilang or Jeleng is right. 
See Zenker. s. v. 



ang, and chest toah — was prominent on the borders of Khurâsân, 
and between Qandahar and Ghaznin, and acquired a name as a 
raider and several times attacked Khurasan, so that the Shah ot 
Persia (Shah Abbas) was alarmed x at him. He founded a fort * 
in the Haz&rajât in order to oontrol the Hazara tribe whose seat 
(yürot) was on the boundaries of Ghaznin, and who from ok] times 
paid tribute to the governor thereof. He also sent his sister's son 
with an army to overawe them. Thereupon the heads of the Hazara 
tribe applied for help and redress to Khânzâd K. He hastened 
with a well-equipped force against the Uzbegs, and their leader 
(Ilangtosh 's sister's son) and a number of his followers were slain in 
battle. lyıânzâd K. also destroyed the fort, Ilangtosh by im- 
portunity got a şort of leave from Nazr Muhammad K. — who had 
no intention of attacking the imperial territories — and in the 19th 
year prepared for battle, accompanied by a large number of Uz- 
begs and Almâncîs, 8 at a distance* of two kos from Ghaznin. 
Khânzâd K., with the help of the contingent of the province, dis- 
tinguished himself in this battle and showed devotion in killing 
and making prisoners of the enemy. They say that the elephanta 
did great things in this battle. Whenever the Uzbegs made an 
attack, the elephants were driven against them, and their horees 
took fright. in short the Uzbegs could not advance and Ilangtosh 
was obliged to fly. They say that in the battle an armed trooper 
was made prisoner. They were about to kili him when he cried 
out that he was a woman. When they stripped the trooper they 
found that he was a woman. She stated that nearly a thousand 
women like her were in the army, and wielded swords in a mas- 
culine manner. Khânzâd K. pursued the foe for sûc kos and then 
returned victorious. 

When the government of Bengal was given to Mahâbat K. , 
Khânzâd K. was at his father's request recalled from Kabul, in 
the 20th year when Mahâbat was censured and summoned to 

1 See Iqbâlnâraa 218, and Tüzük 
J. 388. 

* At Citür, Iqbâlnâma 225, and 
Şawâr in Tüzük J. 386, where the word 
Ilang toah is given m Palaagpoab, 

S Tezt ImancÎB, but the word is 
Alman or Alamâncî, »'.e. " robber. " 
See T. Jahangiri 387. 

* Sark dara, Iqbâlnama, 220. 




court, the government of Bengal was assigned to Khânzâd. After 
wards, when Mahâbat K. in retribution for his deeds fled from 
the banks of the Jhelam, Khânzâd was removed from his govern- 
ment of Bengal and came to court. By his excellent behaviour 
he retained respect and did not deviate one hair's breadth from 
submission to Âşaf K. Af ter Jahangir's death, he was associated 
with Aşaf K. in the proceedings that were taken then. in the 
beginning 1 of Shah Jahan's reign he came from Lahore and did 
homage, and received the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse, the title 
of Khân Zaman and the govt-rnment of Malwa in succession to 
Mozaffar K. M'amürî. in the same year, when his father was 
made governor of the Deccan, he went* there as his father's 
deputy. After that, when in the 2nd year the government of the 
Deccan was given to Irâdat K., who had the name of A'zim K., 
Khân Zaman kissed the threshold and went off to his fief of Sam- 
bhal. When Shah Jahan proceeded to the Deccan to quell Khân 
Jahân Lodî, the Khân Zaman followed him and joined Aşaf K. 
Yemenu-d-daula who had been appointed to chastise Muhammad 
' Adil Shah, the ruler of Bîjâpür. in the 5th year at the time of 
the royal return from Burhânpür to üpper India, the government 
of the Deccan and of Khandes was taken from A'zim K. and given 
to Mahâbat K. wno was then in eharge of Delhi. An order was 
issued to Yemenu-d-daula to leave Khân Zaman and his contin- 
gent in Burhânpür and to come to court with A'zim Khân and 
other officers. At the same time, Khân Zaman got 3 pos3ession of 
the strong fort of Gâlna. Mahmüd K. the governor of the fort 
had withdrawn from obedience to Fath K., the son of Malik 'Ambar, 
because he had put to death the Nizâm Shah, and wished to make 
över the fort to Sâhü Bhonsla. When Khân Zamân's father 
addressed himself , in the 6th year, to the taking of the lofty fort of 
Daulatabad, the Khân Zaman came with 5000 troopers prepared 
for battle, and went to every battery that needed assistance. At 
that time 20,000 cattle,* as also corn, and a number of the contin- 
gent troops, were in Zafarnagar, but were not able to join or 



account of the predominance of banditti. Khân Zaman went 
there, and Sâhûji Bhonsla and Bahlül K. surrounded him in Cakl- 
thâna 1 three kos from Khîrkî. The Khân Zaman maintained 
his ground, and discharged rockets. gajnal* (elephant-guns) and 
muskets. From whichever side the enemy advanced, they received 
a rebuff, and when night fell both armies left off fighting. The 
Khân Zaman remained on the field of battle and prudently waited 
(on guard) till the morning. The enemy saw that they could not 
succeed and retreated in despair. He conveyed the provisions to 
his father, and continually behaved bravely both in the batteries 
and on foraging parties. On another occasion he went off to bring 
in the corn, the money, and the gunpowder of the empire, 
which had reached Rohankhera and could not advance farther. 
Randaula K,, Sâhü and Yâqût Habshi followed him up with the 
idea that they might lay hands on the convoy. The Khân 
Khânân heard of this and appointed Naşîrî K. (i.e., Khân Daurân) 
to assist him. Khân Zaman by his vigour and courage took every- 
thing (of the convoy) with him and was returning. When on the 
march the vanguard and the rearguard were more than a kos from 
the centre, and as they were entering Khirki the enemy suddenly fell 
upon them. A great fight took place. The enemy were punished 
and fled. After the victory över the fort (Daulatabad), he was, at 
the request of prince Shujâ' , appointed to take part in the siege of 
the strong fort of Parenda. Khân Zaman went off in advance and 
did not fail to drive mines and erect batteries, but on account of 
the double-facedness of the officers and the arrival of the rainy 
season, the taking of the fort was delayed. The prince Mahâbat 
K. and others returned without having effected their object. 

Although Mahâbat K. was f önder of him than of ali his other 
sons, and whenever it was mentioned that such and such a thing 
was the affair of Âmân Ullah (sir— i — Aman Ullah) he would give 
up the claim even if it was a matter of lacs of rupees, yet froın 
savagery and wickedness he would in public diwân use outrageous. 

1 PSdshâhnSma I. 158. 

2 Pâdshâhnâma I. 199. 

8 PSdshShnâma I. 442-444. 

* Pâdshâhnâma I. 605. The cattle 

were for carrying the grain, and in 
the Pâdshâhnâma the phrase is gûo- 
ghala, not güo u ıjhala as in text. 

1 Pâdshâhnâma 1. 

* Pâdghâhnâına I. 
gajnal = badçtlica. 

c. Bâgh Cakal- 
p. 50ü, says 




abuse about him. Though the Khân Zaman both openly and bxr 
hınts sent messages to him begging him to have respect to his 
(Khan Zaman e) years and to prese™ his honour, and not to 
tarhun »to contempt, Mahâbat only insulted him the more 

lİl^ r âD T atedly ^'^ " Death İS n0t İn ^ *™*. and 
what d,fficulty would there be in going away,ı but I should be 

rmned both spırituaUy and materiaUy." When his soul was 

Z the y R a ?Î; ' ^ ^ ' ° ff Wİth ° Ut ^ Ieave and departed 
by the Rohznkhera ghât with the intention of going to eourt. On 

he first day he reached Burhânpûr, and after a night crossed by 
theHand ia ferry. Mahâbat K. was vexed and grieved, and said, 
I the courtıe^ho are ali against me-say evil things of me 
to the kmg, lt wfll be aseribed (by the king) to enmity and envy 
but now that such a son, who is f am ed throughout the world ior 
goodness, goes off in this way, there will eertaimy be a bad mark 
against me. He has disgraced me in my old a ge .» And then he 
: ouldhe a . e ld ighand8lay ^^^ h . s kneeand 

Ah, Âmân Ullah, you wül die young.» They 3 ay that when 
Khan Zaman s arrival was reported to the king he recited this 

The beloved is so treated, alas then for the stranger. 
As it chanced on the day that Khân Zaman was to do homage 
there came the news of Mahâbat K.'s death. Shah Jahan sent 

1 The sentence İ8 obscure, but 
nearly ali the MSS. seem to agree in 
the reading kuahtan " to kili." I 
cannot however think that Aman 
Ullah spoke of killing his own father. 
I think that we must read gashtan, to 
depart. Perhaps cha gadr kâr ast 
means, " What şort of thing would it 
be for me to leave my father. I 
Bhould be ruined morally and physi- 
cally." Possibly we should read 
kuthti wrestling, and understand thö 
son as saying that he could not coır- 
tend with his father. B.M. MS. Add. 
«537 apparently has kushti " strug- 
gling or wrestling. ' ' 

* Pâdshâhnâma I, Part 2, p. 59 
KbSfî K. I. 601. 

8 An attitude in prayer 

* Alluding to the belief that those 
who oause their elders to be ill-spoken 
of will die young. See B. 569 note, 
where a similar verse is quoted about 
•Urfi as his chronogram. Apparently 
the eastern superstition referred to by 
B. is oonneeted with tire fifth Com- 
mandment. Mahâbat 's remark came 
true, for Aman Ullah only survived 
his father by two years, dying in 
1046, while his father died in 1044 



Yemenu-d-daulah and other officers to offer condolences and sent 
for Khân Zaman and treated him with variouo favours, As up io 
that time there had been one governor for Khandes and Berar, 
there was now a division l made. The Bâlâghât, which means 
Daulatabad, Ahmadnagar, Sangmanir, Junair, Pattan, Jâlnapür, 
Bîr, Dhârwar and part of Berar, and the whole of Telingâna, the 
revenue of which was one and twenty krors of dâms, was made 
över to him (Khân Zaman), and he was sent off to tâke charge. 
As in consequence of the chastisement of JujhârSingh Bandila, the 
government of Malwa was made över to Khân Daurân, Khandes 
was assigned to Ilâhwardî, and Berar was made part of the 
Bâlâghât and given to the Khân Zaman. 

in the 9th year when Shah Jahan proceeded to the Deccan 
to visit the fort of Daulatabad, the Khân Zaman was sent off with 
Râo Satr Sâl and other Rajputs, as vanguard, and Bahâdur K. 
Rohilla and a number of Afghans, as rearguard, to conquer the 
territory of* Camârgonda whioh was the home of Sâhü, and alsö 
the country of the Konkan which was in his possession, and Iike- 
wise to devastate the Bîjâpür lands which were in that direction- 
He chastised Sâhü several times, and placed thânas in Camârgonda 
and other estates of Ahmadnagar. When 'Âdil Shah submitted, 
he returned and received the title of Bahâdur. After that, he was 
sent to take Junair, which is one of the great Nizâm Shâhî forts. 
The Khân Zaman regarded the pursuit and punishment of Sâhü as 
the most important matter, and followed him to the Konkan. He 
never ceased his pursuit. Sâhü allowed his home and goods to be 
plundered and took refuge in the fort of Mâhülî. As Randaula K. 
was ordered, on the part of 'Âdil Shah, to co-operate with the 
Khân Zaman Bahâdur and to rescue the forts which Sâhü had 
taken possession of, and to make them part of the imperial terri- 
tories, he invested Mâhülî on one side while Khân Zaman did so 

l Khâfi K. I. 502. Pâdshâhnâma 
I, Part II, p. 62. The Deccan was 
now divided into the Bâlâghât (above 
the Ghats) and the Payanghât (below 
the Ghats). 1 arb and 20 krors of 
dâms would be £3,000,000. 

* "Thirty-two miles south of 
Ahmadnagar. The Chambergoonder 
of the Bombay Route Map." Elliot 
vii. 52 note, and I. G. xxii. 309. 




on the othef. Sâhü ' became frightened and surrendered to the 
Khân Zaman the forts of Junair, Tringalwârî, Trimbak, Harîs 
Jûdhan and Harsal (Harsira of Elliot), together witb the relative 
of the Nizâm Shah — vvho was with him,— in the lOth year of the 
reign 1046, 1636-37. When the şubâhdârî of the whole of the four 
provinces of the Deccan was entrusted to Prince Aurangzeb 
Bahâdnr, the Khân Zaman returned to Daulatabad and entered 
into that prince's service. He had long suffered from various 
diseases. Sometimes he got well and sometimes he had relapses. 
At last in the end of the year in question he died.* The chrono- 
gram was Rustun, Zamana mard : "The Rustum of the age is 
dead." (1047, 3 1637.) They say that when he recovered conscious- 
ness at the last breath, he uttered this famous stanza :— 

Amâni,* life hangs on the lip like a lamp at dawn : 
I desire the signal whieh may end matters. 

He was the unique of the age for courage and military skill. 
He was very choleric and jealous, but in spite of that he was so 
mild and courteous that those who were deadly enemies of his 
father unrolled for him the carpet of love and single-heartedness : 
though Mahâbat K. used to say, " Their love is enmity against me, 
and if after my death this unanimity and friendship remain, you 
have permission to abuse me!" He was also unequalled for 
wisdom and knowledge. He wrote 6 a history of ali the princes of 
the earth. He also composed the collection oalled the Gaııj Bâdâ- 
ward. 6 Amânî was his poetical sobriquet and he is the author of a 
divân. These lines are from it : — 

ı Elliot VII, 59, 60: Pâdshâh- 
nâmtt I, Part II, 228, ete. 

2 PâdshâhnSma I, Part II, p. 257. 
He died on 14 Zîlhajja 1046 = 29th 
April, 1637; id. 293İ 

3 The ehronogram is not quite cor- 
rect for he died in the last month of 

* I presume that it is the angel of 
death who is supposed to be speaking. 

Compare Johnson's " Counts death 
kind Nature's signal of retreat." 

6 Pieu Cat. 509a. Sprenger's 
Cat. 330 and 109. Ethe Ind. Cat,, 
p. 857, No. 1571 ? There is a copy 
of Amânî's diwân in the Bodleian 
Library. See Cat., p. 683, No. 

« Bâdâward was the name of the 
second of Khusrau's treasures. See 




Write our name on the rim of the cup 

That it may abide while the cup goes round. 

Should the sphere not turn as we wish, say " Turn not" 

Enough if the cup turn concordant with our wish. 

He had one son. His name was M. Shukr Ullah. He was 
able and known to the sovereign. At the time when his father 
went to relieve Junair, he as his deputy was sent off to guard 


Grandson of Ilâhvvirdî l K. 'Âlamgîrî ; his father probably 
\vas the Aman Ullah K., the son of Ilahwirdî, who after his 
father's death became faujdâr of Agra and got the title of Khân. 
in the 22nd year he (the father) was faujdâr of Gwaliyar and fell 
bravely at the battle* of the intrenehments of Bîjâpür. The 
subject of this notice apparently got his father's title and had a 
commission of 1000 with 500 horse and was distinguished among 
the khânazâdas. in the end of Aurangzeb's reign he came to the 
front by his courage and devotion and became an Amir. When 
in the beginning of 48th year the king — the holy warrior — (jehad 
ain) addressed himself to the capture of the robber-castles, he 
after taking the fort of Râjgarha turned his rein towards câptur- 
ing the fort of Torna s which w as distant four kos. 

it is well known that in the end of Aurangzeb's reign many 
forts, which belonged to Siva 4 (Sivaji) and vvhich were taken from 
his agents, were obtained by the imperial omcers sending money 
to the governors, in order to get their own diseharge (from the 
task of taking thenı). The governors therefore surrendered them. 
The king was quite aware of this, and so it repeatedly happened 
that the very sum which had been paid for the delivery of the 
fort was given to- the taker after the capture by way of a present. 

Rieu. II, 439b and 50üb. Ethe states 
that it was a work on agriculture. 

I Or llâhvardî (the gift of God). 

s Maaşir 'Alamgîri, 262. 

s id. 486, Khâfî K. II, 521. Elliot 

VII, 377. Tvventy m. S.W. Poonah. 
Râjgurh is three ra. east of it, Grant- 
Duff I, 131-32. 

* Siva died in 1680, 27 years befo 
the end of Aurangzeb's reign. 





But this fort came into the possession of the imperial servants 
by dint of courage and the stroke of the sword ! The brief account 
of this is that Tarbîyat K. set < himself to run an entrenehment 
from the side of the gate and Muhummad Amîn K. Bahâdur 
barred the egress of the besieged in another direction. Sultan 
Husain known as Mîr Malang on one side, and Âmân Ullah on 
another girt up the loins of self-sacrifice. At last, on 15 Zul- 
Otada 1115, 11 March 1704, at night, Aman Ullah K. induoed some 
Mâwali a footmen to aend, first, one of their number, who parted 
as it were, with his life, to the ston. heap (sarychin, perhaps 

1 Bamûrcâl daıvâni niıhaıt. The 
text has dawâli, which does not seem 
to have any sense. The B.M. MSS. 
which I have consulted have also 
dawâll. But the Maaşir 'Âlamgîrî 
from vvhieh the passage has been 
copied has at p. 486 damarı (c>'j^), 
and it is so also in the B.M. MS. of 
the Maaşir 'Âlamgîrî Add. 19, 495. 
My friend Mr. Irvine has suggested 
that dawânî iı right and that the 
phraee means to run, t.e., to make, a 
battery or entrenehment I think 
that this view is correct, for I find in 
KhSfl K. I, 688, the phraae n*qb 
damandan twiee used to mean the 
driving of a mine. See alao Maaşir 
'Âlamgîrî, 413, three lines from foot, 
the phrase mureSl rauıân »Bkht, and 
do. 413, two lines from foot, the phrase 
mureâl dawU. The same phrase 
mureâl dateâni oecurs in Maaşir III 
41, six lines from foot. 

* t» J J l/C mâuıali. This is the 
Mawulee of Grant-Duff, I. 224, and the 
word means an inhabitant of the 
Mawals or mountain valleys • see id I 
i 27. Grant-Duff says, "Both they 
and the Hetkurees possessed an extra- 
ordinary facility of elimbing, and 
could rnount a precipiee, or scale a 
rock witlı ease vvhere men of other 
coııntries must have run great risk of 
being dashed to pieces." I n the 

Maaşir 'Âlamgîrî, 487, the word is 
wrongly «ritten «aJ^U mâdalpa, with 
the variant mâdaliya. it i s written 
correctly in Khâfî K. II, 522, whom 
the Maaşir has copied. The mâl ya'ni 
kumund •'mâl, that is to say, noose 
or lasso " of the Maaşir was perhaps 
" the strong narrow band of consider- 
able length tightly girt about the loins " 
of Grant-Duff I. 224. Perhaps how- 
ever mal m mâla, a garland, and also 
a »trıng, and the word is almost 
certamly oonnected with the malehâr 
of the Pâdshâhnâma, Part II, of vol 
I. PP- 107, 108, and 109, referred to 
by Irvine, Army of Moghuls, p. 278 
Mr Irvine thought that malehâr 
nught mean a trench, but the e X pres- 
«on malehâr bhud, "their own mal- 
ehâr, at top of p. I0 9, sho W s that 
this oannot be so. Also on p. 107 we 
have the word malehâr followed a line 
or two below by the word kumund 
and as if the tvvo were synonymous. 
Grant-Duff refers to the escalade of 
Torna m a note at I, p. 399 The 
day of the capture was also Aurang- 
zeb's birthday and the day of his 
accession, Khâfi K. II. 522. it was 
the first day of Farwardîn. The 
account of a Mâwali being sent up to 
fasten a rope or ladder of ropes may 
be compared with the account of the 
takıng of Singurh in Grant . Dnff j 


embrasure) of the fort, and to make his mâl, i.e., lasso fast to the 
stones. Five and tvventy men got on the top of the lofty hill by 
help of this lasso and entered the fort. They raised the cry of 
victory. The Khân and his brother 'Ata Ullah K. and some 
others followed at their heels. Hamîdu-d-dîn K., who was waiting 
for his opportunity, on hearing this news fastened ropes on his 
waist like those who had göne before and got up. Many of the 
infidels who tried to oppose were slain. The others crept into the 
citadel and asked for quarter. The fort received the name of 
Fatüh-al-ghaib (marvellous victories), and Aman Ullah K. received 
an inerease of 500 with 200 düâspa (two horse) horse. After that 
he received royal favours and did many brilliant feats. He got 
promotion again and again, and after the victory of Wâkinkera 2 
he received drums in token of his good services. After the death 
of Aurangzeb he hastened from the Deccan to Upper India along 
with Muhammad A'zim Shah and fought bravely in the battle 
with Bahâdur Shah and was severely wounded. He then surren- 
dered his borrowed life ! 


The forgiven Khân was by name Mîrak M'uînu-d-din Ahmad 
Amânat Khân Khwâfî. He was right-minded, well-principled ; an 
acute perceiver of the truth ; humble in disposition, independent 
in soul; of a heavenly nature, and a holy blend ; of excellent 
manners, and praiseworthy morals; a master of gentleness, har- 
moniously elevated ; of an excellent countenance, and lofty 
genius ; pure-hearted, magnanimous ; an established pillar of trust 
and reliability; a solid foundation of generosity and bounty ; of 
sound judgment, and right- thinking ; hating little, loving muclı. 

The real home of his honoured ancestors was the city of Herat, 
the capital of Khurâsân. His grandfather Mîr Hasan was 
annoyed for some reason or other and took the path of separation 
from his father Mîr Husain, who was one of the leading men of 
that city, and came to the tovvnship of Khwâf , which is a small tract 
in that kingdom, the inhabitants of which have been distinguished 
from early times for ingenuity and intellect. Khwâja 'Alâü- 

1 Elliot vii, 377. 



d-dîn Muhammad, who was one of the principal men of Khwâf , 
had regard to old acquaintance with his ahcestors, and received 
him with kindness and gladness, and took him into his house. As 
the light of greatness and nobility appeared on the forehead of his 
character, he gave him his daughter in marriage. in consequence, 
Mir Hasan took up his abode there and became the father of 
a family. Afterwards when the famous Khwâja Shamsu-d-dîn ' 
Muhammad Khwâfî, the son and heir of the Khwâja aforesaid, 
entered the service of Akbar and obtained high rank and consi- 
deration, Mîrak Kamâl, the son of Mir Hasan, went off to India 
to his mother's brother (taghai) with his son Mîrak Husain. and 
spent his days in affluence and comfort. There too he married 
one of the daüghters of the Saiyids of his native city. Mîrak 
'Ata Ullah was the fruit of this marriage, and in the Balkh oam- 
paign aecompanied Prince Aurangzeb, and acquired respect and 
consideration. On account of sorae reason, he separated from 
Prince Aurangzeb and became one of the king's servants, and was 
raised to the rank of 700. He was iîrst bakhshî of the Ahadis at 
Kabul and aftenvards diwân of Patna. in that place the lamp of 
his life was extinguished in the close of Shah Jahan's reign. But 
Mîrak Husain (the son by the first marriage) was distinguished 
during the reign of Jahangir for his skill and knovsdedge, and held 
high office. in the 8th year he was employed in company with 
Prince Sultan Khurram (Shah Jahan) in the campaign against the 
Rânâ (of Udaipûr), and when Udaipûr was taken, and military 
stations were established in the Rânâ's territory, Mîrak Husain 
was made bakhshî and record-keeper of Kombalmîr. After that 
he became bakhshî of the Deeearı, and after Shah Jahan's acces- 
sion he became diwân of the Decoan. From that dav to this — 
which is more than a hundred years— this office has been hereditary - 
in the family. in the 8th year he received a present of Rs. 10,000, 
with a robe of honour and a horse, and was sent on an embassy 
to Nazr Muhammad K., the -ruler of Balkh, in company with 
Payinda* Be, the ambassador of the said Khân, with presents to 



1 He wa3 a very distinguished 
officer and became diw5n of the 
empire. See Bloohmann, 445. 

* it is NSbahar Be in Pâdshâh- 
nâma I, Part II, 104. Gf. Khâfî K. 
I. 508-9. 

the value of Rs. 125,000. in the royal letter he was styled in 
eloquent language a Saiyid of true race and of approved abilities. 
On his return from Türân, he was censured for some reason 
When he dted his heirs continued to be employed in the govern- 
ment service. Khân Daurân Naşrat Jang remembered the old 
intimacy and procured their advancement. The heir of the 
deceased, Mîrak M'uînu-d-dîn Ahmad, was in the flower of his 
youth. After acquiring the current sciences he entered the king's 
service, and in the year 1050, 1640, he was made bakhshî and his- 
toriographer of the province of Ajmere. After that it is probable 
that he went to the Deccan for service. Accordingly Shaikh M'arüf 
Bhakkarî writes in his Zakhîra-ul-Khwânîn , which was composed 
in 1060, 1650, " Mirak M'uînu-d-din, the son of Mîrak Husain 
Khwâfî — whose father and grandfather were higher than the sun 
for greatness and family — is perfectly endowed in this household (?) 
(darın hawâll) with wisdom, knowledge, ability and calligraphy. 
and conducts himself with honour in the Deccan." in the 28th 
year of Shah Jahan, he was with Prince Dârâ Shikoh in the 
Qandahar campaign, and after his return in the same year, he was, 
in 1064, 1654, made diwân, bakhshî and historiographer of the 
province of Mulfcan. He spent a long time in that quarter. High 
and low, small and great, there beheld his truthfulness and 
honesty, and strength and counsel and put the ring of devotion in 
their ears and behaved as his disciples. Up to the present day 
M'îrak Jîü's name is on the lips of the people there. At tvvo ko$ 
distance from the city he made a house and garden which became 
known as " Kütila-i- Mîrak y Jiü." in the time of 'Âlamgîr lıe 
was made şubâhdâr of Kabul and received the title of Amânat 

Though* the conferring of titles by an author of bounty (i. e., 
a kingly benefactor, ete.) depends upon- the qualities of the 
nominee, and it behoves the latter to strive to hve up to his title, 
yet this cannot be said in this instance, for in it the name and the 
person named were identical. Or rather the latter was a thousand 

1 Kûtila or Kutilî is a Hind ustanı 
word signifying a granary. 

2 The sentence is obscure, and I »m 
by no means sure that I have fully 
understood it. 



times nobler and more valuable than the name. in the world of 
creation and existence no quality comes up to truatworthiness and 
honesty (amânat u dlânat). They are very precious and very rare. 
Wherever they bloom there is a spring-time of blessings. They 
are the source of lofty dignities and the elixir of fortune and 
happiness. in the vvorld's market, merchandise is disposed of by 
the brokerage of honesty, and in life's garden the fruits of success 
are to be gathered from the tree of Trust (amânat). 

in fine he was promoted in the 14th year of 'Âlamgîr to the 
rank of 1000 with 200 horse, and to the diwânî of the Khâlşa in 
succession to 'Inayat K., and he received a crystal ' inkstand. 
When in the 16th year Asad K. — who af ter the death of Ja'afar 
K. carried on the duties of the Viziership as deputy — withdrew 
his hand from aSairs, Amafiat K. and the Diwân-i-tan ,* in accord- 
ance with orders, put their 3 own signatures and seals on the papers 
of their offices. 

Inasmuch as the tboughts of honourable men who have no 
mixture of hypocrisy or self-interest are engrossed by duty to God, . 
and the welfare of their master, they have no fear of the blame of 
critics. At this time the Begams of the palace and the confiden- 
tial eunuchs, who had audience of the king and were proud of 
their intimacy, out of base covetousness did improper acts and 
repeatedly made improper recommendations. As now there was 
no place for such recommendations, and whatever was profitable 
to the government and was to the advantage of the people of God 
was carried out without the instigation of any adviser, the edge of 
their sword did not cut. Of necessity they girt up their loins for 
annoyance, and as nothing stopped their intrigues* they made use 
of the report b of ' Abdu-1-Hakîm the Peahdast. As in consequence 

1 Maagir 'Alamgîrî 110, and Bloch 
mum 412, n. 1. 

2 For tankhwâh. The department 
of grants, Irvine A. of M. 39. For 
Asad K. Aşafu-d-daulah's temporary 
retirement see his biography I. 311. 
The diwân-i-tan then was Kifayat K. 

s See the Maagir 'Alamgîrî, 126, 
where it is recorded that "it was 
ordared that Amânat K., the diwan of 

the Khâlşa, and KifayatK. , the diwân- 
i-tan , should put their seals below the 
seal of the ohief divvân and carry on 
the duties of the diwânl. '' This was 
in 1083, 1672-73. See also this 
quoted in Maas.iru-1-Umarâ 1. 311. 

* Literally " the nails of their 
diggiag \rere not stopped any where. ' ' 

6 in the Maagir 'Alamgîrî 144 it is 
mentioned that AmSnat K. resigned 



of continual toil ' Amânat K, was disgusted and was in search of 
an excuse for resigning, he made use of this affair and in the 1 8th 
year presented his resignation at Hasan Abdal. Though the king 
observed that the report of the Peshdast was no cause for resigning, 
Amânat would not agree. As the marks of honesty and skill (in 
Amânat) had been impressed on the heart of the king, he immedi- 
ately appointed him to the charge* of Lahore and i ts fort. He 
also was made Diwân of the province. Though he declined finan- 
cial work, yet the king ordered that his eldest son ' Abdu-1-Qâdir 
should carry on the duties. There, besides the buildings of 
Kawâfîpura near the Chauk, he made a large building and baths 
which are famous fchroughout the wor]d. in the 22nd year, \vhen 
the king was staying at Ajmir , Amânat was made 3 Diwân of the 
provinces of the Deccan and received a robe of honour. From 
that time tül now this omce has mostly remained with this family. 
When in the 25ih year Aurangabad was honcnıred by the king's 
presence, the house of Nizâm Shâh known as Sabz (green) 
Bungalow — which is at present the governor's house — was his (the 
king's residence). it belonged to Prince Muhammad A'zim. 
Amânat K. wished tö buy the fort of Harsül, which is two kos from 
the city, and to make it his permanent* residence. The king 

the peshdastl of the KhSlsa and was 
appointod to the charge of Lahore. 
Theıı it says that Kifayat K., the 
Peshdast of the office of the Tan, wae 
appointed to the peshdastî of the 
Kjıâlşa in Amânat's room, There is 
an aecount of Amânat K. in Klıâfî K. 
II. 261 and 376-78. in the latter 
passage great praîse is given to 
Amânt, but it is stated that'ur- 
redthe king's displeasufe by roiûitting 
the poll-tax ina nnnıber of instanoas. 
This act was.brought to the king's 
notice by Eashîd K-» whöm the Maaşir 
'Alamgiri oalls the peshdast of the 
Khâlşa Khâfj K. calls him the 
Diwân of the Khâlşa and says he had 
a rivalry with Amânat. Perhaps 
Bashîd K. is another name for 'Abdıı- 
1-Hakîm . There is ho wever an ' Abdu- 

1-Hakîm named at p. 266 of the M. 
'Alamgîrî. He may have been a 
deşeendant of the Mullâ Abdu-1- 
IJakîm of Sialkote and have made a 
report ağainşt Amânat for not collect 
ing the jiziyu, . 

' SifSHsh, which has also the meaniug 
of recommendations, and may refer 
to reports made by Amânat's enemies. 
. * This must be the Amânat of 
Manueci I. 159 and Catrou, who speak 
of him as being a great friend to the 
Christians. But they are vvrong in 
speakîng of him as an offioer of Jahan- 
gir's time. He was great-grandfather 
of Shah New5z the author of the 
Maaşir U. 

8 Khafi K. Tİ. 261. 

* ba tprik muUSn. multan etymo- 
logically means " root-place, perman- 



decided upon the residence of Malik 'Ambar. which is close to 
Shâhganj (for Amânat). Amânat K. was not content to hire it, 
and so bought it from the government. Hence this too is known 
as the Kütila (of Amânat ?). 

in the beginning of the 27th year when the king went to. 
Ahmadnagar, inasmuch as his desire was to conquer Bijâpür and 
Haidarabad, the pious man (Amânat) thought it right to abstain 
from a war against Muhammadans and presented his paper of 
resignation — which he had (always) at his finger-ends. The acute 
king read his countenance and did not take him with him, but 
left him in eharge of Aurangabad. After some months of the year 
his spirit flew in 1095, 1684, to the gardens of paradise. He was 
buried south of the city near the shrine of Shâh Nür Hamâmî. 
Saiyid bihishti shud, "The Saiyid became paradisaical," gives the 
date 1095. in truth, the word of Death in the case of such wake- 
ful hearts which gather outward beauties and store up spiritual 
rewards and live for ever is but a customary phrase. 

Verse. 1 

Never are the men of soul dead, nor will they die. 
Death is but a name when applied to their tribe. 

The truth-knower Miyân" Shâh Nür Hamâmî, who was a 
dervesh, who was master of perfection, frequently said, " What 
men ask from us is possessed by this bâbâî pîr (young saint ?) " 
and then he would point to that heart-knovver (shinâsâ dil) 

Khâfî Khân, the author of the Lab-Labâbhistory, who was â 
man of sincere speech and a seeker after justice, has stated 3 that 
a really honest man who does not think of his own advancement, 
and who regards the welfare of the people as of more importance 
than the profit of the government, and in whose administration 

ent abode." The meaning however 
may be that Amânat wanted to make 
his home in Harsûl just as he had 
formerly done in Multan. 

1 This couplet is Faizi 's and occurs 
in his elpgy on Fath Ullah Shirazi. 

See above p. 1 03 and the Akbarnâma 
III. 564. 

2 Shâh Nür survived Amânat K., 
not dying until February 18>93. 

3 Khâfî K. II. 261. 



no harm has been done to the person or property of a single indi- 
vidual, has, with the exception of Amânat K., been rarely seen or 
heard of. There were frequent instances of accountable oollectors 
and impoverished landholders coming near to death in prison. 
Such things only produced oppression and gave a bad name to the 
government. He took a little in comparison with what was de- 
manded from them, and fixed instalments for each person and 
then released them. Accordingly in Lahore on one occasion the 
ne\vs-writers reported that there had been a loss of two lacs of 
rupis on this aecount. The king was displeased, but when he 
became acquainted with the facts of the case, he applauded 
Amânat. in the Deccan ' also there was an old balance of ten or 
twelve lacs of rupis debited against imaginary (saqîmu-l-hül) ryots. 
Every year abadîs and manşabdârs were appointed. They did 
not realise a single dâm of it and shovved % a large amount as held 
in suspense (mauqüfâna). Similarly he by one stroke of his pen 
wrote off as remitted a large sum due from needy proprietors as 
peshkash (pıesents due by them to the king or his officers). 

By chance 8 the king one day was praising his honesty. 
Amânat said, " There is not another traitor (Içhâîn) like me, for 

1 id. 377. 

2 This passage is obscure both in 
the text and in Khân Khân. Judging 
from the sentenoe that fo!lows I am 
inclined to think that the real mean- 
ing is that Amânat did not collect the 
money but wrote it off as irro- 
coverable (mauqüf5na) as remitted. 
Observe that in Khâfî K. there is a dash 
after miraftandand (377, line 7) to 
indicate that there is a break in the 
sentenoe. The meaning however may 
be that the collectora did not allow 
the ryots any credit for the current 
year for what they paid, but credited 
everything to these old and imaginary 
balances. The Maaşir in copying 
Khâfî K. has altered his phraseology 
and omitted one or two important- 
words. The words " tümâr nadârad ' ' 
in the text and in Khafi K. (377 , line 8) 
seem to me to be a technical expres- 

sion. Khâfî K. has after them the 
word navishta, arid apparently he 
means that Amânat wrote ' ' tümâr 
nadârad," i e., unrealisable, or "not 
to be entered in the aecounts, ' ' and 
so remitted these old and imaginary 
balances. it was an old custom in 
Bengal to make the ryots who 
remained, orthe head-man.responsible 
for the rents of ryots who had died or 
run away {palatoka), and I imagine 
that the same practice was follovved 
in the Deccan. 

3 id. 377, where the eonversation is 
given at greater length. The final 
treasury referred to by the king 
means the treasury in heaven. Khâfî 
K. represents him as saying that 
Amânat looked after both his earthly 
and his heavenly treasure. The 
Maaşir does not go on to say that 
Aurangzeb, though he forgave the 




every year I remit sums due by debtors to nıy mas ter." The 
king observed, " I know that you are heaping up money for me in 
the final treasury. " 

in short, the service which this great man performed for the 
State in a small office— for his rank was not more than 2000— was 
a strange one. There were many dealings which were contrary to 
humanity, and so though they were ali r oval order s, from piety 
and gentleness of heart he did not^arry them into effect. On 
account of so aeting contrary to the pleasure of his master he 
used to tander his resignation ; but the righteous king had regard 
tohis disinterestedness and honesty and passed över the matter 
without notice. 

They teli that Mukhlaş l Khân Bakhshî used to relate that 
Amânat K. held a singular position in the king's mind. At the 
time when the king was at Aurangabad Prince M'uîzzud-dm repre- 
sented: " Our workshops ha ve for vvant of space been placed out- 
side of the city, and in this rainy season they are becoming 
rotten. I ask that the mansions of Sanjar Beg deceaşed, whose 
bath is famous in that cîty, which have reeently been esclıeated, 
and which the heirs have not yet quitted, may be given for the 
storing of our goods." ; The king therefore issued an order upon 
the relatives of the deceaşed. No attention was paid to it. The 
petitionof theprince : was.again brought before the king, and an 
order was given to Muhammad 2 'Alî the Rhânsâmân-who had 
no equal or partner in respect of intimacy and influence (with the 
king)— that he should set some one över Amânat K. to see that the 
building was delivered up to the prince' s men. The worshipper of 
right (Amânat) did not atterid to this either. At last one day in a 
cortege, when both of them vvere in the retinue, Muhammad 'Alî 
K. represented that althoügh a sazâtval had been appointed to 

other remissiona, censured Amânat 
for reraittirıg the poll-tax (jeziya), and 
that in conaequence Amânat refrained 
in future from remitting the po]l-tax. 
See p. 378. The Maasir has the 
phrase " end of the words " at the 
cîose of the abstract of Khâfî K. as 
if it were a verbatim quotation. 

1 Perhaps a poet. See Khâfî K. 
II. 381. But more probably the 
Mukhlaş K. of Maasir III. 566 who 
was Bakhshî of Balkh. 

2 Son of Hakim Daud Taqarrab 
K. III. 62Ş. 



make över the house to the prince (murşhidzâda "his Master 's 
son"), nothing had been done. The king turned to Amânat K. , 
and he frankly said, " The place cannot be made över to the prince 
at this season of lightning and rain (barq u bâr ân). Where will 
Sanjar Beg's people find shelter and shielding (sir u saya). I'm 
frightened for myself for I have a wife and children (kul u kıııoare) ; 
to-morrow this day's case may be theirs." At the same time he 
tendered his resignation in order that such a task as this might be 
assigned to some one else. The king hung his head and was 
silent. l 

in his mode of life he had nothing in common with the rich, 
and had no acquaintanceship with the pursuits of the worldly. He 
was fond of learning and possessed the current accomplishments. 
He composed a treatise on the laws of islam, which is a collection 
of the rules of the Law. He was a master of Shikasta and 
Nasta'lîq writing. He had seven sons and eight daughters, and 
they ali left large progeny. But the second son Wazârat Khân , 
whose poetical name was Girâmî, was pre-eminent for excellences. 
He had a poetical vein and is the author of a divân. This verse 
of his is famous. 

(Verse, see above in Gholâm 'Alî's preface.) 

He had a son called Mîrak M c uln K. who died some time 
before his father and left no offspring. The accounts of the others, 
viz., Mîr 'Abdu-1-Qâdir Dîânat K., Mîr Husain Amânat K. No. 2, 
and Kâzim K. the direct grandfather of the writer of these pages, 
have been separately written. it is due to the good qualities of 
this great man that in this world of change, where in the twink- 
ling öf an eye great families become weak and contemptible, his 
children during four geneTations have up to the time of \vriting. 

1 I am indebted to my friend Mr. 
Irvine for help in understanding this 
passage. I think that {*))£ here 
does not mean blind people but that 
)yf is kuuıar a son and that kul u 
kumare must be a Deceani phrase for 
wife and children. Kul however may 
also mean household or domestics. 

The phrase "tomorrovv," ete, may be 
compared with the Latu» insoription 
often fouııd in graveyards, Hodie mihi 
cras tibi. Amânat was referring to 
the inhuman praotice aucording to 
wlıich an officer's property escheated 
to the croM-n. See Bernier on the 
subject in conneetion with Shah 




1159, 1 1746, been Diwâns of the Deccan and have filled other 
high offioes with honour and credit. Such absence of misfortune 
is rarely seen in other families. 

AMÂNAT KHÂN the 2nd. 

He was Mîr Husain, the third son of Amânat K. Khwâfi. On 
account of his uprightness and ability he was the companion and 
friend of his father. Af ter the latter's death he, as well as his 
brothers, became a favourite of the Khalîfa-r-Rahmân (the Vicar of 
God) Aurangzeb, and, though in small offices, was regarded as a 
confidant. it was like "One* of the blessings from the Barme- 
cides," he inheriting ali the respects that his father had. High 
and low of this f amily were treated with the favour shown to 
Khânazâds (children of the household). They say that one day 
the appreciative king appeared in public audience. When the 
Khân (Amânat No. 2) entered with his son the enclosure 
(sarâparda) a chöbdâr (usher) — a set of men who for the most 
part deserve on account of their mordacity and mischievousness 
the rod (cob) and are fit for the gallows J seized the son 's hand 
and kept him back. The KhâD in his wrath paid no heed to the 
respect due to the place where he was, but turned round and seized 
that saııcy fellow and vvent on and represented to the king : " Tf 
sons of the house are to be insulted by fellovvs like this, what ex- 
pectation have they of fame and honour in the king's service ? ' ' 
The king oııt of respect to him dismissed the whole of the guard of 
that day. 

As the ability of the Khân nıade an impression on the king, 
when he, near the end of the 3 İst year, \vas at Bîjâpür, in the 
beginning 3 of the 32nd year conferred on him his father's title and 
made him divvân of Bîjâpür. When in the end of the 33rd year 
(June 1690) he left the town of Badrî,* which is 17 kos north of 

l At this time the author had been 
for four or five years out of employ. 
He was not restored till the follow- 
ing year, 1160. Perhaps he never 
was formally dismissed. 

* A proverb. See D'Herbelot b.v. 
Barmekian. As pointed out by him, 

the story is told in the Nigaristan. 
See Bombay lithographof 1829, p. 39, 
et aeq. 3 Maasir A. 3 1 7. 8 

* This ean hardly be the Bîdar of 
I.G. See Maasir A. 335. Galgala is 
the Gulgulla of Grant-Duff I. 378, and 
Türgal is the Toorgul of id. 186. it 



Bîjâpür and came to Qutbâbâd Galgala belongmg to Turga 12 
I Torth of Bîjâpür and on the Kishna, the Khân was ra.sed from 
thepoTtion o Lân of Bijapur to that of daftarMr-.tan m the 
Sice o Hâjî Shafi Khân. in the 36th year he was made , gover- 
^ o Aurangabadm the room of M<am & r K. and had h» rank 
Lfto one of 1500 with 900 horse. in the same year he was 

• pointed eovernor of the fort of Aurangabad. At last he 

mtsl. :- -.:.. -^-. - « < r - 

fc« „ Mir Hasan »ho nrarried ,he daughter o. Muhammad 
i -H K Uıb~ He is the father of the wrıter's mother. He 

«SJn d din 'Alî K who is beloved by hi. ootemporanes for 

rSL^h ehleter and right-.hinhing. At the thne o 

tj;"-^ the «tate, of whieh .» the Be. 

risaf Jah. The seoond, Mtt Saiyid Muhammad Iradatmand K. , 

, tte on in-law o. his »„ele D»nat K. Mir .Abdod-Qa.d,, in «he 

tae o Langzeb he »a, appointed to the biyûtm of Aurangabad 

SZTL e»; Tuove for his father we,eo m ed hhn and made 
*m Tuperintendent of the fleet. which is the highest post ■» tha 
p 2 Z, and obtained for him from the eourt the t,t e of Amânat 
K and .„ of rank. After the death o, «*. K. he was 
™«le taVJâr of the estates in that pro.inee, and m tn. year 1157, 
™ h dtd. The fonrth ™ M,r Moh.m.n.d Ta* > K. »ho , 

is the Toragal of the maps. See Mr. 
Irvine's artiole in Numismatıc Sup- 
plement VII of A.S.B. for 1907, p. 57. 
it is 36 m. S. Galgala and is on the 
Malprabha river, a tributary of the 

l id. 347- a Maasir A. 412. 

i See Khafi Khan II. 666-68. The 
nameisihere.p. 688, given as Muham- 
mad Naqi. The capture of Burhan- 
dür and the death of Mir Ahmad the 
governor took place in the reign oî 



married to the writer's full aunt. İn the time of Bahâdur Shah 
he was made bakhshî of Burhânpür. in the catastrophe of Mir 
Ahmad K. the governor there who was killed in battle with the 
Mahrattas many of the matşadîs (clerks) were made prisoners. 
Every one of them sought to get deliverance from their clutches by 
craft and deceit. He from simplicity showed himself as in good 
circumstances and paid a large ransom. He did not approve of 
minimising his position. Ali his descendants are alive. 

Eldest son of Rajah Gaj Singh Râthor. He began with a 
suitable office, and in the 2nd year of Shah Jahan he held the rank 
of 2000 with 1300 horse. in the 8th year his rank was 2500 with 
1500 horse, and he had the present of a flag and an elephant. in 
the same year he was appointed, along with Saiyid Khân Jahân 
Bârha to chastise Jujhâr Singh Bandlla. When the fort of Dhâ- 
münî was taken, and Khân Daurân went inside, and Amar Singh 
and other leaders were outside, and waiting tor the morning and 
the looters had entered and were oceupied in looking for plunder, 
the ashes of a torch fell into the powder magazine under the fort^ 
and the bastion was blown up. The pieces of stone mostly felî 
outside, and killed several of his companions. After returning 
from there he obtained the rank of 3000 with 2500 horse. 

When in the 9th year the king went in person to the Deccan 
to put down the disturbance of Sâhü Bhonsla,-who, in spite of 
the Nizâmu-1-mulk's being imprisoned in Gwalior, had raised up a 
boy from among the Nizam's relatives and was making a com- 
motıon,-and after orossing the Narbudda established his camp 
near the fort of Daulatabad, he made three of his officers leaders 
(of armies) and sent them off, a ad he deputed Amar Singh to 
accompany Khân Daurân Bahâdur. I n the 10th year he came to 

Shah 'Alam (Bahâdur Shah) in the 
year 1161, 1748. Khân K. telis how 
one offleer Sharafu-d-dîn, "the Biyütât 
(the Kegistrar or perhaps the Sur 
veyor) of the city, passed himself off 
as a musician and so escaped for a ran- 
som of Rs. 1,200. Muhammad Naqi, 

aocording to Khâfi K., who was a 
relative, was too honest or too digni- 
fied to do this, and so admitted his 
official rank and had to pay Rs. 
30,000. Khâfi K. calls him bakhshî 
and reporter {wâga' nigâr) of the eity 
of Burhânpür. 



court with Khân Daurân, and in the llth year when 'Alî Mardan 
K. made över the fort of Qandahar to the imperial servante, and 
there was a probability that Shah Safî would come in person to 
that neighbourhood , Sultan Shüjâ' was sent off there with a large 
force, and Amar Singh received a khilat, a horse with a süvern 
saddle, and a drum, and was made one of his companions. After- 
wards, when his father died in that year, and the Râj and the 
succession went to his younger brother Jeswant Singh for reasons 
which have been stated at the end of the notice ! of Rajah Gaj 
Singh, he received an increase of 500 horse and the title of Rao, 
and his rank became 3000 with 3000 horse. When in the 14th 
year Sultan Murâd Bakhşh was sent to Kabul for the second time, 
he was appointed to accompany him. After anorder came for 
chastising Rajah Jagat Singh the son of Rajah Bâsû who had 
become rebellious, he went off with the prince, and in the 15th 
year, when the Rajah in question had surrendered, and the prince 
waited upon his father, Amar Singh was also gratified by a recep- 
tion. In the same year, when a movement of the king of Persia 
towards Qandahar became known, and Sultan Dârâ Shikoh was 
sent in that direction, he had an increase of 1000 and held the 
rank of 4000 with 3000 horse and was appointed to accompany 
the prince. As it then happened by Divine decree that the king 
of Persia died, the prince received orders to return, and Amar 
Singh came back and did homage. In the 17th year in the end of 
Jamâda-al-awwal corresponding to 1054, 25 July * 1644, as he had 
been unable for some time to present himself on account of illness, 
he on convalescence came to the darbâr. After doing obeisance 
he suddenly dresv his dagger and killed Şalâbat K. Bakhshî, as 
detailed in the account of the latter. On this catastrophe Khalîl 8 . 
Ullah K. and Arjan the son of Rajah Bethal Dâs Gaur fell upon 
him. He struck Arjan two or three times with his dagger, and 

I See Maaşir II. 225. 

5 The Dutoh dfergyman Baldaeus 
iays the occurrence was on 4" August 
1044 in the afternoon, and that Amar 
Singh was offended because Şalâbat 
asked him why he had not previously 
paid his respeots. 


3 Baldaeus says Gali (Khalil?) K. 
and the son of Rajah Betal Dâs 
finished hin). The king ordered 
Amar's body to be thrown into the 
river, and this offended the Rajputs. 



Khalîl Ullah K. struck Amar Singh with his sword. Arjan also 
struck him twice with his sword. Meanwhile other men came up 
and finished him. Though the king made inquiry into the origin 
of this uproar, nothing appeared except the long use of intoxi- 
cants aggravated by the illness of some days. But before this 
there had been a dispute l about boundaries between his men — 
who were in his fief of Nagor — and the men of Râo Karn the son of 
Râo Sür Bhürtlha * the jagirdâr of Bikânlr — who had been ap- 
pointed to the Deccan campaign — and his (Amar Singh's) business 
men had been küled. Amar Singh had written to his men to 
collect a force and to attack Karn's troopers , and Kam learning 
this had written to Şalâbat K. and. asked for an Amîn (to settle 
the boundary). Accordingly Şalâbat K. had reported the matter, 
and an Amîn had been appointed. Perhaps, Amar Singh had 
looked upon this as siding with Karn and so committed the 

Af ter this occurrence, Mîr Khân Mîr Tuzak, and Mulak Chand 
the accountant of the daulâtkhânakhâş, brought the body of Amar 
Singh, in accordance with orders, outside the vestibule (dihllz) of 
the khüıvatkhâna (private chamber) and sent for his men, in order 
that they might take it to his house. Fifteen of his servants heard 
of the affair and laid hands on their swords and daggers ; Mulak 
Chand was küled, and Mîr Khân was wounded and died on the 
following night. Meanwhile the Ahadîs and others came out and 
sent that rabble to hell. Six of the mace-bearers were killed and 
sis were wounded. Not contented with this, a number of Amar 
Singh's servants resolved that they would go to Arjan's house and 
kül him. Balûn Râthor and Bhâo Singh Râthor, who at first had 
been servants of Amar Singh and his father and aftenvards had 
become servants of the king, shared in this enterprise. 8 

When this was reported to the king, he forgave the ere w for 

1 PSdiahShnSma II. 382. 

t See acoount of Râo Karn Bhûr- 
tîhıı II. 287. 

S The Btory is told at length in the 
PadshâhnSma II. 380 et seç. See 
also Tod'ı Rajasthan, Chapter V, 
Annals of Marw«r. Tod telis the 

story of Amar Singh, whom he callg 
Umra, being disinherited by his 
father, and also gives details of his 
outrage and death. Tod and the 
Pâdshâhnâma have Buloo or Balui 
instead of Balûn as in test. 



their ignorance and ordered men to go and explain to them that if 
they wished, they could go to their homes with their families and 
goods. Why should they ruin their house and honour ? After the 
extent of their obstinacy was perceived, an order was given to 
Saiyid Khân Jahân Bârha and the men of the jilau (bodyguard) 
and to Rashîd K. Anşârî — whose turn it was to be on guard — to go 
and kili them. They opposed and fought as long as there was 
breath in their bodies, and then were slain. Among the king's 
men, Saiyid 'Abdu-r-rasül Bârha — who was a brave man — and 
Saiyid Ghulâm Muhammad, son of Muhîu-d-dîn his brother, and 
five of his relatives were slain. Amar Singh's son Rai Singh came 
and did homage in the 18th year and received the rank of 1000 
with 700 horse. in the 19th year he was appointed to accompany 
Prince Murâd Bakhşh in the affair of Balkh and Badakhşhân, and 
in the 25th year he held the office of 1500 with 800 horse and 
accompanied Sultan Aurangzeb on the second occaaion to Qanda- 
har. in the 26th year he accompanied Dârâ Shikoh, and in the 
28th year he was appointed, along with S'aad Ullâh K. , to raze 
Chitor. in the 30th year he received an inerease of 200 horse. 

When the sovereignty came to Aurangzeb and the victorious 
army had reached Mathura, Rai Singh did homage and went with 
Khalîl Ullah in pursuit o* Dârâ Shikoh. in the battle with Sultan 
Shujâ' he was in attendance on the king. After the return to 
Ajmere he, in order to spite Maharaja Jeswant Singh, received the 
title of Rajah and a robe of honour, an elephant and a female 
elephant, an adorned sword, a drum, and one lac of rupees, and 
received the rank of 4000 \vith 4000 horse and was made head of 
the Râthor elan, and ruler of Jodhpür. He was in the attamsh 
(reserve of the vanguard) in the second battle with Dârâ Shikoh. 
After vvards he was appointed to the campaign of the Deccan and 
did good service along with Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh in attacking 
Siva Bhonsla's lands and in devastating the country of the 'Adil 
Khan. in the 16th year, when Khân- Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh 
was made viceroy of the Deccan, he was appointed to his van- 
guard. in the 18th year, in the act of preparing for battle with 
'Abdu-1-Karîm Miyâna — who had drawn up his forces,— he fell ili 
and died. Râorâsapöra outside the city of Aurangabad was 



established by him. Af ter him, his son Indra Singh received a suit- 
able mcmsab and became .the leader of his native country; 
in the 22nd year, on the death of Maharajah Jeswant Singh, 
he received l the title of Rajah, a robe of honour, a decorated 
sword, a horse with golden trappings, an elephant, a flag, a togh 
and dram. in the 24th year he went with Sultan M'uazzam in 
pursuit of Sultan Muhammad Akbar. Afterwards, he was for a 
long time appointed to serve under Fîrüz Jang, and in the 48th 
year had the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse. After Aurangzeb's 
death he went to A'zim Shah and was made an officer of 5000. 
Along with Zülfiqâr K. he was appointed to meet Sultan Bîdâr 
Bakht who had, in accordance with an indication from his father, 
come to Ujjain but had no army with him. Indra Singh however 
turned aside on the road and went home. Har Nâth Singh one of 
his grandchildren had come before this to the Deccan and received 
an estate in the province of Bihar in fief . He died in 1190, 1776. 
Indra Singh' s great-grandson Mân Singh was a long time in the 
Deccan and was going home when he was killed on the road by 
the Bhîls. 


Son of Khân Zaman §haikh Nizâm, in the battle fouğht 
by Muhammad A'zim Shah he and his half-brother Farîd were the 
advanced guard (muqaddama-ul-jaish) , and his full brothers Khân 
'Alam and Manawar were in the vanguard (har&ıual). He showed 
much valour and such as befitted his name and race. As some 
davs of his life remained, he escaped without injury. They say 
that when Khân 'Alam and Manawar K. rushed against 'Azîmu-sh- 
shân they fell upon that prince's lef t, drove off the men in front 
of therrt and came to the rear. When they looked towards their 
own lef t, the prince's* howdah came into view. They turned 

1 The bestowal of the title of Rajah 
on Indra Singh and his receiving the 
rank of 3C00 zât with 2000 horse, of 
ırhich 300 were düâspa, are recorded 
in the Akhbars presented to the 
R.A.S. by Colonel Tod in 1828. He 
is oalled in the AkhbSr the Zamindar 
of Nagaur. 

* Khâfî K. II. 588 and Siyar MI., 
p. 7. The prince meant is BahSdur 
Shah's son 'Azîmu-sh-shân— after- 
wardg drowned in the Râvî. The 
word for howdah is bangala, and it 
appearş from Khâfî K. II. 98 that 
this was the name of a kind of 
howdah which Aurangzeb had invent- 



round and with thirty troopers flew likemoths (round a candle) in 
that direction. Bahâdur Shah after the victory had consideration 
upon Amîn K., and though he had been on the opposite side, he, 
on account of his being the survivor of a brave family , encompâssed 
him with favours. Afterwards he made him faujdâr of Sera, 1 
which is an expression for the Carnatic of Bijâpür. it is a wide 
and rich territory. As contiguous to that Sarkar was the territory 
of various zamindars, each of these paid tribute in accordance 
with his possessions. Among them was the Mysorian, the ruler 
of Srîrangpatan (Seringapatam) , whose revenue is more than 
four krors of rupees. There is no other zanıindari in the Deccan 
which is equal to it for its equipments, eztent of territory and 
abundance of treasure, or rather there is none which comes up to 
one-hundredthpârtthereof. it wassubjectedto a fixed tribute. The 
faujdâr of Sera used to collect more or less revenue according to 
his strength, and, in the course of demanding an increase, things 
ended in a campaign. Accordingly it happened in the time of the 
Khân (Amîn) that a large force was appointed under the command 
of the Dalawâ, which is the same thing as Comraander-in-Chief. 
After a fight, and manful struggles on both sides, the Khân's men 
fled on account of the superior numbers of the enemy. He him- 
self with 300 brave men stood firm, and was near losing his life. 
Suddenly, an arrow (or a bullet), from his hand kljled the leader 
on the other side, and defeat became victory. His authority was 
established. Men of every quarter felt awe (hişâb bardâshtand) of 
him, and those who lived at a distance reeognized his-poTrer and 
supremacy. Afterwards the faujdârî of Karnül was eonferred on 
him, and in the time of Farrukh Siyar, Haidar Qulî K. the chief 
Diwan of the Deccan procured for him the şubâhdârî of Berar. 
His Naib had taken possession and he was stili in* .Balkanda, 
which was his old estate, when news came of the appfoach of the 
Amîru-1-ümarâ Husain 'Alî K. Out of shortsightedness and arro- 

«d. The battle referred to in the 
text is that of Jajau near Agra, which 
was fought 8th June, 1707, betwoen 
Bahâdur Shah and Azim Shah. The 
latter wa* dofeated and slain along 
with his two sons. 

1 Sera or Chera, an old name for the 
southern part of the Madras Presi- 
dency. See Chera in I.G. X, 192. 

2 E. Nânder and S. Oodavery. 



gance, the Khân delayed to go and welcome him. Af ter the 
victory över Dâüd K., the Amîru-1-Umarâ sent one of his compa- 
nions — Asad 'Alî K. Jülâq J whose grandfather was one of 'Ali 
Mardan 's Turks— to take possession of Berar, but when the Khân 
submitted, it was restored to him. When 'Iwaz K.. Bahâdur was 
appointed from the court to that government, the Khân went off 
to the administration of Nânder. Owing to greed and injustice 
and at the instigation of the zamindars of pargana of Bodhan ' 
appertaining to Nânder,* there arose an unjust quarrel with 
the fiefholder, who was Mândhata 8 by name, and whose father 
Kânhojî Sirkiyâ * was one of the Mahratta panj-hazârîs, and 
had performed exploits in the time of Aurangzeb. Amîn K. got 
him into his power by means of agreements and promises, 
and destroyed him. Subsequently he, owing to the old quarrel, 
sought to punish Jagpat Ilma (?) who had taken possession of 
Nirmal, 6 .and that proprietor, knowing of this, asked assistance 
from Fath Singh the adopted son of Rajah Sâhû who was the 
makâsdâr a of that district. Another circumstance increased the 
audacity of that wicked person (either Jagpat or Fath Singh). 
The account of it is as follows : At this time the Mahratta peace 
had been made, which fixed the stain of a bad name on the 
Amîru-1-Umarâ, which will last tül the judgment-day. The agree- 
ment was that in the case of those estates where, on account of 
the strength of their position and the resistance of the land- 
holders, the chavt could not be collected, the Amîru-1-Umarâ should 
render assistance. As in the t'âlûgs administered by the Khân not 
one dam of the chaut had been collected in some places even in 
the time of the height of the robbers' (the Mahrattas) success, 
the Khân in spite of the letters of the Amîrü-1-Umarâ would not 
lend himself to the disgrace 1 and altogether neglected to coliect 

1 in Sarkar Telingâna, Jarrett II. 
237. I.G. VIII. 254. 

* The Sirkay family of Grant-Duff, 
I. 29. 

s Nânder is in the Nizâm's Domi- 
nions, on the Godavery and N. of 

3 Possibly this is the name of a 
place, and ihe Manhat of Grant-Dufi's 

6 Jarrett II. 237. Neernıal of 
Grant-Duff'smap. E. Nânder. 

« See Grant-Duff I. 80, 220. it 
was the title of a revenue officer. 

1 Khâfî K. II. 789. 




the chavt. The province was taken from him and given to Mîrzâ 
'Alî Yûsuf K. who was ope of the brave men of the time. The 
Khân — whose authority had been diminished by the repon that 
he had been superseded — went off to Balkanda on the occasion of 
his daughter's marriage. Ali at önce Fath Singh and Jagpat 
came against him. He looked to his lineage and glory and did 
not çonsider the number of the foe and went to encounter them 
with a few men. As in this topsy-turvy world, success is twinned 
with failure, and fortune and misfortune come together, the 
Khân played away against these worthless fellows his amîrship 
and his many years of reputation, but at last escaped v and 
came to Balkanda.* After that, Saiyid 'Alam 'Alî K. Bahâdur, 
when he was master of the Deccan, restored him to his province 
of Nânder, and appointed him to the cofnmand of the right 
wing in the battle that he had with Nawâb Fath Jang (Asâf Jâh). 
The worthless fellow acted in an unsoldierlike manner and did not 
put his hand to the work and became a mere spectator, and drew 
the line of erasure över the deeds of his ancestors. Though after 
the victory Fath Jang sent him back to his t'alûçs, his positionin 
hearts was lost and his reputation was göne. At the same time, as 
Mwaz K. Bahâdur was, on account of his rapacity (shaüaq), averse 
to his returning to Berar, he procured his being set aside, and 
Mutahawar K. Bahâdur Khweshgî's being appointed in his room. 
As soon as he heard of this he went to Nawâb Fath Jang — who 
had then göne towards Adonî, — but received no. encouragement. 
He returned and settled at the town of Parbanî, 3 which was an 
estate in his fief and is twelve kos from Pâthrî. in the mashrüt 
(i. e. assigned) m.ahals of Nânder he offered opposition to the col- 
lector. Although the Khân aforesaid tried to amend him yet 
he did not emerge from his ignorance and folly. At last he was 
arrested by him and remained in priaon for a long time. When 
his son Muqarrib K. — in whose biography* there has been mention 
made of these things— was promoted to service, he was by his 

l Khâfî K. II. 790. He was 

» in Sarkar Pâthrî, Jarrett II. 

wounded and made prisoner. 

236. The Parbhanî of I.G. XIX, 41». 

5 Balkonda of Grant-Duff's map, 

* See Maagit TII. 796. 

E. Nânder and S. Godavari. 




intercession released, and villages yielding Rs. 50,000 were settled 
upon him out of Balkanda for his expenses, and he spent a long 
time in the charge ' of his son As he felt distressed by his control, 
he in the 6th year of Muhammad Shah came to Aurangabad and 
sought the help of 'Iwaz K. Bahâdur and entertained hopes of 
recovering his rents and jagir. At this time Aşaf Jâh came from 
Upper India, and the battle with Mubâriz K. took place. From 
the necessity of the time he got fresh encouragement and bound 
the girdle of companionship on the waist of endeavour, and after 
remaining in the city (Aurangabad) for some time, making prepa- 
rations, he came out. When from reverses and a succession of 
errors his senses and intellect had left him and he had become 
debased, he vainly thought of turning över a new leaf and by 
marching in the evening and the night joined Mubâriz K. (in 
Haidarabad), who had secretiy * shaken the chain of promises and 
agreements. On the day of battle, vvithout his having achieved 
anything, the figüre of his life was, by the water of the enemies' 
sword, obhterated from the page of Time. This happened 3 in the 
year 1137, 1724. 


He was one of the şhaikhzâdas of Sambhal which lies N. E. 
the capital. His lineage went back to Tamim * Anşârî. He began 
his service under JaMndâr Shah, and in the time of Farrukh Siyar 
he wasmade one of the yesâwals (state-attendants). in the time 
of Firdüs Arâmgâh (Muhammad Shâh) he was promoted and made 
Mir Tüzük (master of the ceremonies). Gradually he rose to having 
the rank of 4000, and 6000 with 6000 horse, and had the title of 

1 The text has daatnigar which 
means ' ' needy. ' ' Probably we should 
read dastgir, or else dcutnigâh. 

2 Probably this rather refers to the 
hopes held out to Mubâriz by Muham- 
mad Shah. 

» in the biography of the son 
Muqarrib K., Maaşir III. 796, it is 

mentioned that the father and son 
fought on opposite sides, and that 
the son had his father's head cut off . 
The battle in wbieh Amîn K. Deccanî 
was killed occurred in the beginning 
of 1137, 10 Ootober, 1724. Mubâriz. 
K. was killed in the same battle. 
* See D'Her'belot s.v. 



Amînu-d-daula, and the gift of the estate of Sambhal with fully l 
three lacs of rupees of revenue. He was a devoted gourmand (yâr- 
bâshi) and a voluptuary. in the same reign, after the departure 
of Nâdir Shah from India, he died. He made many houses , gardens 
and serais in his native country. Among his sons, Amînu-d-dîn K. 
and Irshâd K. were distinguished.* 


S. Mu'azzam K. Mîr Jumla Ardistâni. When the oppression 
of his father by Qutb Shah the ruler of Telang was stopped by the 
exertions of Prince Aurângzeb, he was released from prison 
and went to wait upon Sultan Muhammad who had been sent on 
in advance to that country. He met Sultan Muhammad twelve 
leos from Haidarabad and was relieved of his fears. in the 30th 
year of Shah Jahan he, along vith his father, entered the ımperial 
service. When he came to Burhânpür he, on account of the rain 
and of illness, fell somewhat behind. Afterwards he came to court 
and received a robe of honoıır and the title of Khân. in the same 
year Mu'azzam (Mîr Jumla) K. obtained leave to attend upon Prince 
Aurângzeb and to attack and devastate the country of 'Âdil Shah 
He performed this duty well and Muhammad Amin had the 
increase of 1000 personality, and his rank became 3000 with 1000 
horpe and he was ordered to act as deputy-Vizier till the arrival 
of his father. When in the 3 İst year Mu'azzam K., on account of 
certain things which were disapproved of, was deprived of the 
diwanship, Muhammad K. also was inhibited from office- But as 
his rectitude and ability had been impressed on the mind of Shah 
Jahan, he had an increase of 500 horse, and the gift of a deco- 
rated pen-case and was made Mîr Bakhshî in succession to Dânish- 
mand K. (Bernier's patron) who resigned his appointment. 

When Prince Aurângzeb arrested Mu'azzam K.., who accord- 
ing to an order was going to court with his troops, and would on 

1 ba hamal, which I suppose means 
this. Thera is the variant bakabul. 

2 This biography is signed Q. The 
Ta?kira-ııl-Umarâ of Kewal Ram says 


that Amînu-d-daulah died in the 19th 
year of Muhammad Shah's reigıı 






no account put off his journey, and kept him under survcillance in 
the Deccan, Dârâ Shikoh, on hearing of this, was convinced that 
the th ıng was done in collusion between the Khan and Aurangzeb 
and ımpressed this view on Shah Jahan. Muhammad Amin was 
suspected without cause, and Dârâ having got permission to arrest 
lum had h im brought from his house and imprisoned. After three 
or four days the king was convinced of his innocence and released 
hım from the confinement in which Dârâ had placed him. After 
Dara s defeat, Muhammad Amin, on the second day after the 
standards of victory had been unfurled, and when the hunting- 
box of Samogarha on the bank of the Jumna had been brightened 
oy Aurangzeb 's presence, hastened to pay his respects He 
was gra c 10 u S ]y received, and obtained the rank of 4000 with 
3000 horse. in the same month he was confirmed in the post of 
Mu- Bak_hşhl. When in the battle with Shujâ', Rajah Jeswant Singh 
behaved treacherously and withdrew from Aurangzeb's army and 
went ramdly home, with the intention of joining Dârâ, Muham- 
mad Amm after the battle and the return from there, was sent 
w!th a well-e q ui ppe d army to punish Jeswant. But as Dârâ-who 
wa* marching f rom Ahmadabad to Ajmere-had approached 
Muhammad Amîn turned back near Puhkar (Püshkar) and joined' 
the kmg s arm y. In the 2nd year Ms ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 

horse, and m the 5th year he had an increase of 1000 horse 

When m the beginning of the 6th year Mîr Jumla died in 
Bengal, Prınce Muhammad Mü 'azzam visited Muhammad Amin and 
adrrnmstered consolations, and brought him with him to the king 
A robe of honour was bestowed upon him. In the lOth year the 
Yusufza! tribe again assembled at Ohand-which is the mouth of 
the hıll-country-and made a disturbance, and Muhammad Amin 
was sent with a suitable force to chastise them. Though before 
the arrival of the Khân, Shamsher' K. Tam had defeated and 
pumshed the tribe, yet the Khân also entered their territory and 
devastated their country and then returned in accordance with the 
kmg s orders. Thereupon he was appointed governor of Lahore in 
succession to ibrahim K. In the 13th year he was made governor 

1 Maaeir A. 61 and 'Âlamgîrnâma 1045, 1053, ete. 

of Kabul in succession to Mahâbat K. (the 2nd), and in the same 
year Ja'afar K. the Grand Vizier died, and Asad K. carriedon some 
of the business as deputy. The king considered that only a first-rate 
officer could carry on the duties, and so summoned Muhammad 
Amîn to court. In the 14th year he came and was received with 
princely favours. But though he was famed for his business capa. 
city and his ripe judgment, yet he had some defects and he accepted 
the Viziership on certain conditions which were altogether opposed 
to the king's disposition, and annoyed him by some of his obiec- 
tions and representations. 

As Fate had decreed that an evil day should come to him he 
obtained leave to go and make the settlement of Kabul. He 
received royal gifts, and among them was the elephant 'Alam 1 
Gumân with silver trappings. Inasmuch as the dyes* of arrogance 
produce nothing but yellowness to the face, and the wind of the 
moustache of oonceit only casts.the dust of failure on one's fortune, 
and presumption causes joy to the enemy, and ends in failure, 
and haughtiness leads to contempt and a bad ending, the Khân in 
his self-will took ali the materials of grandeur and magnificence 
with him, and thought to march from Peshawar to the capital 
of Afghanistan and to root out the turbulent Afghans. 

In the 15th year, on 3 3 Muharram 1083, 21 April 1672, before 
he had traversed the Khyber, though news had come that the 
Afghans on hearing of his design had elosed the roads and were 
numerous as ants and locusts, he in his arrogance made no 
account of them and went on. During the march, from want of 
çare and from treachery, there occurred what happened in Akbar's 
time to Zain K. Koka, Hakîm Abul-fath and Rajah Bîrbal. The 
Afghans attacked on ali sides and shot arrows and threw stones. 
The troops got confused, and the men, the horses and the 
elsphants fell upon one another. Some thousands fell from the 

l Mentioned in the Tüzük JehSn- 

* baqamhâi gharür. Baqam is 
Brazil-wood, and the dye produoed 
from it. it also appears to be a 
name for the datura-plant ; ior bâd i- 
barût, see Bahar 'Ajam and Vulleıfs, s.v. 

3 Irvine, Manucci II, 
gives on the authority 

200, note, 
on tne autnorıty of the T. 
Muhammadî, 7 Muharram = May 6, 
1672 N.S., as the date. it ia also 
stated there that the son-in-law was 
killed on this occasion. 




heıghts ınto abysses and were killed. Muhammad Amîn in his 
pnde wıshed to sacrifice ' his life, but his servants seized his rein 
and led hım away. Not thinking of his honour he hastened back 
m a mıserable condition to Peshawar. 'Abdullah K. his worthv 
son was killed in that imbroglio. The baggage was plundered and 
many men's wives were made prisoners. The young daughter * of 
Muhammad Amin and some of his ladies were released on pay- 
men t ol heavy ransoms. 

They say that af ter this catastrophe the Khâri wrote to the that what fate had decreed had occurred, but that if the 
task were again committed to him, he would amend matters 
ine kmg asked for advice, and Amîr K. (s. Khalîl Ullah, Maasir J. 
^77) saıd that, lıke a wounded boar, Muhammad Amin would 
ihug h.mself against the enemy whether it were feasible or not 
Accordıngly, his rank which was 6000 with 5000 horse was re- 
duced by 1000 zât and he was sent to be governor of Gujarat 
And an order was given that he should go there vvithout present- 
nıg hımself at court. He served there for a long time, and in the 
23rd year when Aurangzeb was at Ajmere, he was sent for and 
dıd homage. He accompanied the Rânâ to Udâipür, and after 
recemng royal favours took leave at Chitor. in the 25th year on 
8 Jumâda-al-akhirî 1093, 4 Jnne 1682, he died in Ahmadabad. 
Seventy laes of rupees, and one lac and 35,000 ashrafîs and ibrâ- 
hlmls, and 76 elephants and other properties were confiscated. 
He had (ı. e . he left) no son. Saiyid Muhammad vvas his sister's 
«on, and his son-in-law was Saiyid Sultan Karbalai, who 
™ a leadİng Saİ ^ id of that h oly place. He at first had come to 
Haıdambad. The ruler there, 'Abdullah Qutb Shah, chose him 
or hıe it happened that on the day the marriage was 
totake place, Mir Ahmad'Arab, who was the elder son-in law and 
had the management of afîairs, an d was the intermediary on this 
occasion, had words with the Saiyid, and this went so far that 

1 Maasir A., 118. 

2 Khâf'i K. II, 233. 

3 Maasir A., 226, where it is said 
there were also 432 horses. Manucci 
has a good deal to say about Muham- 
mad Amîn and speaks of his great 

wealth. See vol. II, 1 96 , et ,eq. 
I do not know the value of the ibrâl 
hıml. Presumably it was a Deecanî 
eoin. The Maasir A., 219, gives 20 
instead of 8 JumSda the 2nd as the 
date of death. 



that hapless Saiyid set fire to the furniture (preparations) and 
came away. 

Though Muhammad Amîn vvas proud and self-conceited, yet 
he \vas one of the unique ' of the age for honesty and truth. He 
strove after right-thinking. He had a powerful memory. in the 
end of his life, at the time when he was governor of Gujarat, he in 
a very short time became a Hafi? of the holy volume. Conse- 
quently Aurangzeb ealled him Muhammad Amîn K. Hâfiz. He 
was a bigoted Imâmiya. He did not admit Hindus to his pri- 
pacy. If any of the great Rajahs, who could not bedenied, came 
to see him, he afterwards had the house vvashed and the carpets 
removed, and changed his clothes. 


His name was Saiyid Mir and he was the younger brother of 
Shaikh Mir. When Aurangzeb after the first battle with 
Dârâ Shikoh proceeded from Agra to Delhi aud on the way 
arrested Murâd Bakhşh, who hadshown signs of presumption, and 
sent him to the fort of Delhi, he made Amîr K. governor of the 
fort and presented him with a robe of honour and a horse, and 
gave him the title of Amîr K., a sum of Rs. 7000, and made his 
rank 2000 with 500 horse. in the first year of the reign he con- 
veyed Murâd Bakhşh to the fort of Gwalior and then joined 
the royal army. When in the battle near Ajmere Shaikh Mîr fell 
in the king' s service, Amîr K. obtained the rank of 4000 with 
3000 horse. in the 3rd year he was appointed, with a suitable 
force, to chastise Râo Karn, zamindar of Bikânîr, who in Şhah 
Jahan's time belonged to the Deccan contingent, and had at the 
time of the contest between Aurangzeb and Dârâ Shikoh left 
the Deccan without orders and gohe to his native country. 
When he arrived at the borders of Bikânîr he brought Râo Karn, 
who had respectfully appeared before him, to court. in the 4th 
year he was appointed to the charge of Kabul in succession to 
Mahâbat K. and received a robe of honour, a special sword and 

1 Maasir A., 219. 



dagger set with pearls. a Persian horse, a special elephant and 
had the rank of 5000 with 5000 horse, of which 1000 were 
two-horse and three-horse. I n the 6th year after the return of the 
roya retmue from Kashmîr to Lahore he was summoned to 
court, and then after some time W as allowed to go to his 
estates. In the 8th year he, the second time, came unattended 
to court and was received wi t h favour, and then returned to 
Kabul. In the llthyear he was removed from there and came 
to court. As he had resigned his office, he took up his resi- 

TZlO^TÎ , fcaI A ^ thft ^^ ^ COrre8 P- d - g to 1080, 
166yo, he dıed.ı As he was without sons, his brother Shaikh 
Mîr K_hawafı s sons were given mourning dresses. 

amir khân mir miran. 

Son of Khalil üllah K. of Yezd. His mother Hamîda Bânû 
Begam was the daughter of Saif K. and the daughter's daughter 
of Yemenu-d-daula Aşaf K. In the 29th year of Shah Jahan he had 
an mcrease of 500 with 100 horse and obtained the rank of 1500 

^-f^AT and WaS ^^ Mîr TÖZUL In the 31st W* when 
KhahlUUahK.becamegovernorof Delhi, he obtained the title 
of Mır Khân and was appointed to accompany his father In the 
mgn of Aurangzeb he,, af ter his father 's death, obtained an in- 
crease of rank and wa, made faujdâr of the hill-country (Kohistan) 
of Jamu. In the lOth • year he was appointed to accompany 
Muhammad Amîn K. Mîr Bakhshl on his espeditjon to chastise 
the msolent Yüsufz aı . The general sent him with a force to the 
ne lg hbourhood of Shahbâzgarha, which is near Langarkot, and he 
plundered the villages of the Yüsufzai, and then he came to the 
idam -(M*) of (mside of) Koh Kara Mâr, and set fire to some 
other V1 llages. He returned to camp with much cattle. In the 
1-th year he was appointed, in place of Hasan 'Alî K , to be 



' Apparently Amir Khwgfî iş the 
author of the history of 5 yeare of 
Aurangzeb's reign described in Rieu 
I, 265. 

2 'Âlamgirnâma 1045, 1057, ete 
MaasirA.61. '' 


8 The passage is taken from 'Âlam- 
girnâma 1059. The Koh Kara Mâr 
seems to be the Black Mountain of 
the expedition of 1868 and to be near 

darogha of the mansabdars. In the same year, on the death of 
ilah verdi K. 'Alamgîrî, he was made governor of Allahabad, and 
received a mansah of 4000 with 3000 horse, consisting of two-horse 
troopers. In the 14th year he was removed from his appointment 
and brought to court, and for some reason he was for some days 
deprived of office. In the same year he was restored and was 
treated with favour. When in the 17th year he was nominated to 
the faujdârî of îrij l he refused the appointment and in conse- 
quence was deprived of his rank and went into retirement. In the 
18th year (Maasir A. 139) he again was received into favour and 
obtained the title of Amîr Khân and an inerease of rank. He 
received * charge of the government of Bihar. There he exerted 
himself in chastising 'Alam, Ism'aîl and other Afghans of Shahja- 
hanpur and Kant Golah, and seized them when they had taken 
refuge in a fort. In the 19th year he came to court and joined 
the expedition of Shah 'Alam Bahâdur to Kabul. 

From a long time this country had been a house of turmoil 
from its occupation by Afghan tribes. Especially was it so in the 
time of Akbar. On every opportunity it rose into rebellion. The 
royal armies, in order to root out these sedition-mongers repeat- 
edly trod the land under their horses' hoofs. When it had been 
filled with revenge and slaughter, though many retired into ob- 
scurity, yet the sparks were not entirely extinguished, and the old 
state 3 of things revived. Saîd K. Bahâdur Zafar Jang rooted out 
most of the thorns, and aftervvards the army of Shah Jahan arrived 
at Kabul the capital and there was coming and going of the armies 
which marehed to conquer Balkh and Badakhşhân, and which also 

1 In the provinoe of Agra, Jarrett 
II, 187, Maagir A. 132. From his 
opinions being asked in the 15th year 
about Mîr Jumla's son Muhammad 
Amîn, it would seem that he was then 
in favour. See Maasir U. IH, £19. 

" Kant Golah and ShShjahânpur 
were not in Bihar bat in Bohilkand. 
Amîr K.'s report about these is men- 
tioned at p. 146 of Maasir A., and his 
coming from Bihar is mentioned later, 
p. 148. For Kant Golah and Shah- 

jahanpur see Elliot Supp. Glossary 
II, 167. Perhaps, however, the 
Afghans had fled from Rohilkand to 
Bihar and Bengal, and been there 
seized by Amir K. , for it is mentioned 
that he sent them in with ibrahim K. 
who was coming from Bengal to 

3 Maham kahna lang, see Vullers 
II, 92Şa, for explanation of term kahrı 
lang, " res quae e loco suo exire vel 
moveri non potest.',' 





passed by this road for the Qandahar expedition. On these occa- 
sions the most of the Afghans abandoned their disturbances and 
plaeed the foot of respecfc under the skirt of obedience. Many of 
the presumptuous who lived in their own land and did not sub- 
mit their necks to the yoke of tribute became submissive. 1 in 
short the affairs of that country took a proper shape and there 
was osfcensible peace. Afterwards when there was the rule of Aur- 
angzeb , and the go vernors became slothful and fond of their ease, the 
Afghans again grew haughty and presumptuous, and became like a 
wasp's nest. They were numerous as ants or locusts and swooped 
upon the land like crows and kites, for the imperial armies 
submitted to be plundered by those evil-doers, and the high officers 
when confronted with them simply allovved themselves to be rob- 
bed and killed, and made no opposition. At last the royal stan- 
dards reached Hasan Abdal, and there was much planning. The 
thread * of their dissensions could not be extracted. After return- 
ingto Lahore, Prince Muhammad, styled Shah "Alam Bahâdur, was 
chosen for the work. The Prince either by his o\vn right under- 
standing, or from secret knowledge sueh as of ten inspires the for- 
tunate, perceived that the settlement of this distracted country 
was implicated in the governorship of Amir K. , and wrote to court 
to this effect. The Khân in the 20th year 1088, 3 1677, on 4 
Muharram, 2 İst February, was made governor of the provinee in 
place of 'Azim K. Koka. Aghar (Aghuz ?) K. was in the van- 
guard, and a beginning was made by chastising the Afghans of 
Peshawar. Thereafter the army proceeded into the Lamghânât. 
Aghar (or Aghuz) K. in that neighbourhood showed great activity 
in slaying Afghans and engaged in a close conflict with imal * K. 
who had taken the title of Shah and struck coiııs in his own name 
mthehills. He showed his courage by standing firm, when his 
men took to flight. He was nearly being killed, when some of his 
well-wishers.showed devotion and seized his rein and brought him 

1 Lit. " drew baek their feet from 
their limit," that is, kept themselves 
within bounds. 

2 Apparentlyametaphortakenfrom 

the procesa of extraeting the worm 
that prodiîces the Delhi sore. 

3 Text 1008, but evidently it 
should be 1088. 

♦ Khâfî K. II, 233, 243, ete. 

out from that dangerous place. Amir K., after showing the 
strength of his army, by degrees practised such soofching and kind- 
ness towards those strangers to the kingdom of civility that the 
heads of the tribes gave up their savagery and wildness and visit- 
ed him withouc any apprehensions. They settled accounts, and 
during his government of two and twenty years he never met with 
any disaster, nor submitted to any humiliation nor did any evil 
act. On 27 Shawâl of the 42nd year 1109, 27th April 1698, he 
bade the world adieu. He was attached to the Imâmiya (Shia) 
religion, and sent much money to the learned and pious men of 
Persia. He was buried in the capital in his father's tomb. He 
was an officer full of wisdom and sagaeity. it wouldbe good if 
the secretaries of the age and learned thinkers could take sketehes 
of plans, wholesale or in par t, from the margin of his heart. Hi& 
ingenuity of thought removed the wickedness of strife from the 
kingdom 's conscience, and his index-finger deteeted the pulse of 
the age and grasped the vein l which puts sedition to sleep. His 
effective hands made the hands of oppressorSjSurrender, and his 
aetive feet tripped up the feet of robbery. He cast down the 
foundation of force. He stripped off the wings of tyranny. A 
lofty fortune is a great possession! Whatever nursling he planted 
in the garden of his thoughts became a fruit-bearing tree. Noth- 
ing appeared on the tablet of his projects but what was success- 
ful. Nor did anything appear on the page of his hopes which did 
not take the form of fulfilment. He so drew by the noose of 
kindness the Afghan leaders— who held their necks and heads 
higher than the heavens— that they became obedient, and he so 
captured by sincerity and friendship those savages that they 
voluntarily bound themselves to the saddle-straps of obedience. 
By the magic of his right- thinking, the leaders of that tribe spread 
out the carpet of mutual dissension and fell upon one another. 
Stranger stili, every one of them sought to improve his affairs by 
taking the advice of Amir K. 

They say that at one time there were few of the Atghan 
tribes which did not rally round imal Khân. Every one in the 

1 rag-i-khvjâb-i-fitna. See Vullers II, 49a, for this phrase. 



hill country took some days' provisions and presented themselves. 
There was tumult and there was a great assemblage. it was im- 
possible for the army of the subâhdâr of Kabul to cope with this. 
Amir Khân was troubled and got 'Abdullah K. Khweshgi, who 
was a leading man among the manşabdârs and auxiliaries, and was 
famed for his dexterity and craft, to write afalse letter to thechief 
of every tribe to this effect: " We for a long time were waitingfor 
some hidden good, and that the sovereignty might be transferred 
to the Afghans. God be praised that our old hope has been 
realized. But we are unacquainted with the disposition of the 
person who has been raised to the throne. Write to us if he be 
fit for empire ; then we too shall approach him, for service with 
the Moghuls is a profitless thing." in reply they wrote praises of 
imal Khân and urged him to come in. 'Abdullah K. again wrote, 
" These qualities are excellent, but the finest thing in rule is justice 
and consideration for the subjects of every class. in order to test 
him, be good enough to take the trouble to enquire how he will 
divide the territory among the tribes if it come into his posses- 
sion. If he be timid or partial, it will at önce become evident." 
The heads of the tribes acted upon his counsel and sent a message 
to imal K. He was at a stand-stay as to how he should divide a 
smal! country among a great number. On this account there was 
a schism among them. Many of the ignorant and of the general 
public went off. He was compelled to make a beginning of a 
division. As of course he paid attention to his own set and 
favoured those who were nearer to him, the others raised a dis- 
pute. Each of the leaders went off to 'his own country and 
wrote letters to 'Abdullah K. forbidding him to join. 

Amir K.'s wife was known as Şâhibjî, and was the daughter 
of 'Alî Mardan K. Amiru-1-umarâ (the famous maker of canals). 
She was a wonderful lady for her prudence and knowledge of 
affairs. She took part in political and financial matters and 
showed excellent sense in the conduct of business. They say that 
one night news came to Aurangzeb of the death of Amir K. 
Immediately he sent for Irshad K. , who for a while was diwân 
of Kabul, and at this time was diwân of the Khâlşa, and said to 
him that a heavy misfortune had occurred, viz. the death of Amîr 



K. A country which was prepared for any amount of tumult 
and disaffection was left unguarded, and it was to be feared that 
there would be a rebellion before another governor could arrive. 
Irshad K. insisted upon it that Amîr K. was alive ; who said he 
was dead? The king put the official report into his hands, and 
he replied, " I admit it, but the administration of that country is 
bound up with Şâhibjî. As long as she is alive, there is no prob- 
ability of a disturbance." Aurangzeb immediately wrote to that 
able administratrix , and told her to conduct affairs until the arri- 
val of Prince Shah 'Alam. 

They say that as the coming and going of governors in that 
turbulent country was not devoid of danger, it seemed impossible 
that the camp of a deceased governor could depart in safety. 
Şâhibjî so concealed the death of Amîr K. that there was absolutely 
ııo rumour of it. She got a person who resembled Amîr K. to sit 
in an ayînadâr l palanquin and so make the journey, stage by stage. 
Every day the soldiers saluted him and took leave. When the 
cortege emerged from the hill-country, she performed the mourning 

They say that till Bahâdur Shah arrived, and he was a long 
time in coming, Şâhibjî made great arrangements for the adminis- 
tration of the country. As most of the chiefs had come to mourn 
for Amîr K., she kept them honourably near her, and sent mes- 
sages to the Afghans to the effect that they should act according te 
their customs and abstain from tumult and highway robbery, and 
not exceed their position. " Otherwise the ball and the field were 
ready (metaphor from polo). If I win, my name will remain till 
the judgment-day." They felt the justice of this, and renevved 
their oaths and promises, and did not in any way prove dis- 

it was reported by trustvvorthy persons that when this chaste 

1 Lit. ' ' mirror-hölding. ' ' Probably 
it here means a palanquin or litter 
provided with glass-doors. See Ber- 
nier II, 235, whosaysthat takht-rawân 
or littera were furnished with glass- 
doors, II, p. 23<>. As Grant-Duff 

points out, there is a difference be 
tween a palanquin and a palki, III , 79 
n. in the Maasir A., p. 354, we have 
the phrase pâlkî ayına applied to a 
palki sent as a present by Aurangzeb to 
his second son Muhammad A'zimShah. 



lady was one day in the time of her youth passing along the 
narrow streets in her litter, a royal elephant, which was the pre- 
mier one of them ali, appeared, in the height of its pride, in front 
of her. Though the guardians of order wanted to turn him, the 
driver would not be restrained, for his tribe is never without 
haughtiness, and the glory of the imperial equipage added to his 
arroganee. He drove the elephant on, and though men put 
their hands to their quivers, the elephant put his trunk on the 
litter, and wanted to twist it and to tread it under foot. The 
bearers threw the litter on the ground and fled. That lion- 
hearted woman jumped out on to a money-changer's shop which 
was opposite the litter, got inside, and shut the door. Amir K. 
for some days was nıoved by Indian jealousy to displeasure, and 
wanted to separate from her, but Shah Jahan rebuked him and 
said, " She did a manly act, and saved her honour and yours. If 
the elephant had twisted her in his trunk and shown her to the 
world, how would her modesty have remained ?" 

Amir K. had no children by Şâhibjî, and as she fully ruled 
him, hein great secrecy kept mistresses and had many children by 
them. At last this came to Şâhibjî's knowledge, and she behaved 
kindly to them and brought them up. Two years af ter Amîr K.'s 
death and after she had administered the affairs of Kabul she 
came to Burhânpür. As permission had been giren to her to go 
to Mecca she sent off Amîr K.'s sons to court and hastened to the 
port of Surat. Afterwards, when Amir K.'s property had been 
examined, an order was sent that Şâhibjî herself should come to 
court, but her ship had sailed before the order reached her. As 
she spent large sums of money at Mecca, the Sharîf and others 
treated her with honour. The eldest son of Amîr K. obtained 
the titie of Mîr Khân and the rank of 1000 with 600 horse, 
and was married to the daughter of Bahramand K. Mîr Bakhshî. 
İn the time of Bahâdur Shah he was appointed as deputy of 
Asâfu-d-daula to the government of Lahore. Another of his sons 
was M. Jâfar 'Aqîdat K. who in the time of Bahâdur Shah was 
made governor of Patna, and afterwards bakhshî of Prince 
'Azîmu-sh-shân. The accounts of M. ibrahim Marhamat K. and 
M. Isâhaq Amir K.— who were more distinguished than their other 



brothers, and both of whom as well as KhadijaBegam, the wife of 
Rüh Ullah K. the 2nd, were by one mother — have been written 
separately. The other sons did not attain so much fame. For 
instance there were Hâdî K. who went to Patna when Marhamat 
was Naib there, and Saif K., who was faujdâr of Purnia, and 
Asad Ullah K. who on the recommendation of Nizâmu-1-mulk 
Aşaf Jâh was made bakhshî of the Deccan. 


His name was 'Abdu-1-Karîm, and he was the son of Amîr 
K., son of Amîr Abü-l-qâsim 1 Nimakîn. When his grandfather 
became attached to Bhakkar in the time of his government he 
made his tomb there. His father also died in the province of 
Tatta and was buried beside his father. On this account that 
country has been the birth-place and educational home of many 
of the family. Hence the application of the word Sindhî. But 
they really were Saiyids of Herat, as has been shown in the 
account of Amîr K.'s ancestors. Also in the biography of Amîr 
K. deceased it has been stated* that he, like his father, had many 
children. Even at the age of one hundred he did not fail to 
beget children. Mîr 'Abdu-1-Karîm was the youngest of ali his 
brothers. As none but the sons of amîrs and khânazâdas (house- 
born ones) is reckoned fit for the personal service of kings, and 
the passage to this is by being a khwâsi (personal attendant), 
'Abdu-1-Karîm was at first a tehwâşî and af terwards a leader of 
Içhıvâşls. As promotion 3 and exaltation were in his horoscope, he 
in the 26th year, when the eity of Aurangabad had acquired the 
name of Khujasta Banyâd by the king's advent, was made 
şuperintendent of the oratory. Afterwards he had charge of the 
seven guards* (haft caukî) along with the çare of the oratory. As 

1 Blochmann 470. 

2 See above, p. 173. 

8 See Blochmann 472. His first 
employment was apparently that of 
collector of the poll-tax for Burhân- 
pür, Khâfî K. II, 278-79. See also id. 
338, where he is called Sharîf K. and 

8poken of as having collected the poll- 
tax with great severity. 

* Blochmann 257. The guarding 
of the palace, ete, was apparently 
arranged by having seven changes of 
guards. See Maaşir A. 240. 



the king desired to advance him, he was also appointed superin- 
tendent of the naqqâsh-lçhâna. 1 in the end of the 28th year he 
was found * in fault and was removed from the office of superin- 
tendent of the oratory (jânamâzkhâna). in the 29th year when 
Prince Shah 'Alam Bahâdur and Khân Jahân defeated the army 
of Abü-1-hasan, the ruler of Telang, and took the city of Haidara- 
bad, Amîr K. was sent 8 (by Aurangzeb) with robes of honour and 
jewels to the prince and the leading officers. Some other persons 
of note accompanied him. When they came within four kos of 
Haidarabad, Shaikh Nizâm of Haidarabad fell upon them with a 
body of men. Najâbat K. and Aşâlat K. — whom Qulîj K. the 
governor of Zafarabâd* hadgiven as guides — on account of the old 
association that they had with the enemy, joined him (Nizâm). 
The jewels, the dresses of honour, and other things, and the 
merchandise, and the equipments of the men who had accom- 
panied the party as if it were a caravan, were plundered. Mır 
'Abdu-1-Karîm, who fell wounded on- the field, was made prisoner 
and conveyed to Abu-1-hasan. Four days aftervvards he was 
conveyed from Golconda to the prince 's canip near Haidara- 
bad by men who then withdrew 6 themselves. Muhammad Murâd 
K. hâjib (chamberlain or perhaps here envoy) heard of this and 
brought him to his house and treated him kindly. When his 
wounds were healed, he waited upon the prince, and conveyed 
the verbal messages he had been entrusted with. On taking leave 
of him he went with Khân Jahân Bahâdur who had been sum- 
moned to the Presence, and rubbed his forehead on the thresh- 
old of sovereignty. During the siege of Golconda, as Sharîf K., 
the Kron of the camp-treasury, had been appointed to collect the 
poll-tax of four provinces of the Deccan, Amir K. was appointed 
to act as his deputy as treasury-fcron. At the same time he was 

1 Maaşir A. 255. "The picture 
gallery," but probably Aurangzeb did 
not allow of portrait-paintjng. The 
paintings were probably illvııhinatiöns 
to books. The author of the Maaşir 
A. states in the same place that Amîr 
K. was made accountant (mashraf) of 
the same office (naqqâshjchâna). 

2 id. 261. 

8 id. 268. 

* Another name for Bidar, W.N.W. 
Haidarabad. it probably received 
the name of Zafarabâd becâuse it was 
taken in one day by Aurangzeb. See 
Grant-Duff I, 156, and note. 

' Maaşir 'Alamgîri 269. 



also appointed süperin tendent of Fines. 1 in the 33rd year as a 
reward for his good service as Treasury-fcror» , whereby he showed 
plenty and cheapness alongside of the scarcity and dearness in 
Haidarabad, he received the title of Multafat K. (the provident 
Khân). Aftenvards, on the death of KJrvvâja Hayât K. , he was 
put in charge of the abdârkhâna* (stillroom). in the 36th year he 
was made superintendent of the pages (darogha-i-khwâşân) on the 
death of Anwar K. the son of Wazîr K. Shahjahanî, and obtained 
a manşab of 1000 and became envied by his contemporaries for 
his intimac3 r and understanding of the disposition (of Aurangzeb). 
in the 45th year he had the title of Khânaz&d K. , and after that 
had the title of Mir prefixed to that of Khanazad K., and in 
the 48th year, after the taking of Torna, he obtained the heredi- 
tary title of his father — that of Amîr K. At that time the 
king said, " Your father Mir K., when he became Amîr K., gave a 
lac of rupees as peshkash to Shah Jahan for the additiori of the 
letter alif, what do you offer?" He replied, '' May there be 
thousands and tbousands of life-sacrinees for the holy personality î 
My life and property are devoted to Your Majesty. ' ' Next day 
he presented the Koran written by Yâqüt. 3 His Majesty said: 
' ' You ha ve presented a thing which the world and ali that , ia 
"therein could not equal in value." After the taking of W&kin- 
kera he go,t an increase of 500 and had a manşab of 3000. in the 
end of Aurangzeb's reign he was his companion, and had no 
superior in companionship and in the confidence reposed in him. 
Night and day he was in attendance. in the Maaşir Alamgîri itiş 
stated * that at Devâpür, three kos from VVakinkera, the king was 
attacked by illness, and this was so severe that he sometimes be- 
came delirious. As he had reached the age of 90, men began to 

1 Blochmann 131. See Maaşir A. 
304. His business probably was to 
realize the fines imposed on the inhabi- 
tants of Bîjapûr and Goleonda. 

2 Blochmann 55. 

8 A famous calligraphist , but Yâqût 
is also the name of a kind of writing. 
* 508 et *»q. Aurangzeb wrot» 

many letters to Amîr K. Sindhî. See 
Rieu's Cat. t, 400b. The Maaşir A. 
507 sayış, t- Thrcekosfrom Rahmânba- 
khsh Khaira. : ' Hut this w as the name 
given by Aurangzeb to VVâkinkhera 
after its capture. See Khâfi K. II, 
538. W5kinkhera id E. S. E, Bijapur, 
and DevSpûr was near the Kistn*. 



despair, and the country was nearly being upset by the dread 
of what might happen. 

Amîr K. used to teli ' how one day at this time when the king 
was very weak he heard him saying under his breath : — 


When j^ou have reached your 80th and 90th year, 
Many evils have you suffered from Time, 
When after that you attain the lOOth stag^ 
İt is death in the form of life. 

" VVhen this fell upon my ear I quickly said, ' Save Your 
Majesty, the Şhaikh of GanJ (Nizamî), May God's mercy be upon 
him! uttered these lines as a prelude to a couplet, which is this : — 


Then, 'tis better that you remain joyful. 
And that in that joy you remember God. 

He said, " Repeat the lines." I did so several times, and he 
signed to me to give them him in writing. I wrote them out, and 
he read them över. The Giver of strength gave him povver, and 
in the morning he came out to the hail of justice. He sa!id, "Your 
verse has given me perfect health, and conveyed strength to 

The Khân was endovved with a quick intelligence and an 
exoellent understanding. One day during the siege of Bîjâpür the 
king w as earried in a litter (takht-rawân) to see a mound 
(damdama) vvhich had been raised to a level with the battlements, 
and cannon balls from the fort were passing över the litter, when 
Amîr K., who was then superintendent of the oratory and had not 
yet become a person of consequenee, made this impromptu line 
and wrote it on a piece of paper with a lead-pencil * (qalm-i- 

i id. 59. The lines come from the 
Khusrau and Shîrîn, near the begin- 

2 See Vullers, s.v. qalm, p. 737, 
cols. 1 and 2. M.A. 279. 



surb) and presen ted it, Fath Bîjâpür 1 zûdl mî shawad "The 
conquest of Bijapur will soon take place." 1099(1688). The 
king received it as a good omen and said, " God grant that it be 
so." in the same week the fort was surrendered. After the fort of 
Golconda was taken the chronogram ' was found (by Amir K.) : — 
Fath qilâ Gul kanda, mubârak bâda. " The conquest of Golconda, 
may it be blessed. " 1099 (1688;. He was approved of by the 
king , and as he had the demerits of annoyance and presumption , 
he gave himself airs (lit. he set the peak of the cap of presump- 
tion orookedly on the haad of license), and though of low rank he 
bore himself head and shoulders higher than the leading officers. 
He acquired such influence that the highest of them made en. 
treaties to him. When an order had been given that with the 
exception of him who had had a palanquin given him from the 
imperial establishment, no one, either of the princes or of the 
officers entitled to travel in a palanquin, should enter the 
enclosure (guUcfbâr' 1 ), he, vvho was at that time termed Multafat 

1 The two chronograms seem to 
yield 109!» or 16S7-SS, but if so they 
are both vvrong. Bîjâpür and Gol- 
conda were not taken in the same 
year. Bîjâpür was taken first, and in 
the year 1097 or 1686, some time in 
October. The chronogram in the text 
gives *Abdu 1-Karîm's oorrectly as 
stated in the Maaşir •Alamgirî 279, 
but 1 think the editors have made a 
ınistake in reckoning the p of Bija- 
pur as equal to b and eonsequently 
as representing the figüre 2. There is 
no p in Arabie, and though p is often 
in abjad regarded as = b, this is not 
the case here. If we deduet the p, we 
get 1097 the real dato of the capture 
of Bîjâpür as shown in the M.A. and 
in Khafî K. Possibly 'Abdul-1-Karîm, 
as he was writing extempore. made a 
mistake in his count and forgot that 
though hâ is the sixth letter of the 
Arabie alphabet, it counts 8 in abjad. 
Golconda was taken in the following 
year 1098 or about September 1687. 
The chronogram in text wrongly has 


bâda as the last word, whereas it 
should be only bâd as in Khafî K. 
368, and in M.A. 300. This gives 
1098, which is the correct date, a» 
appears from the M. A., pp. 298-99. 

With reference to the litter or 
takht rawân of the text it may be 
noticed that the M.A. represents it as 
being carıied on the baeks of horses, 
p. 278, unless indeed takht-rawân 
is used there rhetorically for a saddle. 
Ordinarily a takht-rawân was borne 
by men. See Bernier II, 235, and 
238. The date of the visit was 25 
Shawâl 1097, 4 September 1686, and 
Bîjâpür was taken on 4 Zilq'ada in 
the 30th year of the reign 1097 = 
12 September 1686. Golconda was 
taken on 24 Zîlq'ada 1098, or 21 Sep- 
tember 1687. 

* The gulâlbâr was a red sereen 
round the daulat-khâna or colleetion 
of imperial tents. The privilege re- 
ferred to is mentioned in the Maaşir 
A. 354. For gulâlbâr or " red wall " 
see Blochmann 45 and 54, and Irvine 



Khân, and the Jumla-ul-mulk AsadKhân, were, shortly afterwards, 
al!owed to enter in their palanquins. After that, permission was 
also granted to Bahramand Khân, Mukhlaş Khân and Ruh üllah 
Khân. it may be gathered from this what his position was and 
whal a plaee he had taken in the king's heart. He was also of 
surpassing trustworthiness. Agents ' at his orders would send him 
the productions of every country at one-half or one-third of the 
real prıce. He took notiee of this and privately made a full 
enquirv and ascertained what the price was. After the death of 
Aurangzeb he accompanied Muhammad 'Azim Shâh, but as he had 
no foree he remained with the baggage in Gwaliyar. When 
Bahâdur Shah became king and the officers of the former reign, 
vvhether loyal or the reverse, obtained promotion, AmîrK. too was 
raised to the rank of 3000 with 500 horse, but he had not the 
same intimacy nor the same pomp. He felt helpless and accepted 
the governorship of Agra fort and retired into obscurity, and 
saved himself from seeing things that shönld not be seen. Mun'im 
K. Khân-Khânân, who for worth and humanity was the unique of 
the age, gave him in consideration of his old pre-emi nence the 
governorship of Agra. Afterwards he w as removed from this and 
confined to the government of the fort. 

When in the middle of the reign of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar 
vveakness had crept into the management of public affairs owing 
to the predonlinance of the Saiyids of Bârha, and there came a 
necessity for consulting the officers of Aurangzeb, 'Inayat Ullah 
K., Hamidu-d-dîn K. Bahâdur and Muhammad Niyaz K. ali were 
again received into favour, and Amir K. also was summoned from 
Agra and made superintendent of the personal attendants. After 

A. of M. 199. Perhaps gulâl is Turki 
and meanB '* red rose. ' ' 

l ahi rüzgâr, whieh I think must 
mean here agents, though it may also 
mearı workmen or men of business. 
Presumably the goods were sent to 
him in his public capacity. His 
agents perhaps understated the price 
in order to gain his favour, or it may 
be that workmen and others sent him 
the goods under cost price, knowing 

that he would ascertain the real value 
and pay them accordingly. The test 
differs from the Blochmann MS. and 
from 1.0. 628-. The text has dar parda 
gadaghan-i-iali'ab where the MSS. 
have tadyın instead of gadaghan. I 
think however the text is right. The 
text -has arz •• price " but the MSS. 
have âz " avarice " and they have 
' hazîz ' instead of hissas. 



the deposition of the king and when the reins of power fell into 
the hands of the Saiyids of Bârha, Amir K. was made Şadru-1- 
şadür in the place of Afzal K. They say that Qutbu-l-mulk (the 
elder Saiyid) out of regard to his former eminenoe did not cease to 
honour him, and made him sit on a corner of his own maanad. At 
this same time death called him. Nohe of his sons distinguished 1 - 
themselves. They were contented with their father's acquisitions , 
except Abu-1-Khair K., who, on account of his relationship with 
Khân* Daurân Khwâja 'Asim, ohtained the titleof Khân in the 
reign of the deceased emperor and had a position (dastgâh). He 
died in company with the Khân Daurân aforesaid. Mir Abü-1- 
wafâ, the grandson of Zîyâü-d-dîn K. the elder brother of Amîr K. , 
became distinguished in coraparison with his sons. in the end of 
Aurangzeb's reign he was honoured by being made superintendent 
of the Oratory. The emperor was impressed by his ability and 
resource. Accordingly, 3 one day a report in cypher of Prince 
Bahâdur Shah was produced before the emperor. As the cypher 
was not known, the emperor made över his private memorandum- 
book to the Mir and said, " We have entered in it explanations of 
two or three cyphers. Compare them with this cypher and make 
out its meaning. ' ' The Mir by his cleverness and quickness 
brought out the meaning of the hidden cypher and wrote it out 
and prese nted it, and was applauded. 


Brother's son and adopted şon of Afzal K. Mullâ Shukr 
Ullah. His father's name was 'Abdul-1-Haqq, who during Shah 

1 One son, Ashraf, collected and 
published Aurangzeb'» lotters to his 
father. See Rieu 1 , 400b. 

* Maaşir I. 819. He was Amiru-1- 
Umarâ and \vas wounded in battle 
with Nadir Shah and died of his 
wounds. Mir 'Abdul-l-wafâ fell along 
with him. This Khân Daurân is not 
tnentioned by Beale in his list of 
.Khan Daürâns, but his death is des- 
cribed in Elliot VIII, 62. The Bm- 
peror referred to as deceased is pre- 

sumably Muhammad Shah who died 
in 1748. 

8 Maaşir A., pp. 459, 460. Thpre 
we have the negative " du «İh ramz 
nâıoâzah ' ' " two or three obscure 
cyphers " but I am not sure if this is 
right. The Maaşir A. adds that Mir 
Abü-l-wafâ received the revrard of a 
muhr weighing 50 muhra, Rs. 500, and 
an increase of horse for interpreting 
the cypher ! 



Jahan's reign attained the rank of 1000 with 200 horse and was 

called Amânat Khân. He \vrote naskh exceedingly well, and in 

the 15th year, as a reward for the inscription which he had 

written on the cupola (the Taj) of Mamtâzu-z-zamânî, received the 

gift of, an elephant. He died in the 16th year. 'Âqil K. , in the 

12th year, was made 'Arz mukarrir (reviser of petitions), and after- 

wards received the title of 'Âqil K. in succession to Multafat K. he 

was made diwân of the Biyütât and in the 15th year his rank was 

2000 with 500 horse, and he had the appointment of Mîr Saman. 

in the 17th year, when Müsavi K. died, he was made 'Arz Waqâî 

of the provinces and of the department ' of presents which also 

had belonged to Müsavi K. in the 18th year he had an increase 

of 200 horse, and the office of Arz Waqâi of the provinces was 

given to Mullâ 'Alâ-ul mülk in his room, in the 19th year his 

rank was 2500 with 800 horse. Afterwards, when, in succession 

to him, the office of Khânsâman was given to Mullâ 'Ala-ul-mulkî, 

he received an increase of 200 horse and was made 2rıd Bakhshî, 

and Arz Waqâ'î of the provinces. in the 20th year he was sent 

off with a body of troops to convey 25 lacs of rupees to Ghorî to 

Shâh Beg K. the thânadâr there. in the same year his rank 

became 3000 vvith 1000 horse, and he had the gift of a flag. in 

the end of the 22nd year oorresponding to 1059, 1649, at the time 

when Kabul was the halting-place of the standards of victory, he 

suddenly died, He was versed in poetry and in accounts. The 

adopted daughter of Sati 2 Khânim — who had charge of the king's 

harem — was married to him. 

The said Khânim was descended from a Mâzhindarân family, 
and she was the sister of Tâlib 3 Âmulî who in the reign of Jahangir 
received the title of Maliku-sh-sh'aarâi (king of poets). After the 
death of her husband Naşîrâ, the brother of Hakîm Rukna* of 
Kâshân, she by good fortune entered the service of Mamtâzu-z- 
zamânî (Nür Mahal, the wife of Shah Jahan). As she was adorned 
with an eloquent tongue, and a knowledge of etiquette, and knew 
house-keeping and medicine, she advanced beyond other servants 

l Risâla-i-in'aâm. Pâdshâhnâma 
I, 373. 
» Pâdshâhnâma I. 151, 394 ; II. 628. 

8 Rieu 679b. 
♦ Rieu 603a. 



and reached the rank of mutırdâr (sealer). As she knew ' the art of 
reading (the Qoran) and was acquainted with Persian literatüre, 
she was appointed to be instructress to the Begam Şâhib (Aurang- 
zeb's eldest daughter) and so attained to high distinction (rose to 
the sphere of Satürn, the seventh heaven). After the death of 
Mamtâzu-z-zamânî, the king, who appreciated her merit, made 
her head of the Harem. As she had no child, she after Tâliba's 
death adopted* his tvvo daughters. The eldest was married to 
'Âqil K., and the younger to Zîâ-ud-dîn, who was styled Rahmat K. 
and who was the son of Hakim Qutba, the brother of Hakim 
Ruknft. in the 20th year, when the royal residence was Lahore, 
the younger daughter — of whom the Khânim was very fond — 
died in childbed. The Khânim went home and mourned for her 
for some davs. After that, the king sent for her and placed her 
in the quarters that he had in the palace, and personally came to 
her there and administered her consolation. She, after discharging 
the duties connected with the presence 3 of the king , went to her 
appointed dwelling and surrendered her soul to God. The king 
gave from the treasury Rs. 10,000 for her funeral and burial, and 
ordered that her body should be kept in a temporary gra ve. After 
a year and odd it was conveyed to Agra and buried at a cost of 
Rs. 30,000 in a tomb west of the sepulchre of the Mahad 'Alîya 
{Nür Mahal) in the Jilaukhâna Chauk (the aquare of the equi- 
pages?). A village yielding Rs. 3000* was assigned for the ex- 
penses (of the upkeep) of the tomb. 

He is known as Anî Rai Singhdalan. Badgüjar is a tribe of 
Rajputs. His ancestors were zamindars. They say that his grand- 
father on account of poverty used to hunt deer, and live upon 
their flesh. By chance he one day in the jungle fired at what h© 
thought was a tiger. He hit a royal clta which they had let loose 

l Pâdshâhnâma II. 629. 

1 She sent for them from Persia. 
Pâdshâhnâma II. 630. Sea also Maa- 
şir ü. II. 283, notice of Rahmat K. 

S The duty of preparing Shah 

Jahan's breakfast. Pâdshâhnâma II. 
030. ( Khûrândln mâhazar khâra). 

* Text 30,000. but it is 3000 in 
Pâdshâhnâma II. 629. 

' Elliot's Supp. Gloss. I. 38. " On» 
of the 36 royal racas of RajpuU." 



at the deer, and which had secretly entered the jungle. The beli 
and golden collar enabled Anüp Singh's grandfather to recognize 
that it belonged to the royal establishment. He took off the 
trappings and flung the body into a well. Those who were 
looking for the clta came to the well and gathered that this was 
the vvork of the Rajput who was always going about hunting. 
They went to his house and got the beli and collar. They also 
seized him and brought him before Akbar. When he was told 
what had happened, he approved of his courage and marksman- 
ship and took him into his service. On account of his love for 
shooting he gave him a suitable office. His son Bîr Narayan also 
received a post and rose higher than his father, When his son 
Anüp came to years of discretion, he by his good service attained, 
in last years of Akbar's reign, the rank of head of the khidmatgârs 
who are called khvvâşş. He also discharged the same du.ties for 
a time dtıring the reign of Jahangir. in the fifth year of his reign 
Jahangir was one day engaged in pergunnah Bârı in hunting with 
leopards (yoz), in the course of this, Anüp Sing who was bringing 
on a party of the hunters ' learnt that there was a povverful tiger 
and went off towards it. With the help of the party he sur- 
rounded it and sent word to the king. Though it was the end of 
the day, and the elephants — which are necessary for hunting this 
dangefous animal — were not present, Jahangir, from his love for 
tiger-hunting, rode off to the spot. Af ter seeing the tiger he 
dismounted and fired at it twice. As it was not badly wounded, 
it went to a low place and lay down. As the sun had declined 
and he was bent on shooting the tiger, and exeept Prince Shah 
Jahan, Raja Ram Dâs Kach\vâha, Anüp Singh, I'timâd Rai, 
Hayat K. K., superincendent of the abdarkhâna (\vine-cellar), 
Kamâl Qarâwal and three or four Jçhıvâşş, no one else was present, 
he advanced some steps and fired. it happened that this time 
too no such wound was produeed as would stop the tiger's spring. 
in his rage the tiger rushed at the king, roaring and growling. 
There was such a stampede of men that Jahangir was pressed 

1 The test has the word bâra which 
I do not know, but which the Maa»ir 
eıplaina as meaning a number. Ap- 

parently the word is para for this 
occurs in the Tüzük J. 89, üne 16. 



backwards and at the side, and af ter going back one or two paces 
he fell. He himself writes that two or three in their confusion 
trampled över his chest. Meanwhile the prince fired, but without 
effect. The tiger came upon Anüp Singh who was sitting down 
and holding the stand (paya) of the special gun in his hand. 
He struck the tiger on the head with a stick that he had in his hand. 
The tiger threw him down. At this time when the tiger's head 
was towards the king, Anüp Singh put one hand into the tiger's 
mouth and rested the other on his shoulder. The Prince on the 
left side drew his sword and wished to strike the tiger on the 
shoulder, but seeing Anüp Rai's hand there, he struek the tiger on 
the loins. Ram Dâs also used his sword, and Hayat struck some 
blows with a stick. The tiger lef.t Anüp and went off. He, as 
his hand, on account of the rings, had not been made useless, 
followed the tiger and struck him with a sword. When the tiger 
turned round, he struck him again on the face so that the skin of 
his eye-brows came off and fell över his eyes. Meanwhile men 
assembled and at last disposed of the tiger. 1 Anüp got the fcitle 
of Anî Rai Singhdalan, i. e. the subduer of the tiger, and an 
increase to his mansab. When one day Jahangir for some reason 
blamed him, he immediately drew his dagger and struck himself 
on the belly. From that time his rank and inflyence increased. 
Sometimes he was leader of an army. in the 3rd year of Shah 
Jahan, when his father Bîr Narayan, who had a mansab of 1000 
with 600 horse, died, Anüp Rai got the title of Rajah. in the 
lOth year he died. He had attained to the rank of 3000 with 
1500 horse. He also had some literatüre and skül in letter-writ- 
ing. Jai Ram was his son. Of him an account has been given. 


Eldest son of Rajah Bethal Dâs. When his father was made 
faujdâr of Ajmere, he was made his deputy and took charge of 
the office. İn the 19tb year of Shah Jahan, his rank vvas 1500 
with 1000 horse, and in the 24th year he was given a flag. 

• The account of the afîair is abridg- 
ed from that in the Tüzük, J. 89, 
«t seq. Jahangir, p. 90, says that ani 

means in Hindi a Jetder, and singh- 
dalan mean* tiger slayer. See also 
IqbâlnSma 40. &<-■ 





in the 25th year, when his father died, his rank was 3000 with 
3000 cavalry, two-horse and three-horse, and he had the title of 
Rajah and the gift of a drum, a horse, and an elephant. On 
his father's death, he was made governor of the fort of Rantham- 
bhür. Afterwards he was sent off with Prince Aurangzeb who 
was appointed for the second time to the Qandahar expedition. 
When he returned in the 26th year, he was allowed to go to 
his fîef and after that he went off with prince Dârâ Shikoh to 
Qandahar. After coraing there he went off with Rustum K. 
Bahâdur Fîrüz Jang to Bast. in the 28th year he went 
with S'aad Ullah K. Bahâdur to raze Chitor and to punish 
the Rajah, in the 31st year when Sulaimân Shikoh under the 
guardianship of the Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh was appointed to 
put down Shujâ— who was doing futile things — he received the 
rank of 3500 with 3000 horse — two-horse and three-horse — and 
went off with Sulaimân Shikoh. After the accession of Aurangzeb 
he entered into service, and in the İst year he was directed to 
accompany Muhammad Sultan who had been appointed to the 
affair of Shujâ. Meanwhile on account of some illness he stayed 
in Agra and went off while stili ili. After leaving the capital he 
died in 1069, 1659. 


He was originally of Khawâf , and he was one of the Walâ 
Shâhls (household troops) of Aurangzeb. in the time when the 
latter was prince, he was his second bakhshî. When the prince 
was proceeding from the Deccan to Upper India on the oecasion 
of his father's illness, 'Aqil K. was left in Aurangabad to protect 
the city. After Aurangzeb's accession, he came to court and 
received the title of 'Aqil K. and was made faujdâr of the Miyân 
Dûâb. in the 4th year he was removed, and on account of 
illnesses went into retirement and went to Lahore on an allowance 
of Rs. 10,000 a year. in the 6th year, at the time when the 
emperor returned to Lahore from Kashmır, he was treated with 
favour and came out of his retirement. He received a robe of 
honour and a mansab of 2000 with 700 horse. Aftervrards, he 
was made superintendent of the ghusalkhâna.. in the 9th year he 

had an increase of 500 personality, and in the 12th year agaın went 
into retirement and received an annual allowance of Rs. 12,000. 
He again became an object of favour, and in the 22nd year was 
made bakhshi-i-tan (superintendent of grants) in succession to 
Safî K. in the 24th year he was exalted by being made governor 
of the metropolitan province (Delhi), and was for a long time in 
that appointment. He died (lit. went into the retirement of non- 
existence) in the 40th year, 1107, l 1695-96. He had a disposition 
disposed to poverty and independence, and was of a steady mind. 
He did service in a stately manner, and was haughty with his 

When Mahâbat* K. Muhammad Ibrâhîm was appointed to 
the government of Lahore, he asked for an order for viewing 
the fort and the royal buildings (of Delhi). His request was 
complied with and an order was issued to 'Âqil K. in accordance 
therevvith. He wrote in reply that for certain reasons he could 
not send (nakhwâham talbid) for Mahâbat: Firstly, a Haidara- 
bad man was not a fitting person to see the royal buildings. 
Secondly, the entrances to the houses were, out of precaution, 
kept closed, and the rooms were uncarpeted. Nor was it right 
that they should be cleaned and carpeted for his inspection. 
Thirdly, the behaviour -vvhich was expected from him ('Aqil) 
at an interview would not be displayed. For every reason it 
was preferable not to give him admission. - After Mahâbat came 
to the capital and sent a message, he absolutely declined (to admit 
him). The king too had regard to his long service and to his 
fidelity and Ioyalty, and overlooked his presumption and obstinacy, 
and entrusted the highest offices to him. He was not without 
external perfections. As he was devoted to the service of Shâh 
Burhânu-d-dln Râz ilâhî — may the mercy of God be upon him ! — 
he adopted the pen-name of Râzî. 3 His diwân and masnavî 

1 1108, aceording to Rieu Cat. II. 
699a. it is also 1108 in Maaşir A. 
883, from which the account in text 
of his raanners ia taken. 

2 Maaşir, III. 628. See the story 
in Maaşir A. 383. 51. İbrahim was a 


» Rieu II. 699a and Ethe I. O. Cat , 
pp. 896-95. His muraqqa is an imita- 
ti'on of Jalâlu-d-dîn Rumİ's Masnavî. 
Ethe, p. 895, Sprenger Cat. 543 and 
123. Shâh Burhanu-d-dîn belonged 
to BurhSnpûr and died in 1083, 1672- 





are well known. He regarded himself as unique for his capacity 
of explaining the niceties of the masnavî of the Maulânâ of Rûm 
(Jalâlu-d-dîn). He was of a liberal disposition and compassionate. 
This verse is his, 1 and he repeated it when Prince Aurangzeb went 
a-riding on the day of the death of Zainâbâdî. 


How easy love appeared, how hard it was, 
How hard parting seemed, what ease the beloved at 
tained ! 

The prince bade him repeat the lines önce or twice, and 
then asked him whom they were by. 'Âqil replied, "They are 
by one who does not wish while in the service of his benefactor to 
cali himself a poet." 


in Akbar's time he was one of the officers appointed to 
the eastern districts, and he earned a good name by his bravery 
and useful service. The pargana of Sasseram in Bihar was 
held by him in fief. When the officers of that quarter stirred up 
rebellion, he too threw the dust of disloyalty on his head and 
showed signs of sedition. in the 25th year, when Mozaffar K., 
the governor of Bengal, sent the goods of Khân Jahîm Husain 
Qulî to court, and many solding and traders accompanied them, 
Muhibb 'Alî K.— after the convoy had reached Bihar— appointed* 
one Habsh K. to go with it with a body of troops. 'Arab 
hastened after the caravan, and when it had crossed at the 
Causâ ferry, he laid hands on some elephants whieh had f ailen 
behind. After that he attacked Purokhotam, the diwân of the 
province, — who was collecting the soldiers in Baksar (Buxar), — 
on a day when he was performing his devotions on the bank of 
the Ganges. He defended himself. but vvas wounded and fell 
on the tield, anddied 3 on the second day. When Muhibb 'Ali 
lıeard of this, he came and fouglıt with 'Arab and made him take 

1 See the story in Maasir X. 792 in 
notice of the Khân Zaman Mîr Khalîl. 

2 A.N. III. 286. 
S A.N. III. 287. 

to flight. Aftemards, \vhen Shahbâz K. was sent ofî to that 
quarter from cöurt, and came to the estates of Dalpat Ujjainiya, 
and after chastising him, placed Sa'adat 'Alî K. in the fort of Kant, 1 
a dependency of Rhotas, 'Arab, in oonjunction with Dalpat, at- 
tacked the fort. A great fight took place, and Sa'adat 'Alî was 
killed while doing his duty, and 'Arab wickedly drank* his blood 
and smeared some on his forehead! Afterwards, he joined M'aşüm 
K. Farardchüdî, and took part with him in two battles with 
Shahbâz K. After he was defeated, he separated, and raised the 
dust of dissension in Sambal. As the fief-holders there acted 
with concord and fought, he vvas defeated. He then went to 
Bilfar and had an encounter with a force sent by the Khân 'Azim 
Koka and fled. He hastened to Jaunpür. When Govardhan, the 
son of Rajah Todar Mal, was by Akbar's orders sent to punish 
him, he retreated into the hills. Aftervvards he made his home 
in the hill-eountry of Bahraich and built a fort. He made this his 
refuge \vhen lıe returned from plundering. One day he had göne 
off on an expedition. Kharak 3 Rai the land-holder sent his son 
Dülah Rai against the fort. 'Arab's gate-keepers thought he was 
'Arab and did not resist him. The zamindar's people seized 
the accumulated property. As they were returning, 'Arab lay 
in wait for them, and when they came up he scattered them. 
Dulah Rai, who had remained behind, came up and defeated him. 
'Arab and two men with him fell into a place;* the landholder 
follovved them and put an end to 'Arab. This affair occurred in 
the 31st year corresponding to 994, 1586. S. Abu-i-fasJ recorda* 
in the Akbarnâma that three days before this the Mîr Shikâr, 

1 o-if in text. But apparently 
it is the Kot of the Ain J. II. 157. 
See also Beames, J.A.S. H. for 1885, 
p. 181, who identifies it with Bijyay- 
garh, the fort in the Mîrzapür district »o 
well known in connection with Chait 
Singh. There is a Kantît in Allahabad 
Sarkar, J. II. 161. Possi b! y aome of 
the authorities have made a oonfusion 
between "Arab Bahâdur and 'Arab, 
which was another name for Niyâbat 

* A.N. III. 324. 

8 A.N. III. 492. 

* Jömibe. A.N. III. has /at "place," 
and there is the variantcâA» " a well." 

• A.N. III. 493 : it is not mentioned 
there that Akbar was then at Chinhat. 
Nor does it appearthat there is a Chin- 
hat or C'hanhat in the DGâb. There 
w'aa a Chanîıvat in the Rechnan Düâb, 
Jarrett II. 320. The Tabaqât A. says 
'Arab BahSdur was killed in pargana 
Sherkot. Elliot V. 453. Sherkot was 
in Sarkir Sambhal, Jarrett II. 290. 



Arab by name, fell into the river Bihat (the Jhilam) and that the 
king who was then in Chinhat (?) in the Düâb said, ' ' I have a pre- 
sentiment that the days of 'Arab have come to an end." 


His name was Nur Muhammad. in the reign of Shah Jahan 
he obtained a manşab, and in the third year, vvhen the city of 
Burhanpur was the royal residence, and three armies w ) pre sent, 
under the command of three leaders, to chastise Khân Jahân Lodî 
and to devastate the lands of Nizâmu-1-mulk Deceanî, as he had 
taken Khan Jahân under his protection, he was appointed to 
accompany the 'Azim K. Af ter that he was appointed to the 
Deccan contingent, and in the 7th year, when Prinee Shujâ' came to 
the Deccan to take Parenda, and the Khân Zaman was sent in 
advance, he was lef t in Zafarnagar with 5öl> troopers to guard the 
routes. in the end of that year he had the title of 'Arab K. and 
his rank was 1500 with 800 horse. in the 9th year, \vhen the 
Deccan was the royal abode for the -second time, and an army 
marched to chastise Sâhü Bhonsla, and to ravage 'Adil Shah's 
country, he was sent with Khân Daurân, and did good service in 
chastising 'Âdil K.'s men. İn the lOth year his rank became 
2000 with 1500 horse düâspa and sihâsjm, and he was made gover- 
nor of the fort of Fathâbâd Dhârwâr. Afterwards he received an 
increase of 500 horse. in the 24th year he was given drums. 
Afterwards, when he had for seventeen years spent his days with 
honour inguarding Fathâbâd Dhârvvar, he in the 27th year, corres- 
ponding to 1063, 1653, went to Paradise. His son \vas Qil'adâr K., 
and of him a separate account has been given. 

Son of Ilahwardî K. the İst. in the 5th year of Aurangzeb 
he was made faujdâr of Benares in the place of Khwâja Şâdiq 
Badakhshî. in the 7th year he became faujdâr of Siwistân in 
Sind in place of Zîyâu-d-dîn K. and got the rank of 1000 with 900 
horse, of whom 700 were two-horse and three-horse, and the title 

1 Maaşir 'Âlamgirî, 82. 



,ot Aralan K. (the Lion-khân). in the lOth year he was appointed 
faujdâr of Sultanpur Bilehri ' and had the rank of 2000 with 800 
horse which were twc~ and three-horse. in the 40th year he had 
an increase of 500. No more details of him have been received. 


Son of 'Abdu-1-Wahâb K. who had the poetical name of 
Inâyatî, and was the younger brother of Mozaffar K. Mâraürî 
He (Mozaffar) held a good position as an eloquent writer, and 
wrote a divan, in Jahangir's time Asad was first the governor of 
Qandahar. Afterwards, when Sultan Dâwar Bakhşh s. Khusrau 
became governor of Gujarat under the guardianship of Khân 
'Azim Koka, he was made bakhshî thereof, and died there. 
Asad Khân loved soldiering. When he went with his uncle 
Mozaffar to Taita he took into his service young men of the 
Arghünia elan and distinguished himself by his courage. He was 
also noticed b}' the sovereign, and when Sultan Parvez went, 
under the guardianship of Mahâbat K., in pursuit of the heir- 
apparent (Shah Jahan), he \vas one of the auxiliaries. Mahâbat 
K., af ter coming to Burhanpur, put him in charge of Ilicpür. 
When the other offîcers and the manşabdars of the Deccan were 
appointed to help Mullâ Muhammad (Lârl) 'Âdil Shâhî, he went 
with them. Suddenly 'Âdil Shâh (of Bijapur) received a great 
defeat in the battle of Bhâtürî, 3 which was between Mullâ Muham- 
mad and Malik 'Ambar, and some of the imperial offîcers were 
made prisoners. Asad K. by his activity got away from the 
battlefield and arrived at Burhanpur. When Shah Jahan 
returned from Bengal and proceeded to besiege that city, Asad * 
m conjunetion with Râo Ratan defended it well. The prinee had 
to raise the siege, and Asad was promoted by being made Bakhshî 
of the Deccan. 

They say that Khân Jahân Lodî, who became governor of the 

1 Variant Malharî. Perhaps Bileh- 
ri in Oudh. Jarrett II. 174. 

2 'Mamura is near Kabul. EUiot V. 
Si 6. 

» Battle fought 6 kos from Ahmad- 

nagar in 1033, 1624. Iqbâlnâma236, 
EUiot VI. 415 Mullâ Muhammad 
was killed, 

« Elliot VI. 394, 395. 




Deccan af ter the death of Sultan Parvez, used to rise up in honour 
of Fâzil K. Aqâ Afzal, who was diwan of the Deccan, but did not 
rise for Asad. The latter was much displeased and would say, . 
"He rises for a Mogul, and does not rise for me \vho am a 
Saiyid." in the beginning of Shah Jalıan's reign he was removed 
from office and came to court, bringing ' with hini 14 elephants 
as peshkash. As at the time of the siege of Burhanpur his men 
had used foul language in the presence of Shah Jahan's men, he 
was muchfrightened, but as Shah Jahan was an ocean of kindness 
he received h'im well and comforted him. in the seeond year he 
was made l faujdâr of Lakhî Jangal (in Sind), and with a personal 
allowance of 500 was made manşabdâr of 2500 with 2500 horse. 
in the 4th year, 1041, 1632, he died 3 in Lalıore. 


His name was Muhammad ibrahim, and he was the son of 
Zül-fiqâr K. Qaramânlü. He was the grandson of Şâdiq K. Mîr 
Bakhshl and son-in-law of Yemenu-d-daula İsaf K. From his 
early years he was, on account of his personal beauty and external 
accomplishments, a favourite with Shah Jahan, and was con- 
spicuous among his contemporaries. in the 27th year he received 
the title of Asad K. and was made Master of the Horse, and 
aft©rwards 2nd Bakhshi. 

When the throne of the Caliphate was adorned by the acces- 
sion of 'Âlamglr, he was encompassed by favours, and af ter 
having for a long time zealously served as 2nd Bakhshî, he was in 
the fifth year raised to the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse. in the 
13th year, after the death of the prime minister J'aaf ar K., he 
was made Deputy Vizier and received an ornamented dagger and 
two quids* of pân from the king's own hands. An order was given 
that he should be styled the risâla 6 (dâr) of Prince Muhammad 

1 Pâdshâhnâma I. 197. 
l Pâdshâhnâma I. 288. 
i Pgdshâhnâma I. 397. 
* M.A. 103. 

6 This İS an obscure passage. it 
is taken {rom the M»aşir 'Âlamgîri 

103-4, but the word for astrologer 
(munajjim) is \vanting there. How- 
ever the text is probably right, for at 
p. 124 of the «srae work Dîânat K. 
is described as an unrivalled astrolo- 
ger. I am not sure of the meaning 



'Muazzam and that Dîânat K., the astrologer, should be made his 
sealer. in the same year he was removed from the office of 2nd 
Bakhshî and in the 1 4th year made Mir Bakhshl on the death of 
Lashkar K. in the beginning of Zî-1-hajja of the 16th year Asad 
K. resigned ' the deputyship (of the diwâni) and an order wa» 
isaued that Amânat K., diwân of the Khâlşa, and Kifayat K., 
diıvân-i-tan, should put their seals below that of the chief diwân, 
and carry on the affairs of the diwânî. On 10 Shabân of the 
19th year the Khân again received the ornamental ink-stand 
and obtained the great name of Grand Vizier. in the end of the 
20th year, when Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh was censured and 
dismissed from the Deccan, the charge of the affairs there was 
bestowed on Diler K., until a subâhdâr should be appointed. 
Jumla-al-mulk, with a largearmy and suitable equipment, was sent 
to the Deccan, and arrived at Aurangabad when the occurrence of 
much tumult was reported to the king. Shâh 'Alam was sent off 
to the Deccan as Nazim, and Asad K. returned. in the beginning 
of the 22nd year he waited on the king at Kishngarha* in the 
province of Ajmere. When in the 25th year Aurangzeb proceed- 
ed to the Deccan to chastise Sumbhâ Bhonsla (the son of Sivaji), 
who had given shelter to Prince Muhammad Akbar, Jumla-ul- 
mulk was left in Ajmere with Prince 'Azîmu-d-din 8 in order that 
the Rajputs might not make a disturbance. After that in the 
27th year he paid his respects at Ahmadnagar and, after the vic- 
tory of Bijapur, he was made Vizier. The chronogram is Zİbâ ahuda 
maanad wazârat. 1097, 1686. "The divan of the Vîziership was 

of the word risâla, but think it is 
used for risâladâr as at p. 259 of 
Blochmann's Aîn. The fact that 
mu/ır is almost certainly used in the 
text and in the Maasir 'Alamgiri for 
muhrdâr favours this view. See 
Blochmann's note 21. The verb 
naudstan is used here to siguify 
" styled, or oalled." See a similar use 
in M. Alamgiri 460, 1. 9 from foot. 
where we are told that the hail of 
justice was no w styled \minawisand) 
the diuıân-i-magâlim, and also KhSfi 
K. II, 602, line 8. it is noticeable that 

in the M.A., pp. 103—04, the verbs 
are in the plural, viz., nawUand and 
bâ>hand, instead of naıvitad and 
bâshad as in tezt. Risâla or RisSla- 
dar probably means either Secretary, 
or keeper of diary. I.O. M.S. Ethe 
628 has naıeuand and bâshad. 

1 M.A. 125-6. 

» M.A. 172 "Kishngarh is in 
Bajput anah , north east of Ajmer. ' ' 
Irvine, •« I.ater Mughals," A.S.B.J. 
for 1896, p. 152, note. 

3 That is, Prince Muhammad 'Azîm. 
See Musir 'Alamgiri 212. 



adorned." Af ter Golconda waa taken he had an addition of 1000 
horse and arrived at the lofty rank of 7000 with 7000 horse. Tn 
the 34th year he was appointed to chastise the enemy on the other 
side of the Kistna (i.e., the south side) and to take the fort of 
Nandiâl » otherwise Ghâzipur, and to arrange for the government 
of the Bâlâghât of the Haidarabad Carnatic. Af ter taking Nan- 
diâl, he encamped in Cuddapah, which is on the borders of the 
Carnatic. An order was given to Prince Kâm Bakhşh to take the 
fort of Wâkinkera. As Ruh Ullah had been ordered to undertake 
that work he proceeded towards Wâkinkera to assist Jumla-ul- 
mulk. Af ter the imperial army had arrived at Cuddapah, an order 
came in the 37th year that both forces should proceed to help 
Zülfiqâr K., who was besieging Ginjee. Af ter coming there a dis- 
agreement arose between the prince and Jumla-ul-mulk on 
account of certain matters. By the exertions of evil-disposed 
persons , this became vehement. Jumla-ul-mulk , on the strength of 
the documentary evidence of some secret letters, which the prince 
had sent to Râmâî* the governor of the fort by the instrumentality 
of some men who did not think of their latter end, wrote to the 
king and was authorized to keep Râo Dalpat Bundila night and 
day in attendance on the prince and to put a stop to equipages 
and councils (diıvân) and to the coming and going of strangers. 
At this time it was ascertained by spies visiting the fort that Kâm 
Bakhşh, on account of his dislike of Jumla-ul-mulk, had decided 
upon going off to the fort on a dark night. Accordingly Asad K. , 
after consulting with Zul-fiqâr K. (his son) and other leaders of the 
siege-force, presumptuously entered the prince's quarters and put 
hini under arrest. He removed from Gingee, and in accordance 
with orders sent the prince to court. He himself stayed for a time 

1 Nandbal in text : it is Nandiyal 
or Nandial in M. A. 354 »nd in I.G. 
it ig south of Kurnool. 

» Text has Rai only. There is 
the variant Râmâî. and this is sup- 
ported by Maaşîr A. 356 which has 
Râmâî Jahannamî " the hellish 
Râmâî." He is the Rajah Ram of 
Grant-Duff I. 301. He was a son of 

Sivaji and succeeded to the throne 
after gumbhaji, id. 37 I . it wos from 
him that the English obtained the site 
of Fort St. David For account of 
Kâm Bakhşh's iotrigues, ete-, 
Maasir A. 356, Khâfî K. II. 420 
Elliot VII. 348. and 'Grant-Duff I. 



in Sankar. 1 Afterwards,* when summoned to the presence, many 
apprehensions about the painful case of the prince occurred to him. 
On the day of his attendance when he came to the place of salu- 
ting, Multafat K. (Amir K. Sindhî), the superintendent of the pages, 
was standing near the throne and whispered, " There 's a pleasure 
in pardoning which is not inrevenge." The king said, " You have 
quoted aptly." He permitted him to do homage and treated him 
with favour. 

When Aurangzeb, in the 43rd year of his reign, after staying 
four years in Islampürî commonly known as Bramapura, 8 placed his 
world-conquering foot in the stirrup of a ,world-traversing steed 
with the laudable design of waging a holy war and of taking the 
forts and devastating the territories of Sîva Bhonsla, in 1110, 
1698 — 99, he left the holy Nawâb Zinatu-n-nisâ Begam (his 
daughter) there with the aervants of the harem and appointed 
Asad K. to guard them. in the 45th year, at the beginning of 
the affair of Khelna,* he was summoned to court and received the 
title of Amîru-1-Umarâ. Fath Ullah K., Hamidu-d-dîn K. and 
Rajah Jai Singh were appointed to act under him in taking the 
fortress lofty as heaven (Khelna). After it was taken, as the 
Amiru-1-Umarâ was feeble, a gracious order 5 was issued that he 
should come out by a passage (râhrâ, a corridor) from the inside 
of the Hail of Justice — which had received by command the 
name of Diwan-i-Mazâlim ("The hail of grievances") — and sit 

1 Text jixm Sankar. The passage 
is taken from the Maasir A. 364, tbird 
last line, where we have the state- 
ment that the Jumla-ul-mulk stayed, 
according to orders, in NasratâbSd- 
Sakkar. For an account of this 
mint-town see Irvine, A.S.B.J. for 
1893, p. 264. İt is Sağar of the maps 
and is in the Nizâm 's territory, and 
is W.S.W. Haidarabad. 

* Maasir A. 364—65. The line 
quoted by Multafat occurs in Bada- 
yüni I. 447. 

* The Brimhapooree of Grant-Duff 
I. 378, 391. it was on the Beema 
(Bhima) below Punderpur and N.N.W. 


Bijapur. The toxt wrongly has 1010 
instead or 1110. Sîva had been dead 
for 18 years when Aurangzeb made 
this erpedition. 

« No w Vishalgurh, Grant-Duff, I. 
62 note and 377 Maasir A.. 445. it 
is in the Syahadri range or VVestem 
Ghats and is S. Sattara and W. 
Panala, i.e. Banî Shahdrug. The 
taking of Khelna is also described in 
Khâfî K. II, 491. 

' This is taken from the Maasir 
A. 460, though the staff is not men- 
tioned there. The chamber was prob- 
ably Aurangzeb's private room. 



within a railing (kathara) at the distance of one cubit from the 
steps of the chamber (hujra). For three days he was to sit there, 
and after that he was to get a staff . 

Af ter the death of Aurangzeb, Prince Muhammad Azim Shah 
also treated Asad K. with honour and made him Vizier. When 
the prince left Gwaliyar in order to fight with Bahâdur Shah he left 
him there with the baggage. and he also left there his full sister 
Zinatu-n-nisa Begam whom Bahâdur Shah (afterwards) styled 
Begam Şahib. When the breeze of victory blew, by the favour 
of God, on the standarda of Bahâdur Shah, that mild sovereigh 
had fegard to Asad K.'s long service and his confidential position 
and summoned him to court. Some courtiers said that he had 
been the leading partner in 'Azim Shah's affairs. The king 
replied, 1 " If at that disturbed time our own sons had' been in the 
Deccan, they would have felt themselves obliged to support their 
uncle." After he had presented himself , he received the title of 
Nizâmu-1-mulk Aşafu-d-daula and was made Vakil~who in former 
times was master of ali affairs, political and financial — and 
was allowed to have his music played in the king's presence. As 
the king considered it a matter of the first importance to conciliate 
Mun'im K. the Khân Khânân — who had manyclaims to considera- 
tion and was Grand Vizier — and as it was proper* that the Vizier 
should stand at the head of the divan and present the papers to 
the prime minister (vakil-i-matlaq) for signature, as other leading 
officers of departments did, and as this was felt by the Khân 
Khânân to be disagreeable , it was arranged that as Âşafu-d-daula 
was old and wanted comfort and repose he should go to Shah- 
jahanabad (Delhi) and spend his days in peace, and that Zülfiqâr 
should carry on the duties of the Vakâlat as deputy. But on 
account of preserving the dignity of Khân-Khânân no other 
vakâlat duty was attached (to Zülfiqâr) except that of using 
the vakâlat seal which was to be put on grants and orders sub- 
sequent to the seal of the viziership. Asafu-d-daulah fi ve 3 times 

l Khâfî K. II. 600. 

« Khâfî K. II. 601. See also Siyaru. 
Mutakharîn I. 15 and Irâdât K.'s 
Memoirs, p. 46. 

8 Probably this refenf to the faet 
that Bahâdur Shah reigned for five 
years. Or perhaps it means that hiâ 
orehestra played five times a day. 



beat the music of success in the capital and possessed the mate- 
rials of a prosperous life. 

When the sovereignty came to Jahândâr Shah, and Zülfiqâr 
became supreme in the affairs of the empire, Asad K. gave up 
the insignia of office. On the two or three occasions that he went 
to court, his palanquin was put down at the diwan-i-'âmm and he 
sat near the throne. The King in conversation used to cali him 
uncle. After Jahândâr x Shah had been defeated and had fied 
from Agra he came to Âşafu-d-daulah's" house (in Delhi) and 
wished to collect a force and to make another attempt. Zulfiqâr 
too came *• and was vehement about doing this. Asad K., who was 
an old and experienced man, of a good disposition and fond of 
repose, did not agree and 3aid to his son : " M'uîzu-d-dîn is a 
drunkard and addicted to frivolity and low company, and is un- 
appreciative ; he is unfit to rule. How can it be right to 
support a man like this, and to stir up slumbering strife again, 
and to cause evil to the country and ruin to the world. God 
knows what the end will be ! it is right that you and 1 should 
support whatever scion of the Timurids is fit for the throne." 
On the same day he arrested Jahândâr and sent him to the fort. 
He did not know that fate was laughing at his plans. This 
thought for the end and prudence for self-interest were the cause 
of the destruction of his son's life ând the ruin of the honour and 
prosperity of his house! But as inquiries about Fate and per- 
spicacity about the Secrets thereof are not within human power, 
why should helpless man incur reproach and blame for such a 
purpose ? The right 3 thing for the time and the best for the final 

1 Khâfî K. II. 725. Elliot VII, 

* He arrived after the emperor. . 
This passage m ay be compared with 
the Siyar Mutakharîn. Apparently 
both tmters are following the same 
original. Irâdat K., Memoirs, p. 95, 
says that the populace compelled 
Asad K. to'impriton Jâhandar Shah. 

8 I am not sure of the meaning of 
this or the preoeding aentence. I 
tmderstand the passage as meaning 

that, seeing that the decrees of Fate 
cannot be known, man should not try 
to be too elever and incur blame by 
doing wrong in order that good may 
come. But perhaps the meaning is 
that as the decrees of Fate cannot be 
known one should not be blamed for 
being mistaken about them. The 
Blochmann MS. has a different read- 
ing just before the passage "But they 
say, ete." it has goind inatead of 
büd. " They say what he did was ex- 



result may be one and the same thing. But people say that 
honour and a regard to reputation, or rather justice and hu- 
manity, did not require that, when the king of India, with ali his 
rights, and after granting so many favoure, had come to his 
house in reliance upon him at such a time of misfortune, and con- 
sulted him about his plans, he .should seize and make him över to 
his enemies to be evil-entreated. If he himself, from old age, 
was incapable of exertion, he might have let him go oflf with his 
followers. He would then have göne to whatever waste or wild 
his ruined fortunes led him. Nor would Asad K. have pushed 
him further on the road he was going. 

Be this as it may, when Muhammad Farrukh Siyar perceived 
that the distracted king and vizier had göne oft to the capital he 
was afraid lest they should turn again and there be a new distur- 
bance. So he sent through Mîr Jumla Samarkandî comforting 
letters to father and son and soothed their troubled minds by 
flatteries and cajoleries. They say that the Saiyids of Bârha did 
not share the king's counsels in this matter and did not know 
about this. On the contrary, they felt certain that they (Asad 
and his son) would come to the battle-field. Why would not they 
act in accordance with their own interests ? They sent l them 
messages that they should enter into service through them, so 
that no harm might come to them. As the managers of fate had 
a different intention, father and son were deceived by the false 
promises of the king, and did not trouble themselves about the 
Saiyids, but regarded the applying to them as a cause of loşs to 
themselves. When Mîr Jumla heard of the Saiyid's message he 
hastily sent Taqarrab K. Shirâzî to Asafu-d-daula (Asad K.), with 
the announcement that if they wanted to recommend themselves 
to the king they should be on their guard against joining Qutbu-1- 
mulk and the Amîru-1-Umarâ. They say that he even swore this 
on the Koran. At any rate, when the king arrived at Bâra 
Pula, 4 Delhi, Aşafu-d-daula and Zülfiqâr K. went and with perfect 

pedierrt for the time and in agreement 
with the (probable) final result. ' ' 

For a full account of Jahândâr's 
flight to Delhi, and his eapture by 

Asad K., see lrvine's Later Moghuls, 
A.S.B..T. for 1896, p. 204, ete. 

1 Khâfî K. II, 732. 

2 Ab jjb bâra pula. This must be 



serenity waited upon him. The king comforted them by present- 
ing them with jewels and robes of honour, and by gracious words, 
and then dismissed them. He ordered that Zülfiqâr K. should 
remain in attendance on account of certain business. Aşafu-d- 
daula perceived that something evil was going to happen and went 
to his house with a sad heart and inflamed eyes. On the same 
day they killed Zülfiqâr in the manner that has been described in 
his biography. Next day Asad K. was imprisoned and his house 
confiscated. Nothing was lef t to him, but a hundred rupis a 
day were allowed him from the treasury for his subsistence. At 
the feast of the Aecession they wished to send him jewels and a 
robe of honour. Husain Alî K Amîru-1-umarâ desired that he 
might personally convey them. They say that the Amîru-1-umarâ 
paid his respects according to the old formula, and that Asad K. 
also, according to old custom, when he was coming and going 
(majî-u-zahâb), laid ' his hand upon his (own) breast — and gave 
the pân with his own hands and dismissed him. in the 5th year, 
1129 1717, when he was 94 years old, he departed from this vvorld 
full of sorrow. Another Amir of such a good disposition, so 
little injurious, and so patient, possessed of external beauty and 
of goodness, who treated his inferiors with kindness and gentle- 
ness, and wâs firm anddignified with his rivals, could not be 
found among his contemporaries. From the beginning of his 
career he was successful and ahvays threw double sixes into the 
cup of his desires. Heaven — that deceitful dicer— played unfairly 
the last hand with him, and the doubling Çossack (qazâq-i-inqilâb) 

the Bâra Pool of Haroourt's Delhi, 
and Mr. Keene's map, and which is 
described by the forraer as " a large 
native bridge with eleyen arehes, 
paved with stone slabs. it is just 
beyond Hümâyûn'» tomb, on the 
high road to Bullubghur." it is 
therefore to the south of Delhi (about 
four müee away). Bâra Pul might 
mean the tvrelve arehes. Pul is a 
common name for a bridge. The 
bridge w as built in Jahangir's time 
and is described and figured in Syed 
Ahmad's Aşar Şanidîd, p. 27. it has 

only eleven arehes. For an account 
of Asad K. and his son's presenta- 
tion to Farrukh Siyar and of the 
murder of Zü-l-fiqâr, see lrvine's 
Later Moguls, A.S.B.J. for 1898, p. 
145, ete. 

I This passage seems to be illus- 
trated by the note to Siyaru-1-Muta- 
kherin i, 246. The old way of mak- 
ing obeisance was to place the hands 
över the navel, which, according to 
the translator, is higher up innatives, 
and Asad Ullah probably did obeisance 
in this way to the robes sent him. 



made a two-horse * attack upon the höme of his peace when he 
was close to his goal. A morning of joy ne'er shone from a piti- 
less heaven that evening did not darken : Nor a sweet morsel ever 
tiekled the palate which was not blended with a hundred poisons. 
Wbom did the faithless one ever ünite with that it did not cast 
away ? Wherever it sate, it soon rose up. 


Heaven soon repents of its bounties ; 

The sun bestows a cake a in the morning and takes it back 
at eve. 

Among the goodnesses of Jumla-ul-mulk they relate that 
when Aurangzeb in the 47th year, af ter the taking of the fort of 
Kandana known as Bakhşhanda Bakhşh (the gift of the Giver). 
came to Mahîâbâd-Püna to spend the rainy season, by chance the 
quarters of the Amîru-1-umarâ were in low ground, and the tents 
of 'Inayat Ullah K. diıvân-i-khâlsa-u-tan were on high ground. 
Af ter some days had elapsed, when the said Khân had put an 
enclosure round his female apartments, Amîru-1-umarâ's eunuch 
Basant, 3 who controlled his household, sent a message to 'Inayat 
K. to clear out as the Nawâb's tents would be placed there. The 
Khân said, " Good, but give time in order that I may And another 
place." The eunuch, a haughty Türk, replied by bidding him 
leave at önce. As 'Inayat was helpless he moved to another 
place. Theking came to know of this, and sent a message to 
Jumla-ul-mulk through Hamidu-d-dîn K. Bahâdur directing him 
to give the place to 'Inayat K. , and to move and take another 
place. Asad K. delayed a little, and an order was given that he 
shouldgo to the quarters of 'Inayat Ullah and apologize. At, 
that time it chaneed that 'Inayat Ullah was in his bath. Jumla- 
ul-mulk came and sate in the diwânkhâna, and 'Inayat quickly 

l DuSspa tâkht. General Briggs, 
in a note to Ferighta, says that the 
düaspa or two-horse mode of attack 
isdescrîbed by Malcolm in his history. 
The Turkoman robbersoften took two 
horseg inio the field. 

4 The sun'g diak is often compared 
to a round cake of bread. 

3 Nisbat in text, but see Maaşı r A., 



came out. Amîru-MJmarâ took his hand and brought him to his 
house (tent) and presented him with nine pieces of cloth and 
humbled ' himself before him. He showed him kindness and 
friendship to the end of the interview and af terwards never showed 
any dislike or displeasure, but was more and more gracious. 
Such men have existed under the heavens! They say that 
the expenses of his harem and for the purveyors of music and 
song were so great that his revenues did not meet them. On 
account of chronic haemorrhoids he never sate on the ground if 
he could help it. Always in his house he lay on a couch. 
Besides Zülfiqâr K. he had a son named 'Inayat K. by Newal Bâî, 
who was called Rânî. He ('Inayat) wröte a good hand, and 
became superintendent of the jewel-room and had a suitable 
mansab. By order of the king he married 4 the daughter of Abül- 
Hasan of Hyderabad, but he fell into evil ways and became 
insane. He got permission to go to the capital and there eon- 
ducted himself improperly. Gontinually there came complaints 
about him from Delhi. There he died in the same condition. 
His son Şâlih K. obtained in the time of Jahandâr Şhah the title 
of 'Itiqâd K. and a high rank. His brother Mîrzâ Kâzim, by 
associating with dancers and convivialists, ruined his reputation, 
and by his evil wavs opened the doors of disgrace on his 


He was the third son of Nizâmu-1-mulk Aşaf Jâh. His real 
name was Saiyid Muhammad. in the life-time of his father he 
reoeived the title of Khân and the name Şalâbat Jang Bahâdur, 
and was appointed to the government of Haidarabad. After 
his father's death when Naşir Jang, the martyr, went to Pondi- 
cherry to suppress the rebellion of Mozaffar Jang, Şalâbat went 
with him. After Nâsir Jang's martyrdom, he returned with 

1 iqâmat goyân—worâs expressive, 
apparently, of earnest entreaty. 
More probably the meaning is " gave 
him them. saying they were in 
honour of his visiting him," t.e. as 
his footing. The »tory is told at 

length in the Maaşir A., 475, ete. 

ı Khâfî K. II, 407, Abül-hasan 
was the unfortunate king of Haidara- 
bad and Golconda. The marriage 
was in 1 103, 1692. 



Mozaffar Jang. When, on the march, Mozaffar Jang was killed 
by the Afghans, Şalâbat J. sate upon the masnad, as he was 
older than the other brothers. He received from the emperor 
Ahmad Shah an increase of rank and the title of Âşafu-d-daula 
Zaffar Jang. Afterwards ' he received the title of Amîru-1-mamâ- 
lik. Rajah Roghanâth Dâs, who was his minigter, conciliated 
and took into service a body of hat-wearing Frenchmen who had 
come with Mozaffar Jang. Şalâbat K. came to Aurangabad in 
1164, 1751, and attacked the country of the Mahrattas. After- 
wards peace- was made and he came to Haidarabad. On the 
march Roghanâth Dâs was killed* by his soldiers, and Raknu-d- 
daulah Saiyid Lashkar K. became his prime minister. in the 
second following year (1165) when Ghâzîu-d-dîn Firüz Jang, his 
elder brother, was appöinted to the government of the Deccan 
and came to Aurangabad along with the Mahrattas, though he 
shortly aftenvards died, the Mahrattas on the strength of his 
grants took most of Khandes and some parts of the province of 
Aurangabad. His household affairs throughout his rule were 
dependent on the opinions of his officers. When the grant of the 
government of the Deccan given from the emperor to his 
brother Nizâmu-d-daula Âşaf Jah — who had formerly been de- 
clared to be heir-apparent, and been invested with the duties of 
government— he was necessarily put into retirement. He died 
in prison in 1177, 1763, and a report spread that his guards had 
killed 3 him. 


He was the son of Âqâ Mullâ dawât dâr (inkstand-holder), 
who, itiş notorious, was in the time of Shah Tahmâsp Şafa,vî 

1 in the time of Alamgîr the 2nd 
(fiholâm 'Alî Azal). 

î AtBalkee on 7 April 1752. Grant- 
Dufi II, 54. Siyaru-1-M. III., 324 and 
note. On 13. Jumâda al-akhirî 1165 
(Gholam Ali). 

8 He was imprisoned in Joly 1762 
tnd waa mutdered on 8 Rabî-al-awwal 

1177, 16 September 1763. Grant-Duff 
II, 167. The is given in 
the Khazâna 'Amr5, Lücknow lith., 
p. 71. He was imprisoned in the 
fort of Bîdar. This biography may 
be compared with that in the Kha- 
zâna 'Amrâ 

* Blochmann 433 and 369. He is 



one of the privileged courtiers. His other sons M. Badî'u-z- 
zamân and M. Ahmad Beg became Viziers of Persia. They say 
that he was descended from the Şhaikh of Shaikhs Shihâbu-d-dîn * 
Suhrawardî, whose perfections it is unneeessary to describe, and 
whose lineage asoended to Muhammad, the son of Abü Bakru-ş- 
şâdiq. in Şüfism he (Suhrawardî) was allied to his uncle S. 
Najîbu-d-dîn Suhrawardi. He was a congeries of exoteric and 
esoteric scıences and was the Şhaikh of Şhaikhs of Bagdad. He 
was the author of elegant treatises such as the 'Awârifu-l-m'uârif 
(Sdentiae scientiarum). in the year 633, 1235-36, or 632, he 
died. Khwâja Qbiyasu-d-dîn 'Alî was distinguished for his elo- 
quence and industry, and was not without vigour and oourage. 
When he came to India he had the good fortune to be the 
recipient of favours from Akbar and to be made Bakhshî. in 
the year 981, 1573, he took part in the nine days' rapid march 
o Gujarat and did good service in the battle with the rebels 
there who had besieged M. Koka in Ahmadabad, and received the 
title of Âşaf K. At the time of the victorious return to the 
capital he was made Bakhshî of the province in order that he 
might co-operate with M. Koka in improving the army. in the 
21st year he was appöinted with a number of other officers to 
the province of Idar, which is a dependency of Ahmadabad. 
He was to clear it of rebels. The zamindar Narain Dâs Râhtor 
presumptuously came out from the defiles to give battle, and 
there were great hand-to-hand combats. The imperial vanguard 
gave way and M. Muqîm Naqshbandî, who was in command, was 
killed, and a disaster was imminent. Âşaf K. and the leaders 
of the right and lef t wings redoubled their efforts, and the enemy 
was defeated. in the close of the 23rd year Akbar sent' him to 
Mahva and Gujarat in order that, having with the co-operation of 
Shihâbu-d-dîn Ahmad K., the Nâzim of that place, brought 
the army of Malwa to submit to the branding regulation, 
he might hasten to Gujarat. He was, with the co-operation 2 

the Âşaf K. II of Blochmann. Hi» 
daughter married Ghiâş Beg aud be- 
came the mother of Nur JahSn. 

ı Beale, p. 360, eol. 2. He wa* born 


in 1145 a. d., and died 
cording to Beale. See 
mann's note, p. 433. 
t A.N. III. 264. 

in 1234 ac- 
also Bloch- 



of Qulîj K. the governor, there to improve the oondition of the 
troops, and to asoertain their condition. Âşaf K. performed the 
duty in accordance with the royal orders and acted with honeaty 
and truth. in 989, 1581, he died in Gujarat. One of his sons 
was Mîrzâ Nüru-d-dîn. When Sultan Khusrau was captured 
and was placed by Jahangir for some days in the charge of Âşaf 
K~, M. J'aafar ; Nüru-d-dîn, who was Âşaf K.'s cousin, went by 
himself to Khusrau and kept him oompany and arranged that 
vvhenever an opportunity offered he would have him released 
and made prosperous. Aftervvurds, when Khusrau was made 
över to I'tibâr K. the eunuch, Nüru-d-dîn took into his confidence 
a Hindu who used to visit Khusrau and gave a list to him of ali 
the devoted followers of Khusrau. in the course of five or six 
months nearly 400 persons had become bound by oaths that they 
would attack Jahangir on the road. By chance one of the party 
got offended (with his comrades) and gave information to Khwâja 
Waİ8î Diwân of Prince Sultan Kharram. The Khwâja immediately 
reported to the Prince, and he conveyed the news to Jahangir. 
immediately those doomed men were produced, andan orderwas 
given that Nüru-d-dîn, Muhammad Sharîf , the son of Ftimâdu-d- 
daula, and some others shouldbe executed; The list of the names 
which had been obtained from the Hindu servant of I'tibar K. 
was at the petition of Khân Jahân Lodi thrown by Jahangir into 
the fire unread. Othenvise many would have been capitally 
punished. 1 


Son of Mîrzâ Badî'u-z-zamân, who was son of Aqâ Mullâi 
Dawâtdâr (inkstand-holder) of QazwînM . Badî-z-zamân was 
vizier of Kâshân in the reign of Shah Tahmâsp Şafavî, and M. 
J'aafar Beg along withhis father and grandfather was oııe of the 
Shâh's courtiers. in the 22nd year, 985, 1577, he in the prime of 
his youth came to India and waited upon Akbar in company* with 

1 See Khâfî K. I. 258 and Tüzük 

J. 58. The conspiracy was in the 

2nd year and was discovered when J. 

w as in Afghanistan and returning from 


ly taken {rom the IqbSlnâma, p. 28. 
it appsars that the plot had been 
going on for five or siz months. 
« A.N. III, 228. 



his paternal uncle M. Ghiyâsu-d-din 'Alî Âşaf K. Bakhşhî. who 
had come to court after he had finished the affairs of Idar. 
Akbar appointed him to the rank of 200 in the contingent 
(dakhil) ' of Aşaf Khân. He was not pleased with the smallness 
of this appointment, gave up service and eeased to attend court. 
The emperor was displeased, and sent him to Bengal, which was an 
unhealthy climate then, and where criminals who were sent there 
did not survive. 

They say Maulânâ Qâsim Kâhî* of Transoıiana, who was one 
of the old poets and lived in a perfectly free manner, met in with 
J'aafar in Agra and enquired about his circumstances. When he 
heard his story he said : "My dainty youth, don't go to Bengal." 
The Mîrzâ replied : 'What can I do, I am going in reliance upon 
God." The. jovial fellow said, " Don't go in reliance on Him. He 
is the same God who sent such a person as imâm Husain to the 
Karbala to be martyred." it chanced that when the Mîrzâ 
arrived in Bengal, Khân Jahân, the governor, was ili, and after- 
wards died. Mozaffar K. Turbatî then succeeded him. No long 
time had elapsed when the rebellion of the Qâqsbâls and the tur- 
bulence of M'aşüm K. Kabulî raised the dust of disaffection in 
that country. Things went so far that Mozaffar K. came to 
the fort of Tanda and shut himself up there. The Mîrzâ was 
with him. When he was seized, many of his companions were 
held to ransom, but he by cleverness and plausibility escaped 
such demands, and came away and did homage at Fathpür Sîkrî. 
As he had göne away in contempt and failure and had again, 
owing to the guidance of good fortune, attached himself to the 
saddle-straps of fortune, Akbar approved of him and shortly 
afterwards gave him the rank of 2000 and the title of Âşaf Khân 
He was also made 8 Mir Bakhşhî in the room of Qâzî «Alî, and waa 
sent against the Rânâ of Üdaipur. He did not fail to attack and 
plunder and to kül and to distinguish himself. in the 32nd year 

1 B. 231 and Irvine, Moghul Army, 
160. B. 411 following M'utamid, 
Iqbâlnâma 4 makes the appointment 
one of bîsti, i.«. 20. And evidently 
the 200 of the Maaşir is a mistake. 

î Badayünî III. 172 and B. 566. 

The atory comes from the Iqb51nSma, 
p. 5. 

• Apparently he was made Mîr 
Bakhahî in 989 when Akbar was on 
the way to Kabul. See Tüzük, J. 50. 



when Ism'aîl Qulî K. Turkoman was censured for leaving the 
passes öpen so that Jalâlu-d-dîn Raushânî got out, Âşaf K. was 
appointed to succeed him and made thânadâr of Sawad (Swat). 
in the 38th year, 1000, 1592, when Jalâla Raushânî, who had 
göne to 'Abdullah K., the king of Türân, had come back unsuccess- 
ful and begun a disturbance in Tîrah, and had been joined by the 
Afrîdis and the Orakzai, Âşaf K. was sent from court to extirpate 
him. in 1001, 1592-93, he, in conjunction with Zain K. Koka, 
chastised 1 Jalâla and made his family prisoners fcogether with 
Wahadat 'Alî, who was said to be his brotber, and other relatives 
and connexions to the number of nearly 400 persons, and produced 
them before Akbar. in the 39th year when Kashmîr was taken 
from M. Yûsuf K. and given in fief (tanlçhîvâh] to Ahmad Beg K.,* 
Muhammad Qulaî Afshâr, Hasan Arab and Aimâq Badakhshî, 3 
Âşaf K. was sent off in order to divide the oountry properly 
among the fief-holders. He reserved the saffron and the game for 
the exchequer and fixed the revenue at 31 lacs of karwârs in 
accordance with the settlement * of Qâzî 'Alî, each karuûr being 
estimated at 24 dâms. After dividing the fiefs properly he in 
three days made the journey from Kashmîr to Lahore. in the 
42nd year, when the territory of Kashmîr became disorganized on 
account of the disputes among the fief-holders, Âşaf K. was 
appointed governor. in the 44th year, beginnıng of 1098, he, in 
plaee of Rai Patr Dâs, was appointed to the Dituânl-kul (the 
whole diwânî) and carried on the duties for two years in a con- 
summate manner. When in 1013, 6 1604-05, Sultan Selîm (Jahan- 
gir) cast away the thoughts of rebellion, and on the occasion of 
condolences for the death of Miriam Makânî waited upon his 
father and was for twelve days shut up in the ghusalkhâna* and 
then was treated graciously, and it was agreed that he should get 

l Elliot V. 467, Badayüni II. .388, 

♦ A.N. III, 661. 

A.N. III. 640, ete. 

s A.N. III, 832. 

2 Blochmann's MS. has Kabuli. 

6 Private audience chamber, lit. 

* Perhaps the Aimâqs of Badakh- 

bathrooın. Seo Bernier. The ghusal- 

shar. The original passage is A.N. 

khâna was another name for the 

III. 654, line 38. There the passage 

diwân khâna khâs. See Gladwin's Per- 

reads "MuhammadI Beg Aimâq of 

sian Munshi, " Kules observed during 


the reign of Şhah Jahan," p. 51. 



the province of Gujarat in fief and give up Allahabad and Bihar 
•vhich he had taken possession of without orders, the subahdârî 
of Bihar was given to Âşaf K. and he was raiaed to the rank of 
3000 and sent off to govern that province. When the crown 
came to Jahangir, Asaf K. was sent for and made guardian of 
Prince Sultan Parviz. He was sent to chastise the Rânâ, — & busi- 
ness which arose at that time — but on account of the rebellion of 
Sultan Khusrau he was recalled. in the 2nd year, 1015, 1606-7, 
when Jahangir proceeded to Kabul, he was made Vakil in place of 
Sharîf K., the Amîru-1-umarâ, who remained in Lahore on account 
of severe illness, and raised to the rank of 5000 and received a 
jewelled writing-case. The leading men (danyüdârân, see B. 412, 
n. 2.) of the Deocan, especially Malik 'Ambar the AbysBİnian, 
after the death of Akbar put forth the foot of audacity and 
wrested many of the estates in the Balâghât from the imperial 
servants. The Khân-Khânân from insouciance and factiousness 
did not strive in the beginning to extinguish the flames, and 
allowed them to rise high. Afterwards, when he did attend to the 
matter, and asked for help, Jahangir appointed Sultan Parviz 
under the guardianship of Âşaf Khân, and also sent, one after 
the other. great officera such as Rajah Mân Singh, Khân Jahân 
Lodi, the Amîru-1-Umarâ, the Khân A'zim and 'Abdullah K.— 
each of whom was able singly to conquer a kingdom — but from 
want of guidance on the part of the prince, excessive wine-drink- 
ing, and plundering enterprises, the work did not go forward. On 
the contrary, on account of the treachery of the officers, every 
time that they led an army into the Balâghât it had to tura back 
with failure and disgrace. in consequence of these oppositions 
Âşaf K.'s plâns did not succeed. At last, in the 7th year, 1021 
161 2, he died there ' ' ' from natural causes." " A hundred regrets 
for Âşaf Khân" gives the date * (şad haif z Asaf Khân, 1021. 
" One hundred regrets for Asaf K."). He was one of the unique 
of the age. He was supreme in every science, and complete in 
ali knowledge. His swift intelligence and lofty capacity were 

' He di«d at BurhSnpür at the age 
of 63. Tutuk J. 108. 322 of transla- 

* M'utamid K. in the IqbSlnâma, 
p. 67, clairns to have extemporized 

thU ohronogram. 




famous. He himself used to say, " Whatever I do not compre- 
hend off-hand will turn out to be without meaning." They say 
he could read a whole seri es of lines at a glance. in eloquence, 
skill and the disposal of financial and political matters he was 
pre-eminent. He was adorned outwardly and inwardly. He had 
great power in poetry and in polite literatüre, in the belief of a 
number of persons no one has treated better than he the subject ' 
of Khusrau and Shîrîn since the days of S. Nizamî of Ganj. 

( Veraes.*) 

They say he took much pleasure in flowers, and rosbeds, and 
gardens and parterres, and planted seeds and seedlings with his 
own hands. He frequently worked, spade in hand. He had also 
gathered 3 together many women. in his last illness he sent away 
one hundred beauties.* He lef t many children, male and female, 
but none of his sons distinguished himself. Mirza Zain-l-'âbidîn 
attained the rank of 1500 with 1500 horse and died in the second 
year of Shah Jahan. His son M. J'aafar, who had the same name 
and takhoUas as his grandfather, wrote good poetry. He had a 
passion for collecting animals in every season. There was great 
friendship between him, Zâhid Khân Koka and Mirza Şaqi,' the 
son of Saif Koka, and Shah Jahan called them the '* Three 
friends." At last he left his office and settled in Agra. Shah 
Jahan made him an annual allowance, and in the time of Aurang- 
zeb it was inoreased. He died in 1094, 1683. These verses are his. 


Another of Âşaf K.'s sons. was Suhrâb K. in Shah Jahan 's 
time he obtained an office of 1$00 and 1000 horse, and then died. 
Another was M. 'Alî Asghar. He was the one of the brothers 
who was the greatest voluptuary and least restrained. He did 

1 His poejn wag called the Nûr- 
nâma and waa dedioated to Jahangir. 
Tüauk, p. 108. Bieu, Supp. Cafc 200. 

4 See B. 572 for other speoimens. 

s Cf. Iqbâlnâma, 67. 

* Suhailî, the star Canopua, and 
perhaps a name for a beautiful 

woman. J'aafar is frequaotly 
tionad in the Akbarnâma. Sea III, 
301, ete. Âşaf K. waa one of the 
continuators of the T. Alfî, Rieu, 1, 
118, and Badayûnî, Lowe, 329. 
6 Variant Shafi and in B. 



not keep his tongue in order, and of ten spoke without regard to 

time or place. in the Parendah ' expedition he created dissen- 

sions* between Shah Shujâ' and Mahâbat K., the Commander-in- 

Chief. After that he received an appointment in the affair of 

Jujhâr ? Bandîla. When the governor of the fort of Dhamünî 4 

came out in the darkness of the night, the soldiers entered it and 

commenced to plunder. The Khân Daurân 6 was compelled to 

enter the fort in order to stop them. A man called out from the 

south side that in one of the bastions a number of the enemy 

were to be seen. 'Ali Asghar said, " I'Il go and seize them." 

Though Khan Daurân dissuaded him, saying it was night and that 

it was not advisable in this kind of general confusion, when 

friend could not be distinguished from foe, to go out, he did not 

listen but went off. When he got to the top of the wall of the 

fort, suddenly the ashes of a torch which the plunderers had 

lighted in order to look for goods, fell upon a store of gunpowder 

which was at the bottom of the tower. The whole bastion with 

eighty yards of wall on each side, which wall was tenyards thick, 

was blown into the air. 'Alî Asghar 8 and some of his companions 

and the whole of the plunderers who were on the wall were 

annihilated. The daughter of M'utamid K. was in his house, but 

as the marriage had not been consummafced, she was by the 

King's orders afterwards married to Khân Daurân. 

ASAP K. known as AŞAF JAHI. 
He was M. Abü-1-hasan by name and was the son of I'timâdu- 
d-daulah and elder brother of Nür Jahân Begam. After the 
Begam was married to Jahangir he received the title of I'timâd 

' " Near the Sîna river on the 
route from Ahmadnagar to Shola- 
pur." Elliot VII, 22. See also id. 

* The words are miyân Shah Shuja 
u Mahâbat sangandâzthâ namüd, and 
Blochmann 413 translates : ' 'he created 
dissensiona between Shah Shuja and 
Mahâbat Khan." But though this 
may be the meaning, sangandâzi ab o 
means to be continually drinking, and 

■possibly what is meant is that Alî 
Asghar was continually drinking in 
the company of Shah Shujâ and 
•Mahâbat. But we are not told any- 
vvhere that Mahâbat was a drunkard. 

8 Pâdshâhnâma II, 94. 

* Elliot VII, 47 and 49, and Pâd- 
shâhnâma II, 109. 

6 Khan Daurân No. 2 of Beale. 

6 Pâdshâhnâma II, 109, et seg. 



K., and became the Khftnsâmân (steward). in the 7th year of 
Jahangir, 1020, 1611, his daughter Arjmand Bânü Begam, who 
is known as Mamtâz Mahal and was the daughter's daughter of 
M. Ghiyâşu-d-dîn Âşaf K.,' was married to Prince Sultan Kharram 
who was called Shah Jahan. in the 9th year he received the 
title of Âşaf K. and had increases, one after the other, until he 
obtained the rank of 6000 with 6000 horse. At the time when 
there was the dust of trouble between Jahangir and Prince Shah 
Jahan, intriguers and evil-thinking persons suspected Âşaf K. of 
favouring the prince, and alienated the mind of the Begam from a 
brother who was the pillar of the empire. 


When self-interest appears, vvit goes into hiding. 
A hundred veils spread from the heart to the eyes. 

As she considered him to be an obstacle to her designs, she 
had hhn removed from the court on the pretext that he should 
bring away the treasures from Agra. But as the prince (Shah 
Jahan) had arrived at Fathpür, Âşaf K did not think it advisable* 
to remove the treasure from the blessed fort of Agra and turned 
back to go to court. Hç had not reached Mathura when the 
counsellors of the prince urged that at such a time it was not 
advisable to allow a leader like Âşaf K. to depart and that the 
neglect of such an opportunity was contrary to prudence. The 
prince — whose sole desire was to win his father's favour — behaved 
vvith the utmost moderation. Afterwards, when the prince turned 
back from confronting his father and turned his rein to Malwa, 
Aşaf K. , in the 18th year, was appointed Governor of Bengal. 
But when it became known that the prince had göne to Bengal, 
the Begam became apprehensive about the departure of her 

' Nur Jahân's marriage took plaoe 
in the sixth year, not in the seventh, 
and on New Year's Doy of 1020, 
corresponding to 10 or 11 March O. S. 
of 1611. See the Iqbâlnâma 56 and 
Blochmann 509. Arjmand Bânü, the 
wife of Shah Jahan, was her niece, 

her father being Nûr Jahân 's elder 
brother. Arjmand Banu's mother 
was the daughter of Ghiâsu-d-dîn 
Qazwinî, the Aşaf K. II of Badayûnî 
and Blochmann 433. He was s. 
Agha or Aqa Mullâ Dawâtdâr. 
2 Elliot VI, 384—85. 



brother ' and had him turned back. When in the 21st year, 1035 

1626, Mahâbat K. prevailed on the bank of the Jhilam, owing 
to Âşaf 's negligence and perfunctoriness, and got possession of , 
Jahangir, Âşaf K — who was the cause of ali this disturbance — 
saw after this ill-omened movement had taken place that his 
efforts had failed, and that it was hopeless to attain release from 
so povverful an enemy. He was compelled to go to the fort of 
Atak, which was in his fief, and to take shelter there. Mahâbat 
K. sent a body of troops under the command of his son M. 
Bahravvar * to prosecute the siege vvith activity. Aftervvards 
he went himself and brought him out by promises and agree- 
ments and guarded him near himself along with his son Abü 
Tâlib and son-in-law Khalil Ullah. After he (Mahâbat) became a 
fugitive from court he delayed to release Âşaf, but after the king 
became urgent he remembered his oaths and promises and sent 
him to court. At this time Âşaf was made governor of the Panjab 
and also had the high office of Vakil conferred upon him. After 
that he obtained the rank of 7000 with 7000 horse. in the year 1037, 

1627, and 22nd year of Jahangir 's reign, the king lef t the station 
of Rajaur on his way back from Kashmlr. On the road he asked 
forhis accustomed cup, but when he put it to his lips, he could 
not swallow. 3 Till he reached the next station he was in this 
state. Next day, 27 Şafr,* he took the last journey (şafr). There 
was a great commotion in the camp. Âşaf K. released Dâwar 
Bakhşh, Khusrau's son, from prison and made him an imagi- 
nary king. He did not believe in tliis, but they comforted him by 
strong oaths and he set out for the next station. The Begam who 
wished Shahriyâr to attain the sovereignty, wanted to imprison 
Âşaf K. and Â'zim K., the Mir Bakhşhî, both of whom were 
pillars of the empire and obstacles to her plans. But though she 
sent people to summon her brother he made excuses and did not 

1 Text wrongly has barâdarzâda. 
Blochmann's own MS. has only barli- 
dar, and this agrees with the source, 
viz. IqbâlnSma 213. The meaning is, 
that Nur Jahan was apprehensive 
fest her brother should eollude with 
Shah Jahan, who was his son-in-law. 


His appointment to Bengal is noted 
at p. 205 of Iqbâlnâma, and it seems 
that he actually left to take it up. 

* At vol. iii, p. 409, he is called 
II. Bihrûz. 

S Iqbâlnârna 293. 

4 Should be 28-28 Oetuber 1B37. 



go to her. The Begam also follovved with the body. Âşaf K. 
sent off from the station of Chingiz Hatî a Hindu named Bana- 
rasî, who was the accountant of the elephant-stables and was 
famous for his aotivity and stviftness, to wait upon Shah Jahan. 
And as there w as not time for writing he gave him a verbal mes- 
sage and his own signet-ring as a guarantee. 1 That night was 
spent in Naushahra , and n&xt day they came dawn from the hills 
and encamped at Bhimbar. They made arrangements for con- 
veying and shrouding the body and sent it on in order that it 
might be committed to earth in a garden on the other (i.e. other 
than Lahore) side of the river of Lahore (the Râvî) which the 
Begam had made. As every one, high and low, was convineed 
that ali these proceedings were but a smoothing of the way for the 
sovereignty of Shah Jahan, and that Dâwar Bakhşh was nothing 
but a sheep * for the feast, they universally followed the orders of 
Âşaf Khân He, who was not sure about the Begam, did not 
drop from his hand the thread of caution and prevented people 
from visiting her. Indeed, they say 3 that he brought her away 
from the royal quarters and assigned her a place in his own. 
When they were within three kos of Lahore, Shahriyâr, who had 
lost his hair from the fox's disease [îox-mebnge , dâu-s-şâlab , " alo- 
pecia ") and was blighted by syphilis, and had previously * hurried 
off to Lahore, gave himself the name of Sultan, and in the cöurse 
of seven dayş, by expending seven ty lacs of rupees, gathered 
together an army and sent it across the river under the command 
of M. Baisanghar, the son of Sultan Daniel. He himself 
remained in Lahore with 2 or 3000 horse and awaited the doings 
of destiny. 


" Expectant of what the heavens would reveal " 
At the first 6 encounter his army dispersed, and went off. 

1 Elliot VI. 437 and Iqbâlnâma, 
298. Banarasî accomplished the 
journey to Junair in the Decoan in 
twenty days. 

! gosfand garbâni. See Vullers s.v. 
and Khâfi K. I. 389. 

« Khâfi K. I. 390 and Iqbâln5ma 

395 and Pâdshâhnâma I. 71. Elliot 
VII. 6. 

* He went oa to Lahore, in hopes 
of being cured, before Jahangir'a 
death, Khâfi K. I. 390. 

' With Âşaf and Dâwar Bakhşh's 
troops. Iqbâlnâma 296, 



Shahriyâr, when he heard of this dismal news, did not understand 
what was tor his own welfare and entered the fort. With his own 
feet he threw himself into the net. The officers entered the 
citadel and put Dâwar Bakhşh on the throne. Fîrüz K., the 
eunuch , brought out Shahriyâr, who had crept into a corner in the 
female apartments of Jahangir, and made him över to Ilahvardî 
Khân. He took off the string of his (Shahriyâr's) waist and 
bound his hands with it and produced him before Dâwar Bakhşh , 
and after he had performed the kornish (obeisance) he was im- 
prisoned and two days aftervvards he was blinded. 1 

When these events became known to Shah Jahan from the 
letters of bankers 2 (of Gujarat) he sent 3 off Khidmatpurust 
Khân Rezâ Bahâdur from Ahmadabad to 'Âşaf K. and wrote 
with his own hands that it tvould be well at this time, when the 
heavens were troubled and the earth was seditious, if Dâwar 
Bakhşh and other princes were made wanderers in the plains of 
non-existence. Âşaf K. on Sunday 22 Rabî-al-akhir, 21 December 
1627 of that year, bound Dâwar Bakhşh and had the proclama- 
tion made in the name of Shah Jahan On 26 Jamada-al-awwal, 
23 January, 1628, he brought him out* from the prison of life 

l Makhül, lit. was anointed with 
antimony. Elliot VI. 437 translates 
"blinded. " 

* Iqbâln5ma 301.. Sâhükârân, Sou- 
oars. See Wilson's Glossary. 

3 Iqbâlnâma 303. 
Iqbâlnâma 303 ha3 22 Jamâda- 
al-awal, 19 January 1628, as the day 
öf the proclamation. 

* The Iqbâlnâma and Khâfi K. 
describe Dâwar Bakhşh as having 
been put to death, and it is difflcult 
to see how he could escape from 
Lahore, unless, indeed, Aşaf K. con- 
nived at this. But, as Elphinstono 
points out, Olearius in his travels 
speaks of having seen at Qazwîn a 
Prince Pclagî. Polagî may be the 
same as Bolâqî which, aecording t.o 
Bloohmann, was another name of 
Dâwar Bakhşh. But I rather think 
that there has been some mistakes 

and that the Polagi whom Olearius 
saw was some other prinoe and per 
haps a son of Shahriyâr. Olearius 's 
acoount is at pp. 253, 256, and 257. 
His narrative is not quite satisfac- 
tory,forit disagrees with the native 
historians, but is to the effect that 
Jahangir left two sons. The ^lder, 
he says, sueceeded the father but 
soon after died, and then Shah Jahan 
usurped the throne. The expression 
' ' elder ' ' would raake the ref erence 
be to Khusrau, but then it would be 
ineorrect to say that he survived his 
father, for he died some five years 
before him. Possibly Shahriyâr is 
meant. He did sucoeed his father, 
or at least claimed to do so, and then 
was put to death. He may have 
left a son. Olearius speaks of Polagi's 
being very young when his father 
died, but this does not fit D5war 



together with his brothers Garshâsp, and Sultan Shahriyâr, and 
Tahmüraş and Hüshang, the two sons of Sultan Daniel. When 
Shah Jahan arrived at Agra and became sovereign of India, 
Âşaf K., together with the princes Dârâ Shikoh, Muhammad 
Shujâ, and Aurangzeb — who were his grandchildren (daughter's 
children) — and the officers, came from Lahore and on 2 Rajab, 27 
February, 1628, did homage. Âşaf received the title of Yemenu- 
d-daulah (right hand of the State) and vvas designated in corres- 
pondence by the name of uncle ('amrnû, paternal uncle). He 
vvas made Vakil and had eharge of the Azuk ' seal and had the 
rank of 8000 with 8000 horse of the two-horse and three-horse 
rank, a rank which no officer had hitherto received. Af ter this, 
when Yemenu-d-daulah had paraded before Shah Jahan 5000 vvell- 
eauipped cavalry, he received the rank of 9000 with 9000 * horse 
and a jagir yielding 50 lacs of rupis. in the beginning of the 
fifth year he vvas sent off witlı a powerful army to chastise 
Muhammad 'Âdil Shah of Bijapur. When he was encamped at 
Bijapur he stretched forth his arm to bind and to beat, and Mus- 
tafa K. Muhammad A. Ahmin, the son-in-la\v of Mullâ Muhammad 
Lârî Khairit K., the uncle of Randaulali Khân, the Abyssinian, 
came out from the fort and made peace by tendering forty lacs of 
rupis and then returried to the fort. Khavvâş Khân, the centre of 
affairs in Bijapur, on perceiving the desolation of the country and 
the want of supplies in the imperial army, exerted himself to 
remedy this. They say that the scarcity was such that a pair of 

Bakhsh, who had a daughter married 
to Daniel's son Hüshang vvho was 
put to death in 1628. it was in 1637 
that Olearius saw I'oiagi. He never 
calls him Dâwar Bakhsh, and Polagi 
after ali is not very like the name 
Bulâqi nor is it likely that Olearius, 
vvho was a Persian scholar, vvould 
write Polagi instead of Bulâqî. 
Either Polagi was another prince of 
the blood than Dawar BakUsh or he 
was an impostor. The last sugges- 
tion is by no rneana an improbable 
one. The author of the JqbâlnSma 
could hardly be mistaken about 

Dâvrar Bakhsh 's fate for he was 
probably in Lahore at the time. At 
least he was with Aşaf on the march 
there. See Iqbâlnâma 296, seven 
İmes from foot. 

Tavernier also speaks of having 
met Sultan Bulâql in Persia and of 
having eaten and drunk with him. 
He adds that the prince had long 
wandered in India as a faguir and 
eventually had escapec to Persia. 
II, 215 ol ed. 1676. 

1 A small round seal. B. 52. 

* 2 horse and 3 horse, Padshah- 
naına II, 258. 



slippers fetched forty rupis and the shoeing of a horse ten rupis. 

Yemenu-d-daulah vvas obliged to leave Bijapur and to proceed to 

Rai Bâgh and Mirach, 1 vvhich were cultivated countries, and to 
plunder everything. When the rains arrived, he returned. 

They say that at this time Âşaf K. had a private meeting and 
Â'zimK. said, " The king now does not need you or me." Âşaf said, 

'The work of the State vvould not go on without you and me." 
This speech reached the king , and he disliked it. He remarked : 

" His good deeds are remembered by us, but in future we m us t 
not trouble him with the affairs of the kingdom." After those 
discourses, though the position was " Hold (the cup) awry, but 
don't spill," 2 there was not a hairbreadth's difference in the 
respect with vvhich he vvas treated. On the contrary, after the 
death of Mahâbat K., he vvas in the 8th year made Khân Khânân 
and commander-in-chief. İn the 15th year, 1051, he died in 
Lahore of chronic dropsy. They say he had a great liktng for 
good eating. His daily food came to a Shahjahânî ma.n (maund). 
When his illness had lasted long a cup of vetch-vvater vvas enough 
for him. " Oh the grief for Âsaf Khân! " Zihe âjsös Âşaf Khân 
gives the date 1051, 1641. He vvas buried in the neighbuorhood 3 
of the tomb of Jahangir. in accordance vvith orders a building 
and garden vvere prepared. On the day that Shah Jahan visited 
him during his illness he, besides his residence in Lahore, vvhich 
vvas valued at tvventy lacs of rupis, and other houes and gardens 
in Delhi, Agra and Kashmir, vvrote dovvn 2 krors 50,000 rupis in 
jevvels and coin and in gold and sil ver, ete, and shovved them to 
Shah Jahan in order that they might be oonüseated. The king 
granted tvventy lacs to his three sons and five daughters and gave 
the Lahore residence to Dârâ Shikoh. The rest vvas resumed 

Âşaf Khân possessed something of every science. He vvas 
especially proficient in excogitated matters, and so in the titles 
vvhich vvere applied to him in the royal books it vvas vvritten 

1 Pâdshâhnnma I. 416, where it is 
«ritfcen Maraj. 

2 A proverb meaning to do vvhat 
is imposaible. it ia quoted by Bada- 

3 " The tomb of Asaf K. stands in 

Üne with the emperor's, but separated 
'rom it by an immense serai " 
Keene's Agra, 37, note. He died on 
17 Sh'abân 1051 =12 November, 1641. 
Pâdehâhnama II. 257. 



"Ligbtof thegeniusof the Illuminato (the Platonists), learned 
in the science of the Peripatetics. " He was also an elegant 
writer and had a correct idiom. He was a good accountant and 
versed in business. He personally examined the accounts of the 
officers of the exchequer and of the other officers. He had no 
need of any guide in this. The expenses and disbursements of 
his establishment were beyond comprehension, especially those 
which he incurred for the frequent visits to hım of the king, the 
princee and the begams. Besides the peshkashes and the presents, 
which came to a large sum, what splendour there was in eating 
and drinking ! And what ornamentation and decoration there 
were inside and outside ! His servants too were of the best, and 
he looked after them. Like his father he was very gentle and 
affable. The sons and other relatives of this great officer who 
attained to high office in the State have been described in these 
pages r each in his own place, but Mamtâz Mahal, his daughter, 
was married to Shah Jahan in her twentieth year, and became 
pregnant fourteen times. Among them, four sons and three 
daughters survived their grandfather. in the 4th ' year of the 
reign. 1040, 1631, in the city of Burhampur, that chaste lady, 
whose age exceeded 39 years, immediately after giving birth to a 
daughter named Goharârâ * Begam, experienced a change in her 
condition and signed that the king should be sent for. He came. 
in an agitated state and had a final intervievv in which he gathered 
the treasure of the period of separation. On the 17th Zîq'ada, 
7 July 1631, the Begam was buried temporarily in the garden 
Zainâbâd on the other side of the Taptî. "May the place of 
Mamtâz Mahal be paradise." Jai B Mamtâz Mahal jinnat bâd 
gives the date 1040, 1631. 

They say that there was an exceeding love between the two 
noble spouses, so that Shah Jahan, after her death, for a long time 
abandoned coloured raiment and the hearing of music and the 

1 See Pâishâhnâmn, I. 384, and 
Khâfi K. 1. 459. 

t Called by some Daharâra, but 
GohararS is the name in Pâdshâh- 
gâma, p. 293. She is the Genorara 
Begam of Manncci, I, 227. 

' Pâdshâhnâma I. 389. The chrono- 
gram was made by Bebadat Khân. 
The tomb in vvhich the body waa 
temporarily plaeed was in the middle 
of a tank, id., 386. 



use of perfumes, and put a stop to feasts, ete. For two years he 
shunned every kind of delicacy. Half of the property left by her, 
and which amounted to more than a kror of rupees, was given to 
the Begam Şâhiba (the eldest daughter known as Jahânârâ), and 
the other half was divided among the other children. Six months 
after the death, Prince ' Muhanımad Shujâ, Wazîr K., and Satî 
Khânim the Şadru-n-nisâ (mistress of the women), conveyed the 
body to Agra and buried it in a place 2 south of, and elose to, the 
river, vvhich had belonged to Rajah Mân Singh and was now 
the inheritance of Rajah Jai Singh. in the course of tvvelve 
years, a tomb, such as has no parallel in India, was ereeted 
at a cost of fifty lacs of rupees. Thirty villages belonging to the 
Sarkar of Agra and pargana of Nagarcand, 8 yielding annually 
one lac of rupees, and the colleetions from the shops and serais 
attached to the tomb, and which amounted to two lacs of 
rupees, were bestowed in mortmain (waqf). 


Mîr Miran * Yezdi who, along with his father Mir Khalil üllah, 
left Persia on account of oppression in the second year of Jahangir 
and came to India, the abode of security. Shah Abbâs Şafavî 
became aüenated from the Mîr (Khalil Ullah) and was very wrath- 
ful with him, so that the morning of the Mîr 's prosperity ended 
in a gloomy hight. As he was helpless he fled to a foreign land. 
When he took himself off, only half-alive* from the place of danger, 
he could not take his grandehildren 'Abdu-1-Hâdî and Khalîl 
üllah with him, on account of their tender age and the want of 
time. They vyere, therefore, left in Persia. When the Khân 'Alam 
went on an embassy to Persia, Jahangir, out of his great kindness 
and affection for the Mîr Mîrân, mentioned the children in his 

ı id., 493. 

î " it «as laid in a spot in the 
garden, stili pointed out, elose by the 
mosque, until the mausoleum was 
ready for her reception." Keene's 
Agra, p. 23. 

8 Perhaps this should be Nogar- 
chin, the wellknown pleasure resort 

of Akbar. But it is Nagarcand in 
the Pâdshâhnâma II, 330. There is 
a full account of the building at this 
place, and the names of the thirty 
villages are given, with the contribu- 
tion fixed upon each of them. 
« Pâdshâhnâma II, 528, 629. 




letter and spoke to the Khân 'Alam about bringing them. The 
Shah sent the two suffering ones to India, and af ter they had 
kissed the threshold their griefs were washed away. 

in the third year of Shah Jahan, Mir 'Abdu-1-Hâdî was 
the subject of favour and received the title of Aşâlat Khân. By 
his good qualities, his loyalty and his zeal he became trusted, 
and in the 5th year w as sent off along with Yemenu-d-daula 
to chastise 'Adil Shah, and to devastate the country of Bijapur. 
When they came to Bhâlkî and besieged it, the garrison, af ter 
firing with guns and muskets during the day, evacuated the place 
during the darkness of night by going out at a place where there 
were no batteries. Aşâlat K., who was prominent in this 
campaign, mounted on the top of the fort on a wooden platform 
under which pyrotechnic weapons had been lef t. Suddenly, fire 
caught them, and Aşâlat K. was blown up into the air along with 
the platform, and carried into a magazine. A part of his arm 
as well as of his face were burnt, but by God's protection he was not 
killed. 1 in the 6th year he received the rank of 1,500 vrith 500 * 
horse and was made bakhshî of the army which was setting out 
with Shah Shujâ for the conquest of Parenda. in that affair 
he so distinguished himself by his activity that Mahâbat K., 
the commander-in-chief, in spite of ali the crookedness of his 
nature, had his attention drawn to him and made över to him 
the signing of receipts and orders, and made him his deputy. 
When he came to court from that campaign in the 8th year he was 
appointed governor of Delhi in succession to Bâqir Khân Najm- 
sânî with an increase 8 of 1,500 and 1,700 horse, an increase 
necessary for the management of the pro vince, and made a 
mansabdâr of 3,000 with 2,500 horse, and the gift of a 
flag, an elephant and a special robe of honour. When Jagtâ* 

1 Pâdshâhnama 1, 412. 

î Pâdshâhnama I, Part 2, p. 67, 
says 800. it also says he vras made 
bakhshî of the ahadîs. 

s Pâdshâhnama I, Part II, p. 87. 
The faet that he now had 2,500 horse 
shows that 800, and not 500, was the 

ht amount above. 

* This seema. an abridgrnent of the 
name Jagat Singh. See Pâdshâh- 
nama II, 261. The Mau here men- 
tioned is a hill state, and Nürpür was 
one of its towns. The expedition 
belongs to the 15th year. . 



the zamindar of Mau became ungrateful and raised a presumptuous 
head, three armies, composed of 30,000 horse, were sent against 
him, and one of these was commanded by Aşâlat K.. The Khân 
set about besieging Nürpür, and every day the besieged were more 
and more hard pressed. When the fort of Mau, which was 
Jagtâ's chief reliance, was taken, the garrison of Nürpür fled 
at midnight, and that place was easily conquered. Afterwards, 
Aşâlat K. went with other chiefs to take Târagarha. This too 
was accomplished. in the 18th year he was appointed, on the 
death of Şalâbat K., to the high office of Mîr ■' Bakhshî. 

When*the king determined on the conquest of Balkh, an 
order was given to the Amîru-1-Umarâ, who was governor of Kabul, 
that during the interval before the arrival of the army he should 
get possession of as much as possible of Badakhshân. in 1055 
(the beginning of February 1645), Aşâlat K. and several mansabd&rs 
and ahadîs were sent off to Kabul in order that they might recruit 
active men from among the Caghata and other tribes in Kabul 
and in the passes (of Badakhshân). The Amîru-1-Umarâ was 
to examine them and to assign manşabs to some, and to enroll the 
others among the ahadîs. They were also to acquaint themselves 
with the routes to Turan and to choose the easiest and to improve 
it. Af ter Aşâlat had done these things he, in the 19th year, went 
from Ghorband in company wi th the Amîru-I-Umârâ and wished 
to make an attempt on Badakhshân. When they came to Gulbihâr 8 
it appeared that the road was exceedingly difficult, and that 
provisions were unprocurable. With the approval of the Amiru-1- 
Umarâ, Aşâlat K. went off rapidly with 10,000 horse and eight 
day s' provisions in order to attack Khinjan *and Andarâb. He 
crossed the Hindu 6 Koh and arrived at Andarâb and captured 

1 Pâdshâhnama II, 385. 

2 Pâdshâhnama II. 415, 416. 

s Text Kulhar, but it really is 
Gulbihâr, a well-known place north of 
Kabul. See Pâdshâhnama II, 462, 
eight lines from foot. 

* Khinjan and Andarâb are in the 
north of Afghanistan towards Badakh- 

6 The teıt has only az Hind. 


guzashta, "crossed from India," but 
of course Aşâlat was then in Afghan- 
istan and a long way out of India. 
The true reading is Hind,u Koh as 
appears from the Pâdshâhnama II, 
462, whioh is the original of the 
passağe before us. There we have az 
kotal Hindu Koh guzashta, " having 
crossed the defiles of the Hindu Koh." 
See also Khafî K. I, 614. 



numerous quadrupeds and other goods of the inhabitants. He 
then took with him the retainers x of 'Alî Dânishmandi and 
of the summer-quarters of Karmakî, together with the Khvvâjazâdas 
of Ism'aîl Atâî and Maudüdî, and Qâsinı Beg, Mir of the Hazarîs of 
Andarâb, and returned vvith equal rapidity. 

When in this year Prince Murâd Bakhsh was sent off to Balkh 
with a victorious army , Aşâlat was appointed to the centre (tarah) * 
of the right wing. He went on rapidly in advance from Kabul 
and worked with zeal and energy in widening the difficult parts of 
the road. 3 Af ter the royal army had reached Balkh he, together 
with Bahâdur K. Rohilla, pursued Nazr Muhammad K. theruler of 
Turan, and put to flight the vagabonds of the desert. He received 
an increase of 1000 and was made a panjhazârî (5000). When 
the prince did not approve * of staying in the country, he turned 
baok, and the government of the locality was made 6 över to 
Bahâdur K. and Aşâlat K. To the former was entrusted the 
duty of extirpating the rebellious, while the business of the 
army and of the treasury and looking after the peasantry was 
committed to the latter. in the end of the same 20th year 1057, 
1647, Khüshî Labcâq, with 5000 ahnânân 6 (freebooters) horse, 
at the orders of Âbdul-l-'Azîz K. , the ruler of Bokhara, crossed 
(the Oxus) at the ferry of Kilîf with the intention of making 
a raid on Daragaz (tamarisk vale) and Shâdmân whieh were 
the pasturage-ground of the quadrupeds of the imperial army. 
Aşâlat K. considered it his business to chastise those raiders, 
and so he went off swiftly and came up with them when they 

l The word in text is ahshâm, for 
whieh see Irvine A. of M. 160. 'Alî 
Dânishmandî is, I auppose, the name 
of a plaoe or tribe. The text has 

t^°j* (3 ~ lyîlâq karmaki. I 
have taken the first word to be 
ailâq " summer-quarters. " Karmaki 
may be kömahi, " militia." The 
Pâdshâhnâma ba s ,£*}* _j iî&> J/l 
Perhaps they are ali names of places. 
Apparently one objeet of Aşâlat K.'s 
raid was to bring back some leaders 
of tho tribes. Şee Khâfî K. I, 614. 

2 Irvine 227. 

3 Pâdshâhnâma II, 509. Aşâlat 
eserted himself to clear away the 
snow, id. 513. 

* Pâdshâhnâma II, 558. Elliot 
VII, 70. 

6 Pâdshâhnâma II, 560. 

« Pâdshâhnâma II, 654, 656. See 
Pavet de Courteille Dict. s. v. and his 
translation of Bâbur's Mem. II, 363 
n., and A. N. Trans. I, 269 note. 
Khâfi K. II, 658, has Almanîân; Elliot 
VII. 77 and 78 has Almanş. 



were driving off some of the cattle. He attacked them like 
a Rustaın and killed many and rescued the animals, and then 
pursued the remainder who had escaped the sword. When night 
threw her dark pall he halted in Daragaz, and for the purpose of 
renewing his ablutions threw off his doublet (chilta, Ut. forty- 
folds). The wind caught him and he got fever, and returned 
to the city (Balkh). From this blow he lay powerless on his bed, 
and in the course of tvvo weeks he folded up the carpet of 
his life. Since as yet forty stages on the road of his life 
had not been passed, and he had performed noble deeds, the 
king lamented l his death and said if death had given him 
time he would have done stili greater things, and have risen 
to high office. Aşâlat K. was famed for his good qualities and 
good life, and was the unique of the age for gentleness and 
modesty. Harsh language never issued from his lips, and he 
never tried to injure anybody. Courage in him went hand in hand 
with counsel.* His sons were Sultan Husain Iftikhâr K., Muham- 
mad Ibrâhîm Multafat K., and Bahâü-d-dîn. They have been 
mentioned in their own place. The last of them did not so much 
dîstinguish himself. 


Son of Mirza Badîa' of Mashhad, who was one of the great 
Saiyids of that holy place. His ancestors had been the guardians 
of the shrine of the holy eighth imâm 'Alî bin Mûsâ — Peace be 
upon him and on his ancestors! The Mîrzâ came to India in the 
19th year and entered the service of Shah Jahan. He received a 
suitable office, and the daughter of Shah Newâz Şafavî was given 
to him in marriage. When in the 22nd year Prince Murâd 
Bakhsh was made governor of the Deccan and went off there, 
Shah Newâz Şafavî, who had been appointed to protect the coun- 

» Khâfi K. II, 660. 

2 Aşâlat Khan died in Balkh on 
22 Rabî-al-awal 1057, 17th April, 1647. 
He had attained the rank of 5000 
with 4000 horse. Pâdshâhnâma, II, 
720. Khâfî K. II. 566 mentions a son 

of Aşâlat named Muhammad S'âîd. 
Khâlîl Ullah, the brother of Aşâlat 
went into retirement after his death. 
Khâfî K. II. 660, but after wards re- 
turned to service. 



try after tbe death of islâm K. , was made vakjl and guardian of 
the prince. The Mirza on account of his marriage went with Shah 
Newâz, and at the prince 's request, obtained the rank of 2000 
with 1000 horse. Shah Newâz made him general of the army of 
the Deccan and sent him against the ruler of Deogarha (after- 
wards Daulatabad). The Mîrzâ at first was a great stickler for 
the etiquette of the Persian kings, and the imperial servants, 
who regarded themselves as his equals and as his fellow-servants, 
were much offended. Afterwards he adopted Indian manners, 
and laboured to amend this dislike. As he had good sense, he 
soon conquered the country and brought things into order. 
Afterwards Shah Newâz arrived and arranged Deogarha in accord- 
ance with the Mîrzâ's recommendations. When he returned to 
Burhânpür, he had a great gathering on account of the birth of a 
son, and brought Prince Murâd Bakhşh and ali the officere to his 
quarters and lavished gold. When in the 23rd year the şubahdârî 
of Mahva was given to Shah Newâz K., the Mîrzâ was appointed 
to that province and received the faujdârl and fiefdom of Manda- 
sor. in the 25th year he was made faujdâr of Mândü. When in 
the 30th year Prince Aurangzeb was ordered to devastate the ter- 
ritory of 'Âdil Shah, the Mîrzâ was appointed to go with him. The 
work had not been finished when the times assumed another aspect 
and there was change and confusion in ali the imperial territories. 
The Mîrzâ remained in the Deccan. When Aurangzeb went off 
from Burhânpür to Agra he conferred on the Mîrzâ the title of 
Aşâlat K. and the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse and a togh (stan- 
dard) and drums. After the beginning of the reign he had an in- 
crease of 500 horse and was sent to the Deccan. He conveyed 
Prince Muhammad Akbar, who was then a baby at the breast, and 
the ladies to the capital. At this time he went into retirement, 
but in the 3rd year he again became an object of favour and 
received the rank of 5000 with 3000 horse and was made faujdâr 
of Moradabad in succession to Qâsim K. in the 7th year he had 
an increase of 1000 horse. After that he had a severe illness and 
was for a long time indisposed. in the 9th year and end of 1079, 
1669, he died. His brother Mîr Muhammad arrived at court from 
Persia in the 14th year of 'Âlamgîr and received the rank of 1000 



with 4000 horse and the title of 'Aqâdat Khan. Kabul' Begam, the 
daughter of Ruh Ullah K. the İst, was given to him in marriage, 
and he soon afterwards died. 


His name is Muhammad Asghar, and he belonged to the Hus- 
ainî Saiyids of Mashhad. The author of the Tabaqât AkbarI 
reckons him among the 'Arabshahi Saiyids, and probably there is 
not much difference between these two statements. Abul Fazl's 
statement, however, that he was of Sabzawâr is undoubtedly a 
writer's error. He was skilful in letter-writing and in the niceties of 
words, and did not deviate a hair's breadth from correctness. As 
a calligrapher he was one who could write in seven styles. He was 
specially skilful in the Ta'alîq and Naskh ta'aliq styles, in which he 
was unique of the age. He reduced the science of j'afar (magic) 
into practice. He was in the service of Hümâyûn and obtained the 
style of Mîr Munshî. After the conquest of India he was made Mîr 
'Arz and Mir Mâl. (Master of petitions, ete, B. 257, and Master of 
the Privy Purse, B. VI. note). in the battle whieh Tardî Beg Khân 
had with Hemü Baqqâl (grocer), he as well as others took to flight. 
He was imprisoned by Bairâm K. along with Sultan 'Alî Afzal 
Khân, and aftervvards went off towards Mecca. in the 5th year, 
968 (1560) he presented himself before Akbar when he was pro- 
ceeding from Macîwâra to the Siwaliks to make an end of the affairs 
of Bairâm K. After that he was always treated with kindness and 
promoted. in the 6th year he received the title of Ashraf K. on 
Akbar's return from Mahva. He was sent off to Bengal along 
with Mun'im K. the Khân-Khânân. He died in Gaur in 983 i 
(1575-76) at the time of the pestilence there. He attained to an 
office of 2000. He had a poetical turn and occasionally wrote 
verse. The follövving are his : — 


God, burn me not with the fire of wrath, 
Light the lamp of peace in my soul's house, 

l Text wrongly has 973, having copied the Mirât Alam. See Blochmann, 

389 n. 



Graciously knit with the thread of pardon 

This robe of service 2 which has been torn by trespasses. 

He made the following chronogram on the reservoir which 
Maulânâ * Mîr constructed in Agra : — 


Mullâ Mîr made on God's highway 
A well to succour the poor and needy, 
Should a thirsty lip ask the year of building 
Say, " Take some water from the boon reservoir." 

His son Mîr Mozaffar also obtained fitting rank during Akbar's 
rcign and in the 48th year was appointed to the government 
of Oudh. Husainî and Barhânî the grand-children of Ashraf K. 
held small appointments in the time of Shah Jahan. 


Son-in-law of Mahâbat K. and one of the Khwâjazâdas of 
the Naqshbandî order. They say that when Mahâbat K. married 
his daughter to the Khwâja, without informing Jahangir, 
the latter beoame angry and summoned the Khwâja to his 
presence } and had him whipped with a thorny 3 scourge. When 

1 This verse is quoted by Badayüni, 
III. 182, and he has zindagl " life " 
instead of bandagî as in the text here. 
Bandagi, howevor, seems more poeti- 

2 Apparently the Mullâ Mîr of 
Bloehmann, 542, No. 73. He was a 
phyBİcian. He may also be the Mullâ 
Mîr Tabîb of the Tabaqât, or he may 
be the Mulla Mîr Kalan of the same 
book. The chronogram is very in- 
genious. By sayirıg " Take some 
water " 56», it means that 13, the 
abjad value of abı, should be taken 
from the words baqâ-i-kkair " The 
boon reservoir," the abjad value of 
which words is 987. If we deduct 13 
from 987 we get 974, or 1567, which 
is the date of the making of the well. 

This biography seems to be one of 
those which was added to by 'Abdu-1 
Hayy for the poetry does not appear 
in the first edition. Ashraf's takhal- 
laş was Haif " Alas." He is men- 
tioned as a calligrapher in the Aîn, 
Bloehmann, 101. 

3 Khâfî K. I. 360. Elphinstone 
say s be was beaten with thorns, but 
perhaps khârdâr is merely a rhetorieal 
epithet. it even seems doubtful from 
Khâfî K. if there was any whipping, 
and perhaps what was done was that 
Barkhürdâr had a belt of thorns put 
round him and was sent with naked 
feot to prison. Apparently, however 
this is only Khâfi K.'s rhetoric. 
Both the Tüzük 40} and the Iqbâl- 
nâma 253 say the young man was 



Mahâbat K. joined Shah Jahan the Khwâjah came with him, and 
entered his service, in the first year of Shah Jahan he obtained 
a commission of 1000 with 500 horse. in the 8th year he got a 
commission of 1500 with 800 horse ; in. the 23rd year by the 
inerease of 700 horse his staffs (tâbînân) was made equal to his 
personal (zât) allovvance. in the 28th year of Shah Jahan he 
was appointed to the government of fort Üsâ (Owsa) in the Dec- 
can and obtained the rank of 2000 vvith 2000 horse. in the 
beginning of the reign of Aurangzeb he received the title of 
Ashraf K. in the second year he was removed from the govern- 
ment of the fort above mentioned and Came to court. The year 
of his death is not known. 

Eldest son of islâm K. Mashhadî. He possessed ali spiritual 
qualities, and was noted for his compriaing ali the excellences of 
humanity. When his father was Nâzim of the Deccan he was 
appointed by him to take charge of Burhânpür. When his father 
died he got an inerease of 500 with 200 horse and obtained the 
rank of 1500 with 500 horse. in fche 26th year he was made 
superintendent of the branding. When in the 27th year Prince 
Dârâ Shikoh went with a large army on the Qandahar expedition, 
Ashraf had an inerease of 500 and was made diwân of the force 
with the title of I'timâd K. After that he was made superinten- 
dent of the royal hbrary. in the end of the 31st year, when the 
reign of Shah Jahan was nearly at an end, he was made diwân and 
bakhshî of the army of Sulaimân Shikoh when that Mîrzâ was 
appointed under the guardianship of Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh, to 
act against Shujâ'. After the battle of Samugarh and the defeat 
of Dârâ Shikoh, when the standards of 'Alamgir were raised for 
vvorld-conquest, Ashraf separated from Sulaimân Shikoh's com- 
panionship and went from Islâmâbâd-Mathura to do homage, and 
obtained an inerease of rank. At the same time when the royal 
army erossed the Sutlej in pursuit of Dara Shikoh, Ashraf was 

flogged, though Deither speaks of thorns. He was the son of Khwâja 'ümr 
Naqshbandî, and the whippüıg was in the 2 İst year of the reign of Jahangir. 



made governor of Kashmîı in the place of Lashkar K. in the 
lOth year he received a robe of honour and was made diwân of 
the estate of Begam Şâhiba (Jahânârâ, eldeat daughter of Shah 
Jahan) in the room of Rezavî K. of Bokhara. in the 13th year 
he obtained the rank of 3000 and was made Khânsâmân. He 
served in this employment for a long time and in the 2 İst year 
was Wâq'akhwân (historiographer). When in the 24th year 
Himmat K. Mir Baklıshî died, Ashraf became İst Bakhsbî and 
did good service. On 9 Zîlq'ada of the 30th year, 1097, 17 Sep- 
tember 1686, the lamp of the life qf that noble nature was 
extinguished He was adorned with peacefulness, piety and 
purity. Inasmuch as he had a taste for Sufism, he made a selec- 
tion from the MasnavI of the Maulânâ (Jalâlu-d-dîn) and had 
much pleasure in studying the poem. He also wrote * perfectly 
Naskh, Shikasta, T'alîq and Nast'âlîq. High * and low made his 
shikaat-v/riting their exemplar of good penmanship. He had no 



His name was 'Abdullah Beg. in Shah Jahan's reign in the 
12th year he received a suitable rank and was made governor of 
the fort of Kâlinjar. Afterwards he joined Prince Dârâ Shikoh 
and was made his Mir Bakhshî. in the 30th year he had the title 
of 'Askar K., and when, after the defeat of Maharajah Jeswant 
Singh, Aurangzeb marched towards Agra, he, on the part of Dârâ 
Shikoh had in oompany with Khalîl Ullah the charge of gııarding 
the Dholpür ferıy, and on the day of battle he was in the van- 
gnard. At the second 3 engagement (the one at Ajmere) he was in 
the battery nea- Garha * Pathlî. When Dârâ Shikoh went off in 
confusion, and without announcement, to Gujarat, 'Abdullah heard 
of this at the end of the night and obtained quarter from Şaf- 
shikn K. and joined him. He was admitted into service and 

1 There iş in the British Museum 
«n albüm presented by him. See 
Rieu's Catalogue II. 778. There is 
also a reference to Aşhraf in Khâfî K. 
II. 381. 

î Perhaps " Young and old." 

8 Khâfî K. II. 73, 74. 

* 'Alamgîrnâma 313, where the bat- 
tery, or entrenchment (sibâ), is oalled 
Garha Bethalî. See also for name of 
entrenchment, id. 326. 


received a robe of honour. Afterwards he was enrolled among 
the auxiliaries of the Khân-Khânân Mu'azzam K. and went to 
Bengal. 1 in the 8th year of Aurangzeb he went with Buzurg 
Umed K. to take Chittagong. Nothing more is known of him. 


One of the officers of the rulers of the Deccan. in the tim 
of Jahangir he came to court and was promoted to a suitable 
manşab. After that, when Shah Jahan succeeded, he in the first 
year received the rank of 2000 horse, and in the third year, when 
the imperial army came to the Deccan, he received a reward of 
25,000 rupees, and was chosen to accompany Shaista K. in his 
expedition to punislı Khân Jahân Lodî and the Nizâm Shah. 
After that he was entered among the Deccan auxiliary forces and 
in the siege of Daulatabad in company with the Khân-Khânân 
Mahâbat K., and afterwards with Khân Zaman performed zealous 
service. Afterwards he came to the Presence and in the 13th 
year received a robe of honour and a horse and 10,000» rupees 
and was made faujdâr of Bhagalpur in Bihar. in the 15th year 
when Shaista Khân, the governor of that province, proceeded 
against the zamindar of Palamau, he had charge of the right 
wing. in the 17th year he came to court and presented an 
elephant as peshkash. it appears that he was again appointed to 
the Deccan, and that he came back in the 24th year and presented 
another elephant. İn the 25th year, 1061, 1651, he died. 


Son of Bakhtân 3 Beg Rüzbihânî, who in the first year of Aurang- 
zeb's reign was killed in the battle with Muhammad Shujâ'. Jân 
Beg became known to the king in his father's lifetime, and in the 
21st year obtained the title of Âtish Khân. in the 25th year he 

1 'Askar was at one time faujdâr 
of Benares, 'Alamgîrnâma 625. He 
was also in the Assam expedition, 
Khâfî K. II. 171, and went to Kooh 
Behar, 'Alamgîrnâma 948. 

2 Padshâhnâma II. 180 has 2000. 


3 Khâfî K. II. 57 where it is sug- 
gested that the name shouid be Bâkh- 
tiyâr, and 'Alamgîrnâma 262, last line. 
He was in charge of the artillery. 
Rüzbihânî was the title of two Mu- 
hammadan saints 



became Mîr Tüzük in the place of Salâh K. One of his brothers 
was Manşür K., and for some time was Mir Âtish (chief of the 
artillery) of the Deccan, and afterwards became governor of (the 
fort of) Aurangabad. The second was Yûsuf K., who in the time 
of Aurangzeb was faujdâr of Qamarnagar, i. e. Karnül. in the 
time of Bahâdur Shah he was made Nâzim of Haidarabad. it 
was he who put to death the sedition-monger Pâprâ. Theır de- 
scendants are stili in the Deccan. 

The brief account of Pâprâ is as follows ; he was one of 
che low tradesmen ' of Telingâna. in the time of Aurangzeb', 
when Rustum Dil K., son of Mukhtar, was the şubâhdâr of Haida- 
rabad, Pâprâ killed his own sister, who was rich , and thereby 
collected footmen (piadas), and having made himself a refuge on a 
mountain, he stretched out the hand of robbery and oppression 
över the travellers and the peasantry. The faujdârs and land- 
holders tried to seize him, and he hearing this went to Wankat 
(Venkat Rao), the zamindar of pargana Bülâs, 2 in the sarkar of 
Ilkandal, and became his servant. Afteı some time he began there 
to practise robbery, and the zamindar having proof of this put 
him in prison. As the zamindar's son fell * ili, he was released 
along with the other prisoners, and having göne to the village of 
Shâhpür in the pargana of Târîkanda. (Narganda), sarkar of Bhun- 
ger (Bhonaghir), which was a rugged place, he a ssociated himself 
with a turbulent person named Sarwâ. There he built a fort and 
, openly practised attacking and plundering. Rustum Dil K. com- 
missioned Qâsim K. jama'dâr, who was faujdâr of pargana Kul- 
pâk, which was in the neighbourhood of Shâhpür, and strictly 
charged him to seize Pâprâ. in the battle Qâsim K. was killed, 



1 Khâfî K. says he belonged to the 
caste of the toddy-sellers, II. 631. 
See EHiot VII. 410 where he is called 
Pâp Rm. 

s Bülâs is Kûlâs or Kaulâs in 
Khâfî I". II. 631. it is marked on 
the maps tu Kowlass and Kaulâs, and 
is in the Haidarabad State, N.N.W. 
Haidarabad and N. Bidar. Ilkandal 
is the Eilgundal of the map and lies 

east of Kaulâs. Kaulâs is interesting 
as being the place where 'Abdu-1-Hayy 
the son of Shah Newâz, and part 
author of the Maaşir, died. See Rieu, 
Cat. I. 342. 

3 The boy's mother released ali the 
prisoners in hopes that thereby her 
son would get better. Khâfî K. II. 

and Sarwâ having engaged in a foolish dispute with Pur Dil K., 
the jama'dâr of his own piadas, about military matters, they 
f ought a duel in which Sarwâ was killed. l Pâprâ was now su- 
preme and set about building the fort of Târîkanda. He raided as 
far as Wârangol and Bhunger, and set öpen the gates of calamity 
for the inhabitants of that country. 

Bahâdur Shah after his victory över Muhammad Kâm 
Bakhşh made Yûsuf K. Rüzbihânî şubâhdâr of Haidarabad and 
issued strict orders for the seizure of Pâprâ. The said Khân 
appointed Dilâwar K. jama'dâr with a suitable force, and the 
latter attacked Pâprâ at a time when he was pressing the siege of 
Kulpâk. After a fight he defeated him and established a military 
station (thâna) in Kulpâk. Meanwhile Pâprâ's father-in-law's son 
had for a long time been imprisoned in Shâhpür along with others, 
and was subjected to severe treatment. Except his wife, who 
cvery day brought him his food, no one was allowed to visit him. 
By means of his wife, he procured several files, and with them he 
cut his leg-irons and also those of some other prisoners, and on a 
day when Pâprâ had göne out of Shâhpür to fîsh, he came out of 
prison along with others, and killed the piadas who were guarding 
him, and also those at the gate, and took possession of the fort. 
On hearing of this Pâprâ became agitated and came near the fort, 
and a gun was fired from the top of the fort. As his brothers 2 
had informed the zamindars of Kulpâk that this (the firing of the 
cannon) would occur, so as soon as the report was heard, Dilâwar 
K. set off with a force. When he came near Shâhpür there was a 
great disturbance and fîghting. At last Pâprâ was defeated and 
fled to Târîkanda. 3 When Yûsuf K. heard this he fîrst appointed* 

I Khâfî K. II. 633 says they were 
both killod. Perlıaps the meaning is 
not that they quarrelled about mili- 
tary matters, but that like soldiers 
they challenged one another. Ferishta 
refers to the frequency of duels in 
the Deccan. The text has jang îlcmg, 
KhâîS K. has jang ikangî, and this is 
right, yakang being a Deccani word— 
one body. Instead- of Tur Dil Khân, 
which seerns an unlikely title here. 

I. O. MS. 628 has Tabal " drummer." 
İt also has 6a jang yakang " in a 

4 Barâdarânaah , but from Khâfî K. 
it appears that the brother-in-law told 
his wife to inform the zamindars. 
Probıbly we should read barödar ba 

8 Here spelt w£th a long a. 

« Khâfî K. II. 841. 





M. Alî his manager, and then went himself with a suitable force, 
and besieged Târîkanda for nine months. Then he set up a flag ' 
of truce (jhanda-i-qaul) to the effect that whoever came out of the 
fort would get a present. Pâprâ changed* his appearance and 
canve, out of the fort, but fell into the hands of the same brother- 
in-law and was arrested. When they brought him bef ore Yûsuf 
K. he divided him, limb by limb, and sent his head to eourt. 


How well did the old farmer say to his son, 
" Light of my eyes, you'll reap naught but what you've 

(LlON of Battle). 

His name was Khwâja Kamâl and he was daughter's son of 
the sister of Mîr Bahâu-d-dîn of Samarkand. His father, Mir 
'Ivvaz by name, was one of the Haidarî Saiyids, and 'Azdu-d- 
daulah was married to Khadija Begam, the daughter of Qullj* K. 
Saiyid Niyaz K., his mother's brother, held in the 47th year of 
Aurangzeb the rank of 1500 with 500 horse and the deputy-gover- 
norship of Bijapur. After that monarch's death, when Sultan 
Kâm Bakhşh went against Bijapur, he, on the ground of making 
some inquiries, delayed a while (saying that he would) join Kam 
Bakhşh later. But without giving him notice he suddenly went 
off and joined A'zim Shah. Saiyid Niyaz K. the second, who was 
his son and was married to the daughter of I'timâdu-d-daulah 
Qamaru-d-dîn, was ripped öpen in the time of Nâdir Shah on 
account of his exhibiting some insolence. 'Azdu-d-daula came 

1 Cf. Khâfî K. II. 642. 

2 id. 

S This biography is marked Q, it 
being an addition bj the author's son 
' Abdu-1-Hayy. it is abridged from 
Khâfî K. II. 630 et seq., and even the 
concluding verse i» taken from there. 

The story of PSprâ is also told in 
the Hadiqau-1- 'Alpm of Abü-l-QSsim 

II. 15 (lithograph). The verse is from 

* This is 'Abid Khwâja, the grand- 
father of the famous Nizâmu-1-mulk 
Âşaf Jâlı. See Maaşir II. 872 and 
Khâfî K. II. 951, where it is said that 
'Azdu-d-daulah was married to Fath 
Jang's, i. e. Nizâmu-1-mulk's, aunt. 

from Türân to India in the time of Amangzeb, and by the in- 
fluence of Khân Fîrüz Jang was given the title of 'Iwaz K. and 
accompanied Fîrüz Jang, and in the provinee of Ahmadabad 
looked after his household. After Fîrüz Jang's death he came to 
court, and at first through the instrumentality of Mîr Jamla 
('Abdullah, Maasir II. 761) he was attached to the provinee of 
Berar in the time of Farrukh Siyar. Afterwards as deputy of 
the Amîru-1-Umarâ Husain 'Alî K. (one of the Bârha Saiyids) he 
was made governor of the said provinee. He applied himself 
to the management of the provinee and displayed courage. in 
the 2nd year of Muhammad Shah, when Nizâmu-1-mulk Âşaf 
Jâh Bahâdur went to the south from Malwa, he gathered the real 
meaning of fche letters, and colleeted a proper force, and joined 
Âşaf Jâh in Burhanpur. in the battle with Dilâwar 'Ali K , who 
made a violent attack on him and killed many of his men, 
though his elephant * turned back a little, he did not lose 
courage and was not lacking in jeopardizing his life. in the 
battle with 'Alam 'Ali K. he was on the right-wing, and after 
the victory — which took place near Aurangabad — he received the 
rank of 5000 with 5000 horse and the title of 'Azdu-d-daulah 
Bahâdur Qaswara Jang (Lion of Battle), and was made substan- 
tive governor of Berar. Gradually he attained to the rank of 
7000 with 7000 horse, and in the 2nd year when Âşaf Jâh ad- 
dressed himself to the task of settling the Bijapur provinee, 
'Azdu-d-daulah was left behind in Aurangabad as deputy. After- 
wards, when Âşaf Jâh according to the summons of Muhammad 
Shâh proceeded to the capital, he left the offices of the diwânî 
and the bakhshîship with 'Azdu-d-daulah and made him deputy 
with full powers. After going to court when he (Âşaf Jâh) was 
ordered to chastise Haidar Qulî K. Naşir Jang, who was making a 
disturbance in the provinee of Ahmadabad (Gujarat), 'Azdü-d- 
daulah was sent for by him and came with a force and for some 
time accompanied him, but at the stage öf Jhâbwa, a dependeney 
of Malwa, he left him and obtained leave to go to his own estates. 
in the battle with Mubâriz K. 'Imâdu-1-mulk, he did good service 

Khâfî K. II. 879. 



and afterwards, in the year 1143, 1730-31, he died of disease, and 
was buried at the shrine of S. Burhânu-d-dîn Gharib (may God 
have mercy upon him ! ). He had a share of learning, and strove 
to put it into practice. He behaved with respect to learned men, 
and with courtesy to faquirs and pious personB. He used great 
exertions to put down the oppreasors and to support the weak. 
He was swift in observing the rules of justice and in inflicting 
punishment. He built the mosque of Shâh Ganj in Aurangabad, 
of which the chronogram is Khujasta 1 Banyâd. Though the 
tank in front of it was made by Husain 'Alî K., yet he widened 
it. The Hawelî and BârahdârJ which he made in that city are 
famous. He kept a good and abundant table. Of his sons, the 
eldest was Saiyid Jamâl K., who in his father's lifetime attained 
to maturity and distinguished himself by courage in battles. 
After the battle with Mubâriz K. he attained the rank of 5000 
with 5000 horse and was made his father's deputy in the govern- 
ment of Berar. Wben Âşaf Jâh went to court and left Nizâmu- 
d-daulah in the Deccan, and the Mahratta disturbance increased 
more and more, he was appointed to the government of Berar and 
received the title of Qaswara Jang. After the return of Âşaf 
Jâh he went and sate with Naşir Jang in the Rauza of Shâh 
Burhânu-d-dîn Gharîb, and he took part along with Naşir Jang 
in the battle with his father. Âşaf Jâh pardoned his offenees and 
sent fdr him and confirmed him in his jagir. He died in 1159, 
1746. He left many sons. The second son (of Azdu-d-daulah) was 
Khwâja Mümin K. who in Âşaf Jâh's time was made Naib-gover- 
nor of Haidarabad and Matşadî there. He did good service in 
chastising 'Alî K. Qarâwal who was servant of Roghü Bhonsla. 
F or a time he was governor of Burhanpur, and in the time of 
Şalâbat Jang he obtained the title of 'Azdu-d-daulah and was 
appointed to be governor of Nandair. At last he was contented 
with the jagir of pargana Pâtwar* Shaikh Bâbû in Berar. He 
died some years ago. He left a Iarge family. The third son was 
Khwâja 'Abdu-1-Hâdî K. who for a long time was governor of the 

1 The auspicious foundation. " 

The ohronogram yields 1135. 1722-23. 

S Pâtar Shaikh Bâbû in Sarkar 

Narnâlah, J. II. 234, the Pâtür of 
I.G. XX, 76. it is in the Berars. 



fort of Mâhvvar. 1 in the beginning of Şalâbat Jang's rule he was 
removed and afterwards restored and given the title of Zahîru-d- 
daulah Qaswara Jang. He died sorhe years ago. He too left 
şons. He was a princely-minded man and of an awakened heart, 
and had much affection for the writer. The fourth was Khwâja 
' Abdu-r-Rashîd K. Bahâdur Himmat Jang. The fifth was Khwâja 
'Abdu-sh-Shahid K. Bahâdur Haibat Jang. Both are servants of 
Nizâmu-d-daulah * Âşaf Jâh. 


Knovra as Fedaî K. Koka, his name was Mozaffar Husain and 
he was the elder brother of Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh. 
in the time of Shah Jahan he distinguished himself during his 
long service of H.M. by his rectitude and trustworthiness. At 
first he was darogha of the court of justice, and affcerwards he 
was sent as ambassador to Bijapur to convey some presents 
to 'Âdil Shah. in the 22nd year he had an appointment in 
the Tüzük department. in the 23rd year he was made bakhshî 
of the Ahadîs, and in the 24th year he had the rank of 1000 
with 400 horse and was made bakhshî of the mansabdârs of Kabul, 
and darogha of the artillery there. in the 26th year he came 
to court and was made Mîr Tüzük. After that be was made 
superintendent of the special elephants, and eventually of ali 
the elephants. in the 29th year he was made superintendent 
of the mace-bearers, and on the removal of Tarbîyat K. the 
post of Mîr Tüzük was added to his duties. He had an increase 
of 500 with 200 horse, and in the beginning of the 30th year 
he had the title of Fedaî Khân conferred upon him. After 
that vvhen Aurangzeb became the ruler, he was, on account of 
his fosterage relation, the recipient of royal favours, and when 
the king, in pursuit of Dara Shikolı, halted at the garden of 
Agharâbâcl* near Delhi, he was given a drum and sent* off 

1 The Mahur of Haig's Hist. Land- 
marks, p. 134. 

* The son of the original Niz5mu-1- 
mulk Âşaf Jâh. 

3 N. of Delhj and the same as Shâlı- 

mâr, Irvine, J.A.S.B. for 1904, 307. 
Text has A'zâbâd, and so has the 
Alamgîrnâma 145. 
* 'Alamgîrnâma 148. 



with the Amîru-1-umarâ Shaista K. to dispose of the affair of 
Sulaimân Shikoh who had hastened from Lucknow and was 
seeking to join his father. The Khân (Fedai) went ahead 
of the Amîru-1-umarâ to Bûriya 1 (?) and learnt that Sulaimân 
Shikoh wished to go with the assistance of Prithî Singh, the 
ruler of Srînagar, by the crossing at Hardwâr to Lahore. 
Fedaî travelled eighty kos in twenty-four hours and arrived 
at Hardwâr. On account of his arrival, Sulaimân Shikoh was 
unable to cross and had to go to the hill-country, to Srînagar. 2 
Fedaî returned to court and obtained leave to go with Khalîl 
UUah K. who had been appointed to pursue Dara Shikoh. 
At the time when Aurangzeb came to Qasür with the intention 
of proceeding to Multan, he was summoned to the presence, and 
on the death of Irâdat K., the şubahdar of Oudh, he was made 
faujdâr thereof and of Gorakhpur. After the battle with Shujâ 
and his flight, he was appointed to assist 'Muazzam K. Mir Jumla 
and attached to Sultan Muhammad and directed to pursue the 
fugitive Shujâ'. When Sultan Muhammad in the very crisis of 
the struggle with his uncle became vexed by the supremacy 
of M'uazzam K. and joined Shujâ', and afterwards repented 
and became an object of ridicule by returning to the imperial 
army, M'uazzam K., in accordance with orders, sent 3 Fedaî 
with a body of troops to take charge of the prince and to con- 
duct him to court. in the fourth year he became Mir Atish 
(superintendent of artillery) in succession to Şafshikan K. , and 
received a robe of honour. 

Iıı the beginning of the sixth year the delightful country of 
Kashmîr was visited by Aurangzeb. There was the Sambal* tribe, 
which was a branch of the Afghan Niyâzî tribe, and it dwelt 
on the other side of the Indus. in former times some of them 
dwelt in the village of Dhankot, 6 which is known as M'uazzam- 
nagar 8 and is situated on this side of the river, and as they were 

1 The 'Âlamgîrnâma speaks of 

4 Perhaps the Samal- of Bellew. 

Bûriya and Sahâranpur. The Mirâtu- 

See 'AlaBagîrnama 827 and Elliot IV. 

l-'Alam has Biharpür Bûriya. 

428—32 and 496, where they are ealled 

' 'Âlamgîrnâma 166. it is in the 



» Jarrett JI. 401. 

s Maasir A. 30. 

6 Apparently Aurangzeb gave this 



sources of wickedness and sedition, the faujdârs and governors had 
caused them to move from this side to the other. At this time 
this tribe, on account of their ignorance, trod the path of dis- 
affection and crossed the Indus and took possession of the royal 
thâna. Fedaî, who was on the bank of the Chînâb with the 
artillery, was directed to uproot them, and he cleansed the 
country of the thorn of their existence. He made a settlement 
of the land, and after making över the administration to Khanjar 
K., who had been appointed to the faujdârl thereof, he returned. 
in the same year the king, when he was returning from Lahore 
to the capital , halted at the hunting-place of Kânwâdahan ' and 
sent Fedaî to chastise the seditiöus people of Patna-Jâlandhar 
who had raised up the head öf disaffection. I"n the seventh year 
he was made a manşabdâr of 4000 with 2500 horse. in the tenth 
year he was made faujdâr of Gorakhpur with an increase of 1500 
horse, becoming a manşabdâr of 4000 with 4000 horse. After- 
wards the şubah of Oudh was added. in the thirteenth year he 
came to court and was made şubahdar of Lahore. When a 
strange (gharlb) defeat happened at the station of Gharîbkhâna* 
to Muhammad Amîn K. the subahdâr of Kabul, Fedaî hastened 
from Lahore to Peshawar and arranged for the subjugation 
of the tract. Afterwards he took part in the Jamü campaign. 
When in the 17th year the king encamped at Hasan Abdal, Fedaî 
was appointed to the government of Kabul in succession to Ma- 
hâbat K. and went off there with a suitable force and equipment. 
With Aghar 3 (Aghuz) K. in the van he endeavoured to chastise 
the evil-minded Afghans and fought his way by Bâzârak and 
Sehcoba from Peshawar to Jalâlâbâd, and from thence to Kabul. 
At the time of returning, the Afghans gathered together more 
numerous than ants or locusts and blocked the road. There 

name to the vilUge. 'Âlamgîrnâma 
828. Dhankot or Dhinkot, the Din- 
kot of Erişkine, Babar's Mem., p. 140, 
note 4 , appears to have been on the 
east sid6 of the Indus, as here stated, 
though the 'Âlamgîrnâma has anrûl 
instead of inrûl as in the Maaşir. 

I ^A.j^Uf variant Kânü wa Ahn, 


but in Ain, Persian text I, it is Kânû- 
wâhan. Jarrett II. 319 has Kaon 
Wâhan. it was in the Bârî Dûâb. 

2 " Betvveen Peshawar and Kabul." 
Khâfî K. II. 232. Amîn K. was son 
of Mîr .Tamla, it is mentioned in 
A.N. III. 519 as a thâna. 

3 Khâfî K. II. 240. 



was a severe engagement. The vanguard became l disorganized 
and the bulk of the artillery and the baggage was plundered. it 
was near being a great defeat. Fedaî kept the centre firm and 
he recalled Aghar K. from the thâna of Gandaraak, and re- 
arranged the vanguard. Again there was a severe engagement 
at the difficult pasa of Jalak. 2 Besides arrovvs and bullets they 
rolled down from the tops of the hills stones big enough to oarry 
away elephants, so that the position of the imperial army became 
critical. Only by God's aid was there such brave fighting that at 
Jast the Afghans turned and dispersed. Fedaî reached Jalâlâbâd 
and set about building forts and establishing thânas. He made 
admirable exertions for the destruction of that turbulent tribe 
and for destroying their villages. He was lauded for his endeavours 
and received the title of A'zim K. Koka. in the 20th year he 
came to court and was appointed to the high office of the 
government of Bengal in succession to the Amîru-1-umarâ (Shaista 
K.). in the 2Lst year, when the government of that province 
was assigned to Prinoe Muhammad A'zim Shah, he vvas nominated 
to the government of Bihar in succession to the Prince's agents. 
The Khân was arranging to go there when on 9 Rabî'ul-akhir 1089j 
21st May 1678, he wentto the final stage 3 (died) (at Dacca). His 
house is in Lahore, and one of the finest mansions there. it was' 
long the residence of the şubahdârs of that province. His eldest 
son Salih K., who obtained the title of Fedai Khân, has been 
separately noticed. His second son Şafdar K.* was the son-in-law 
(and nephew) of Khân Jahân Bahâdur. in the 33rd year of 
Aurangzeb when he was faujdâr of Gwaliyar he died of a gunshot 
wound whüe attacking a fort. 

1 KhafîK II. 241. Aghar K. w as 
not tlıcn \vith tha vanguard. but 
came lrurriedly from Gandamak on 
being sent for. 

2 id. Chalak. Perhaps ifc is the 
famous Jagdalak Pass. 

S See for the English eatimate of 
Fedaî K., Stevvart's Hist. of Bengal, 
302, where it is said that Aurangzeb 
ordered him to leave Dacca and re- 

şide at Kidderpore (Khizrpiîr), but 
that he died on 25th May 1678 before 
hr had left Dacca. The date of his 
death given in the Maaşir A. 168 is 
12 Kabîu-lakhir and not 9 as in the 
Maaşir U. ; 12 corresponds with 24th 
May 1678 and so nearly agreea with 
the date given in the English records. 
Fedaî is alao mentioned by Manucci, 
II. 197. * Maaşir A. 335. 




He belongs to the noble Saiyids of Sâvâ which is one of the 
old towns of 'Irâq. The drying up of its lake 1 (buhaira) at the 
birth of the seal of the prophets — the peace of God upon him — is 
well known. When the Mîr first came to India he vvas appointed 
on the part of Âşaf K. Mîrzâ J'aafar to be faujdâr of Siâlkot, 
Gujarat and the Panjab, and afterwards became his son-in-]aw, 
and so became known to Jahangir. After that he got promotion 
thröugh Yemenu-d-daulah Aşaf K. and became khânsâmân 
(steward). As in this service he shovved loyalty and much 
economy he received much favour and in the 15th year was made 
governor of Kashmîr. From there he went to court and became 
Mîr Bakhshî. After the death of Jahangir he was associated 
with Yemenu-d-daulah in the affair of Shahriyâr, and did good 
service. He waited upon Shah Jahan at Agra before Yemenu-d- 
daulah came there from Lahore. He had an increase' 2 of 500 
and 1000 horse and he obtained the rank of 5000 both zât and 
cavalry, and a drum and flag, and was confirmed in the appoint- 
ment of Mîr Bakhshî. After that, at the regue'st of Yemenu-d- 
daulah, he on 5th 3 Rajab, 2nd March 1628, at the beginning of 
the reign \vas made Vizier. in the second year he was appointed 
to the Deccan. 

When in the beginning of the third year, Burhanpur was 
visited by Shah Jahan, Irâdat K. had the honour of paying 
his respects and was exalted by having the title of A'zim K. 
conferred on him. He was sent* off at the head of three bodies 
of troops, composing 50,000 horse, to defeat Khân Jahân Lodî 

1 The Burhan Qâti' says that Sâvâ 
had a small lake or stream (daryâca) 
which every year drovvned a man, and 
that it dried up on the night of 
Muhammad 's b«th. See also Yâqüt 
in Barbier de Meynard. Sâvâ lies 
between Rai and Hamadân, being 
30 farsakhs from each. it is S.S.W. 
Tehran. it is from this town that 
Yûsuf 'Âdil Shah of Bijapur took his 
name, which the Portuguese changed 

into Cabaio. There is an account of 
Sâvâ in the Nuzhat-al-qalüb which 
C.Scheffer hasextracted in the Supple- 
ment to his translation of the Sîâsat- 
nâma See p. 185. it seems that the 
lake did not dry up, but flovved away 

* Pâdshâhnâma I. 159. 

3 Do. 186, where the 

date given is 8 Rajab. 

* KhSfI K. I. 424. 



and to conquer the territories of the Nizâm Shah. He had spent 
therains in Devvalgâon and then encamped ir Râmpür 1 on the 
banks of the Godavery, and when it appeared that Khân Jahân 
had not conıe out of Bîr, he left his camp in Majlîgâon,* made a 
night-march and suddenly came upon Kbân Jahân. When the 
latter saw that the road of flight was closed, and that he could 
not escape, he of necessity had to fight. But as many men of 
the imperial army had turned to plundering his baggage, the 
troops were out of order. By this opportunity Khân Jahân came 
out on to the hill and fought stubbornly. At last he took to 
flight. Though it was diffioult for him to escape from the clutch 
of so powerful an army when also Bahâdur K. Rohilla and some 
Rajputs did their duty in exposing their lives, yet as the 
imperial army had marched more than thirty kos it had been 
exhausted and could not follow. After that Khân Jahan crept into 
Daulatabad, and A'zim K set himself to punish Nizâm Shah. 
When he arrived within three kos of Dhânvar 3 he wished to attack 
the town and to leave the taking of the fort which was famous in 
the Deccan for its difficulty and for ite abundance of munitions, 
and was on the top of a ridge and had on two sides streams which 
were not easily crossed, to another opportunity. The garrıson 
employed themselves in discharging muskets and arrows, and 
the townspeople, who had brought their goods to the moat, took 
to arms in order to protect them. in consequence a number of 
men got up to the moat and carried off much plunder. A'zim K. 
with consummate courage came on foot to the moat at night and 
ascertained that in one place (in the wall)* there was a window 
(or door) which had been filled with stones and mortar. I.f that 
were opened out by pick-axes and mattocks and filled with 
gunpovvder it would be possible to get into the fort. He also 
found that there vvere no aangandâz / and that the methods of 
defending a fort were not observed. He set his heart upon taking 

1 Râmbhüri in Pâdshâhnâma I. 321. 

2 Khâfî K. 430. it is MaclîgSon 
in Pâdshâhnâma I. 321. 

S Pâdshâhnâma I. 331, 339 Grant- 
Dun" III. 148 and I. G. 

* Pâdshâhnâma I. 341. 

6 Embrasures or loop hules through 
whieh stones vvere discharged. See 
Irvine, Army of the Moguls, 266. 



the fort. When the garrison saw the skill and valour of the 
besiegers they withdrew from fighting and on 23 Jumâda-al-akhirî 
of the 4th year, 1040, 17th January 1631, Khân A'zim and the 
other officers entered by the little door. Sîdî Sâlm, the governor, 
and the family of I'tibâr Râo, and the household of Shams, 1 the 
uncle of Malik Badan, and the maternal grandmother of Nizâm 
Shah, with ali the establishments , vvere made prisoners. Much 
booty was obtained. The fort received the name of Fathâbâd 
and the charge of it was made över to Mîr 'Abdullah Rezavî. 
A'zim K. was raised to the rank of 6000 with 6000 horse. As 
the affairs of the Nizâm Shah ceased to be prosperous, and 
Muqarrib Khân, his general, submitted to A'zim K, and entered 
the imperial service in that year, the Khân A'zim came tö the 
river Mânjarâ in aocordance with a message from Randaulah 
Khân of Bijapur to the effect that " if by your instrumentality a 
pardon is obtained for the faults of 'Adil Shah I shall guarantee 
that he will never be disobedient again." By chance, one dav, a 
party of the enemy made an attack and wounded and captured 
Bahâdur K. Rohilla and Yûsuf K. of Tâshkend. Many others of 
the royal troops were killed or captured. A'zim K. proceeded to 
Citküba, 2 Bhâlkî and Bîdar, thinking that he might amend 
matters. On account of want of food and barley he had to 
return and cross the Godavery. When it appeared that the 
Nizâm Shah had come to the Bâlaghât with the intention of 
reconciling himself with the Bijapurîs, and had göne towards the 
fort of Parenda, A'zim K. hastened off in that direction, and 
invested the fort. As no grass was to be found within twenty kos 
of the place, he turned back after failure and came to Dhârwar. 
in the »ame year he came to the Presence in obedience to orders. 
Shah Jahan said 3 that in this campaign he had done two excellent 
things, viz. the driving avvay Khân Jahân and the taking of the 
fort of Dhârvvar, and that he had also committed two faults, for 
after Muqarrib K. had submitted he should not have göne to 
Bîdar, and when Parenda could not be taken, why did he delay 

1 Şhaman in Pâdshâhnâma, I. 343. 

2 Pâdshâhnâma I. 356. Jitkopa. 

s Pâdshâhnâma I. 394. At p. 393 
we have Nandar instead of Bîdar. 



there 1 The Khân acknowledged his mistakes, and as the affairs 
of the Deccan had not been properly managed by him he was in 
the 5th year sent to the government of Bengal on the death of 
Qâsim Khân Javînî. There he 1 collected a good set of men, 
and there were many Persians among them. in the 8th year he 
was made governor of Allahabad, and in the 9th year he was 
appointed toGuj arat. As the wife 2 of Prince Muhammad Shujâ', 
who was the daughter of M. Rustum Şafavî, had died, A'zim K.'s 
daughter was married to the prince in the 12th year, 1049, 1639-40. 
Sultan Zainu-l-'âbidîn was the fruit of this marriage. 

A'zim K. long governed the extensive territory of Gujarat, 
and in the 14th year marched against the zamindar of Jâm who 
did not, like the other landholders, submit to authority. He 
arrived at Nawânagar, the zemindar's seat. The Jâm came to his 
senaes and presented 100 Cutch horses and three lacs of mahmü- 
dis and des£royed his mint where mahmüdîs used to be coined,and 
waited upon him. He returned from there to Ahmadabad. After 
that he was made fief-holder of Islâmâbâd-Mathura and built a 
serai and quarter {püra) there. After that he was made governor 
of Bihar, and in the 2lst year he was summoned to take charge of 
Kaahmîr. He represented that he could not stand the cold of 
that region, and he was appointed to Jaunpür in succession to 
M. Hasan Şafavî. in the 22nd year, 1059, 1649, he died after 
attaining the age of 76. The chronogram of his death is A'zim 
Auliyâ "greatestof officers," 1059, 1649. He was buried in a 
garden which he had made before the end of his government on 
the bank of the Jaunpür river (the Gumti). The date of making 
it is Bihisht naham bar lab âb jûî "I made 8 a paradise on the 
bank of a river," 1058, 1648. 

His sons attained high office, and they have been separately 
noticed. They say that A'zim K had excellent qualities, but that 

> According to the Riyâzu-s-salâ- 
tîn and Stewart he managed very 
badly in Bengal. The appointment 
is mentioned in Pâdshâhnâma I. 444. 

* She died in the 7th year of the 
reign, Pâdshâhnâma II. 137. The 

sentence aboııt. the colleeting a good 
set of men is abrupt and obscııre, but 
it seems to be in ali the MSS 

5 Or is naltam here ninth. There 
are eight paradises, and perhapa the 
meaning is that this was the ninth. 



he was harsh in financial matters. During the sovereignty of the 
Timurid princes he did good service and from first to last lived with 
dignity and honour. Certainly he could not be without purity of 
disposition seeing that up to the present day — a period of nearly 
one hundred years— his descendants havealways been distinguuriîed. 
This work bas a record of each of them. 


Younger son of Shamsu-d-dîn Muhammad K. Atga. Of the 
same age as Akbar, and also his playmate. He was always his 
intimate and always an objeot of his grace and favour. His 
mother Jîjî Anaga also held a close relationship with Akbar, who 
used l to show more affection to her than to his own mother. 
Hence it was that the king always passed 'över the insolences of 
the Khân A'zam. He used to* say " between me and Atiz there 
is the link of a river of milk which cannot pass away." When the 
Panjab was taken from the Atga elan because they had been long 
established there, the Mirza was excepted and maintained in 
Dîpâlpür and other estates which he had long held. When in the 
16th 8 year, in the end of 978, 1571, after Akbar had visited the 
shrine of Farîd Shakrganj — may his grave beholy! — which is in 
the Panjab Pattan, commonly known as Ajüdhan — and had made 
Dîpâlpür his camp — he, at the request of M. Koka, visited his 
residence. The Mirza prepared a great feast and tendered abun- 
dant presents of Arab and Persiah horses with golden and silver 
saddles, as well as strong elephants with harness,* and chains, 
golden vessels, seats, precious jewels, choice stuffs of every 6 

1 For a similar remark about HSji 
Begam, see A.N. IİI. 77, line 12. The 
Maasir copies the Iqbâlnâma, p. 230. 

2 For 'Aziz Koka see B. 325, 
Badayünî III. 280, Khâfi K. I. 201, 
Darbârî Akbari 759, and Jahangir's 
Memoirs. Blochmann has " between 
me and Aziz is a river of milk which 
I cannot cross. " Bat this is not 
intelligible and the Persian in the 
Maasir is natutmn guzasht and not 
natuwö.nam. T think, tberefore, the 

meaning must be that the conneotion 
cannot die out. The Iqbâlo5ma, 
however, 231, has namitatcânam. 

8 The T. A. has the 16th year. Eli. 
V. 336, but A.F. has 16th, II. 383. 
The description of tbe entertainment 
is fullest in the T. A., and the Maasir 
has copied it. 

«The T.A. has " gold and silver 

6 The T.A. has stuffs of Europe, 
Rûm and Ohina, 






conntry, and was encompassed with unexampled favours. He also 
presonted valuahle gif ts to the princes and the ladies. The other 
officers, and the learned men, and indeed the whole of the camp, 
participated in his bounty, §haikh Muhammad ' Ghaznavi found 
the date of this banquet. 

Mihmânân-i-' Aziz 'nd * Shâh u Shahzâda (978). 
"The Shah and Shahzâda are 'Azîz's guests." 

The aathor of the Tabaqât sâys there seldom has been such a 
eplendid feast. in the I7th year when Ahmadabad-Gujarat came 
into Akbar's possession, the government thereof up to the Mahin- 
drî was given to the Mîrzâ, and Akbar himself went of£ to take 
the fort of Surat. The rebels, that is to say, Muhammad Husain 
M. and Shah M., in conjunction with Sher K. Fulâdî, finding the field 
lef t öpen to them, surrounded Pattan. M. Koka with Qutbu-d-dîn 
K: and other officers — who had lately come from Malvva — hastened 
there and drew up in battle-array. Though at first there was an 
appearance of defeat, yet at last the breeze of victory blew from 
the quarter of Divine power. They say that when the right wing , 
the vanguard and the vanguard reserve (altamsh) could not 
resist and lost courage, the Mîrzâ came forward with the centre 
and wished to make an attack in person. The veterans turned his 
rein saying that for the leader to make an attack was to cause dis- 
persion among the troops, especially at such a time. The Mîrzâ 
stood firm, and at last the enemy, many of whom had göne off 
in pursmit and had turned to plunder, became disorganized and 
broke. The Mîrzâ returned victorious to Ahmadabad. 

When the king returned from the Gujarat expedition and 
came to Fathpür on 2 Şafr 981, 3 June 1573, Ikhtiyâr-ul-mulk — 
who had taken refuge in Idar — came to the neighbourhood of 
Ahmadabad and made a disturbance. Muhammad Husain M. 
returned from the Deccan and devastated the country about 
Cambay. After that they joined forces and wished to take 
possession of Ahmadabad. Though the Khân A' zam had a large 

' A.F. calls the author of the 
chronogram Mozaffar Husairj and 
eayg he was a servant of the Mîrzâ, 
II. 304. 

2 Unless the alif of and be elided 
the ohıonogram is 979. See also A.SL 
II. 363. The date correşponds to 

force, yet he did not see in it loyalty and singleness of mind. He 
therefore did not hasten to engage, but remained on the alert iri 
the city, and busied himself in strengthening the fortifications. 
The enemy came in great force and besieged it, and began the 
battle of the batteries. The Mîrzâ sent off expresses to the king, 
and begged for his coming. 


Sedition has raised its head and fortune is adverse. 

Save for the swift deeds of the Shah 
Nothing can remove this dust out of the road. 

Akbar sent some officers ahead, and proceeded rapidly him- 
self on 4 Rabî-'al-awal of that year, 4 July 1573, with a few of his 
immediate attendants mounted ön camels. 

The heroes were on camels, their quivers in their waist. 
The camels (shutur) flew like ostriches {shutur murgh). 

in Jâlaur the officers of the advance joined, and in the town 
of Balsâna, five kos from Pattan, Mir Muhammad K, joined with 
the troops of that place. Akbar divided the forces (among the 
leaders), which were in ali 3000 horse, and himself remained in 
reserve with 100 horse. He advanced without delay and arrived 
within three kos of Ahmadabad, and sounded his drums and 
trumpets. Muhammad Husain M. came to the bank of the river 
to get information, and asked Subhân Qulî Türk who was in 
advance what army was it. He said it was the royal standards. 
The Mîrzâ said, "it is fourteen days to-day that trustworthy 
scouts left him (Akbar) in the capital: if the king has come in 
person, where are the war-elephants ? ' ' Subhân Quli said, " They 
have spoken the truth. it is nine days since the king marched. 
it is clear that the elephants could not come so quickly." 

Muhammad Husain M. became alarmed and left Ikhtiyâru-1- 
mulk with 5000 horse to guard the gates so that the besieged 
might be debarred from exit, and himself engaged with 15^000 



horse in drawing up the battle-array. At this time the imperial 
army crossed the river and eneountered him. The imperial van- 
guard was nearly being defeated on account of the large numbers 
of the foe when Akbar himself fell on with one hundred horge 
and routed the enemy. Muhammad Husain M. and then Ikhti- 
yâru-1-mulk became the harvest of the sword. This has been 
described in the aocount of the Mîrzâs. 

Such rapid marches as this have been told of former princes 
in books, as, for example, the ıush of Sultan Jalalu-d-dîn 
Mankbarni from India to Kirman, and from there to Garjistan 
(Georgia), the conquest of Qarshî by Amîr Taimur Gürgân, the 
taking of Herat by Sultan Husain M., the taking of Samarkand 
by Bâbur Pâdshâh But it is not hidden from investigators that 
ali these princes attacked under neeessity or Decause they saw 
that there was negligence or scant opposition. Theirs was not the 
case of a king who could coromand two lacs of cavalry, and who 
voluntarily, in spite of his knowing the numbers of enemies and 
the leadership of a brave bahadur like Muhammad Husain M., 
— who had already wrought deeds in battle exceeding the power of 
contemporaries, — and this af ter a march of more than 400 current 
kos from Agra to Gujarat. No such other story has been told 
since the creation. 1 

in fine, after this victory, the Mîrzâ got fresh life and came 
out of the city. He caught the dust of the royal army as if it 
was a salve for his waiting eyes. Next year, when Akbar went 
to Ajmere, the Mirza came mto the presence with delight. Akbar 
advanced some steps to meet him and embraced him. 

When the sons of Ikhtiyâru-1-mulk Gujaratî had raised the 
head of sedition, he took leave from Agra. in the 20th year 
when Akbar had firmly determined upon introducing the branding 
of soldiers' horses, many oflicers refused to act. The Mîrzâ was 
summoned to court in order that he might make the branding 

1 This is an eloquent passage, but 
it seems to me to contain an anaco- 
luthon, and I do not understand the 
atatement about M. Husain 's sur- 
passinğ the deeds of contemporaries, 
and think it ranst be intended to refer 

to Akbar. Akbar's rapid march was 
long remembered as a great feat. 
Captain Hawkins heard of it when he 
wa« at Agra and mentions it in his 



popular. But he objected more than anybody else. The king, 
who Ioved the Mîrzâ more than his own children, was displeased at 
this and for a while degraded him from the position of an Amîr, 
and confined him to the garden which hehad made in Agra and 
was called the Jahânârâ Garden. in the 23rd year the Mîrzâ 
was again an object of favour and was restored to his former 
rank. But at the same period, the Mîrzâ became a recluse on 
account of some unfounded suspicion that the king was un- 
favourably disposed towards him. When in the 25th year, 988, 
1580, there occurred the rebellion in the eastern provinces and 
the killing of Mozaffar K'. the governor of Bengal, the Mîrzâ, 
who had been made a Panjhazârî, received the title of Kh&n 
A'zam and was sent off with a large force. On account of the 
distürbances in Bihar, the Mîrzâ did not go to Bengal, but took 
proper measures for administering the. country and for extirpating 
the rebels, and took Tip his quarters in Hâjîpür. When in the 
end of the 26th year Akbar returned from the expedition to 
Kabul and came to Fathpür, Mîrza Koka waited upon him and 
was exalted by various favours. When in the 27th year Jabârî, 
Khabîta and Tarkhân Diwâna came from Bengal to Bihar and 
took Hâjîpür from the Mîrzâ's men and stirred up strife, the 
Mîrzâ took leave in order to punish the Bihar rebels and then 
to address himself to the conquest of Bengal. Though 1 before 
the arrival of the Mîrzâ these rebels had got their deserts from 
the victorious army, and the rains began and the Mirza did not 
advance, yet wben the rains had ended, he, in the beginning of 
the 28th year , marched to Bengal along with the fief-holders of 
Allahabad, Oudh and Bihar and easily took* Garhî, which is the 
gate of the country. M'aşüm Kabulî — who was the head of the 
disaffected ingrates — came and encamped on the bank of the 
Kati 3 Gang. Though every day engagements took plaoe, yet 

1 The sentence is rather obscurely 
worded, but the meaning is that Tar- 
khân Diwâna and otherg had \>eea 
punished before the Mîrzâ arrived. 
it was his abaenoe that had enoour- 
aged their attack on Hâjîpür. See 

Blliot V. 427 and A.N. III. 384, 

1 Garhî was taken before Mirza 
Koka arrived. See A.N. III. 399. 

s Text Ghâti Gang. See A.N. III. 
399 and variant : also Elliot VI. 66. 



the imperialists were alarmed at the rebels and did not venture 
to have a pitched battle. Meanwbile a disagreement (hitherto 
they were united in rebellion) arose between M'aşüm and the 
Qâqshâls, and the Khân A' zam arranged a reconciliation with 
the latter and took from them promises of good service, it 
was agreed that they should keep aloof from fightinğ (the 
imperialists), and should go to their homes, and from there join 
the imperial army. M'aşüm K. grew bewildered and fled. The 
Khân A'zam sent 1 a force against Qatlü Lohânî, who in the 
confusion had prevailed över Orissa and part of Bengal. He 
himself wrote to Akbar representing the unhealthiness of the 
climate, and an order was given that the country should again be 
lef t to Shahbâz K. Kambü who was approaching about this time, 
and that the Khân A'zam should return to his fief in Bihar. in 
the same year, when Akbar came to Allahabad, the Mîrzâ arrived 
from Hâjîpür and did homage and obtained Garha and Raisin, 
in the 31st year, 994, 1586, he was appointed to conquer the 
Deccan. When the army had been collected he set out, but the 
fcwo-facednes8 and the ten-tonguedness of his companions created 
confusion, and Shihâbu-d-dîn Ahmad K., who was the auxiliary, 
behaved treacherously on account of an ancient grudge. The 
Mirza fell into an evil way of thinking (became suspicious) and 
on account of ill-timed delays, and motives for dispersion, few 
soldiers were obtained. The enemy, who had been alarmed, were 
emboldened and set off to fight. The Mîrzâ did not find himseh 
strong enough to encounter them and retired and hastened to 
Berar. On the day of the New Year he found Elichpür undef ended 
and sacked it and then marched to Gujarat with much plunder. 
The enemy were astonished at his retreat and hastily pursued 
him. The Mîrzâ from alarm proceeded rapidly and did not turn 
his rein till he got to Nazrbâr. Though the enemy did not catch 
him, yet territory which had been taken was lost. The Mirza 
went on rapidly from Nazrbâr towards Gujarat in order to collect 
troops. The Khân-Khânân who was in command there showed 
great zeal and in a short time brought together a choice army. 

l Akbarnâma III. 401. 



But owing to men's foolish ideas the enterprise miscarried. in 
the 32nd year the Mîrzâ's daughter was married to Prinoe Sultan 
Murâd, and there w*$ a splendid feast. in the end of the 34th 
year the government of Gujarat was given to him as successor of 
the Khân-Khânân. The Mîrzâ preferred Malwa and delayed to 
go to Gujarat. At last in the 35th year he went to Ahmadabad. 
When Sultan Mozaffar with the help of the Jâm, the zamindar of 
Kach, and the ruler of Jünâgarh, stirred up strife, the Mîrzâ in 
the 38th year came to that country, and inflicted a heavy defeat 
on fche" enemy. in the 37th year the Jâm and the other zamindars 
submitted, and Somnâth ete. — sixteen ports in ali — came into 
possession, and the siege of Jünâgarh — which is the oapital of the 
territory of Sorath — was undertaken. Miyân K. and Tâj K. the 
sons of Daulat K., the successor of Amîn K. Ghorî, surrendered, 
and made över the fort. The Mîrzâ gave each of them a cultivated 
jagir as an allowance, and devoted his energies to the seizing 
of Sultan Mozaffar — who was the thorn-brake of the rebellion. 
He sent an army to Dwârka, whither Mozaffar had crept by the 
proteetion of the landowner thereof. That landowner tried a 
fight and was worsted. Mozaffar fled to Kach (Cutch). The 
Mîrzâ went there in person and proposed to give his (the ruler of 
Kach's) home to the Jâm. He submitted, and made över Mozaffar. 
They were bringing him to the Mîrzâ when he withdrew to a 
retired spot on pretext of easing himself, and eut his throat with 
a razor which he had with him, and so died. 

When Akbar sent for the Mtrzâ in the 39"th • year, 1001, 
1592-93, he became suspicious of some evil intention and went off 
to the Hijâz. They say that as he eould in no way accept the 
prostration to the king (sijda), the shaving off the beard and the 
other innovations which had become established at court, but in 
opposition to them kept on a long beard, he perceived that going 
to the Presenoe would be disagreeable and so wrote excuses. At 
last the king wrote in reply, "You are making ali these delays 
in coming ; evidently the wool of your beard weighs heavily on 
you." They say that the Mirza also wrote sharp and Barcastic 

ı Should be the 38th year. The Mîrzâ sailed for Mecoa in March, 1694, in 
the beginning of the 39th year. A.N. III. 638. 



things about the matter of religion such 1 as that " Your Majesty 
has put Faizi and Abu-1-Pazl in the place of 'Osman and 'Ali. 
Well, whom have you appointed in the room of the two Shaikhs ? " 
in fine the Mirza set* out on the pretext that he was going to 
attack the port of Diu, and then he made peace with the Ffanks, 
and, at the port of Balâwal— which is near Somnâth-embarked orî 
the ship "ilâhî" with his six sons Kharram, Anwar, 'Abdullah, 
'Abdul-Latîf , Murtaza and 'Abdul-1-ghafür, and his six daughtere 
and their mothers and. one hundred servants. Akbar was much 
grieved, but favoured the Mlrzâ's two elder sons, Shamsî and 
Shâdmân, by giving them rank and good jagirs. Shaikh • 'Abdu- 
s -Qâdir Badayünî found the chronogram. 

The Khân Azam took the position of the righteous 
Though in the king's idea he went astray. 
When I asked my heart the date of the year, 
it said Mirza Koka went on pilgrimage (1002). 

They say that he spent much money in the holy places, and 
showed much respect to the Sharîfs and leaders, and made' över 
to the Sharif fifty years' cost of keeping up the blessed tomb of 

1 Soe KhSfî K. , who saya it is better 
not to give ali the Khân A'zim's re- 
markş in extetuo, and then proceeds 
to give the worst of them. Mîrzâ 
Koka's original letter is given in the 
Darbâr Akbarî, p. 759. The author 
doee not Bay where it is to be found, 
and his transcript is not alırays in- 

* A.N. III. 638 and Badayünî, Lowe 
400-04. The sbip "ilahi" is ap- 
parently the "Divine" ship which 
went yearly to Mecca. Akbar's letter 
to 'Ask Koka when he went to Mecca 
is in A.F.'s letter», Book I. 

» The chronogram is given in Ba- 
dayünî II. 387, but he does not say 
that he composed it, and the fact 
that he says (incorrectly) it majtes the 
date one too many seems to show 
ı> ■ he did not write it. Badayünî 

admired the Mîrzâ 's going, but waa 
disgusted by his return (see his vol. 
III, p. 282) and subsequent confor- 
mity to Akbar's innovations. 'Azîz 
landed at Balawal on his return in 
November 1504 and presented himself 
before Abkar 24 days afterwards. 
A.N. III. 655, so that he was only 
away about eight months. The state- 
ment in tezt that he returned in the 
beginning of 1003 is apparently not 
quit» correct. it was in the third 
month of that year. The IqbSInama 
231 says that 'Azîz had to spend so 
much money at Mecca that at last he 
fell into contempt. Badayünî also 
says, Lowe 412, that A'zim Koka 
suffered muah harm (azar bityâr, 
" much annoyance ") at the handı of 
the Sharîfs. 



the Prophet — Peace be upon him and his family. He also 
bought cells (hajarhâ) and dedicated them to the holy buildings. 
And when he got fresh news of the kindnesses of Akbar he tra- 
versed the ocean and landed at the same port (Balâwal), and re- 
entered into service in the beginning of 1003. He was restored 
to his rank and his fief in Bihar, and in the 40th year was 
highly exalted by receiving the great post of Vakîl and the charge 
of the royal seal which Maulânâ 1 'Alî Ahmad .had engraved with 
the names of the sacred ancestors up to Timur, in the 41st year 
the province of Multan was made his jagir. in the 45th year, 
when he was in attendance on Akbar at the siege of the fortress 
of Asir, his mother Bîca Jîû (Jî Jî) died. Akbar took her bier on 
his shoulder and in his grief shaved his head and his moustache. 
Though an endeavour was made to prevent öthers besides her 
sons from shaving they could not be forbidden. A whole tribe of 
people did the same thing. At the end of this year Bahâdur K., 
the ruler of Khandes, submitted through the intervention of the 
Mîrzâ and surrendered the fort. As the Mîrzâ's daughter was 
married to Sultan Khusrau, theeldest son of Prince Selîm, and who 
was sister's son of Rajah Mân Singh, these two pillars of the 
empire used great endeavours to promote the cause of Sultan 
Khusrau. Especially the Mîrzâ — who loved him — used to say, 
" I am vrilling that they (the fates) should convey the good news 
of his sovereignty to my right ear and should seize my soul at the 
left ear." During Akbar's deathbed illness springs were set in 
motion for the heir-apparency, but they were not successtul. A 
breath of Akbar's life stili remained when Sbaikh Farîd Bakhshî 
and others joined Prince Selîm, who at an indîcation from the king 
and from apprehensions of the plots of his ill-wishers, shut himself 
up in his house outside the fort. Rajah Mân Singh came out of 
the fort with Khusrau with the understanding that he should 
take him with him to the province of Bengal. The Khân A'zam 
got alarmed and sent his family to the Rajah's house with the 
instruction that he was coming too, but that it was necessary to 
carry funds, and that he had no porters. The Rajah too made 

* B. 52, 






the same excuse. The Mirza was helpless and remained alone in 
the fort and looked af ter the interment and the funeral ceremo- 
nies. Af ter that, Khusrau rebelled against his father in the first 
year of Jahangir , and the Mîrzâ fell into disgrace as being his 

They say that the Khân A' zam used to go to court dressed 
in his shroud and that he expected that they would kili him, but 
stili he could not eontrol his tongue. One night he had hot words 
with the Amlru-l-Umarâ. The king broke off the meeting and 
took counsel in private. The Amîru-1-Umarâ ' said that they 
should not delay the putting him to death. Mahâbat K. said, " I 
don't understand discussions. I'm a soldier. I have a strong 
sword, and I' 11 strike his waıst, If it does not divide him into 
two pieces, you can cut ott my hand. " When the Khân Jahân 
Lodî's turn to speak came he said, " I am confounded by his good 
fortune, for wherever~H. M. 's (Akbar's) name has göne, his too has 
been bruited abroad. I do not perceive any manifest indication of 
wrong-doing on his part which would make him worthy of death. 
If you kili him, ali the world will regard him as a victim." The 
king's anger was somewhat appeased by this remark, and at this 
moment Selîma Begam, the king's stepmother, called out from 
behind the purda, " Your Majesty, ali the Begams are assembled 
in the Zenana for the purpose of interceding for M. Koka. it 
will be better if you come there. Otherwise they will come to 
you." Jahangir was constrained to go to the female apartments," 
and at their expostulation to pardon his offences. He also gave 
him his accustomed opium — which he had not taken — from his own 
special pellets, and dismissed him. But one day at about the 
same time Khwâja* Abü-1-Hasan of Turbat produced â letter 
which M. Koka had written to Rajah 'Alî Khân, the ruler of 
Khandes, about Akbar in language which was not fit to be used 

ı Sharif K. B. 517. 

2 See Khâfî K. I. 253 say s (he 
letter was produced by the librarian, 
i.e. Khwâja Abü-1-haaan Turbatî 
khown as Ruknu-s-sultanat :-see Maasîr 
I. 737. He is different from Âşaf K. 
the brother of Nür Jahân who was 

also called Khwâjah Abul Hasan. 
The mcident of the letter is described 
by Kâmgar Husainî, B.M. MS. Or. 171, 
p.~S7 b. See also Tüzük Jahângîri, p. 
38, where it is said that Khwâja Abü- 
1-hasan found it in Burhanpur among 
Rajah 'Ali Khân'» eSects. 

about any individual. This had fallen into the hands of the 
Khwâja after the taking of Âsîr, and he had kept it to himself for 
some years. At last, he could keep it back no longer and pro- 
duced it before Jahangir. Jahangir put it into the hands of the 
Khân 'Â'zam, and he without hesitation began to read it aloud. 
Those present on every side abused and cursed him, and the king 
said. " Even now the intimacy which 'Arsh Âsbiyâni (Akbar) had 
with you restrains me, otherwise I 'd lighten your shoulders of the 
burden of your head." He deprived him of his rank and jâgir and 
kept him under surveillanee. in the 3rd year, the government of 
Gujarat was entered in his name, and his eldest son Jahangir 
Qulî K. was appointed to guard the country as his deputy. 

When the affairs of the Deccan were not being brought to a 
conclusion owing to the discord among the officers, the Khân 
A'zam was sent there m tne 5th year with 10,000 horse. After- 
wards he petitiohed from Burhanpur to have the afîair of the 
Rânâ committed to him. He used to say that if in this war he 
were killed, he wouId become a martyr. 1 in accordance with 
his request he received the necessary equipment for the expedi- 
tion. When he began the work, he represented that the difficult 
knot would not be untied without the coming of the royal 
standards. Aocordingly, in the 8th year, 1022, 1ÖJ3, Jahangir 
came to Ajmere, and at M. Koka's request Prinoe Shah\ Jahan was 
appointed, though the centre of the work rested on the Mîrzâ. 
But on account of his partiality for Khusrau, he behaved impro ? 
perly* to Prince Shah Jahan, and so Mahâbat K. was sent to bring 
him from Udaipur to court. in the 9th year he waa made 8 över 
to Âşaf K. in order that he might be confined in the fort of 
Gwaliyar. They have reported a saying of the Mirza to the 

1 Tüzük J. 126, where the whole 
saying is given. 

* The text has omitted the prepo- 
sition ba befere pâdishShzöda and 
so made it appear as if it was Shah 
Jahan who behaved improperly. See 
Tûzuk J. 126 for Jahangir's lengthy 
ezpostulation with the K. A'jim, and 
also Elliot VI. 338. 

3 Tüzük 127-28, and Elliot VI. 338. 
The Âşaf here mentioned is B's No. 
VI and Shah Jahan' s father-in-law. 
KhSfîK. I. 280. He used to be called 
I'tiqâd Khan and got the title of Aşai 
K. in the beginning of Jahangir's 9th 
year. Tüzük 127. 




effect " I never thought of using incantations." Âşaf K. 
represented (to Jahangir) that " a certain person is practising 
incantations in order to destroy me." As solitude and the aban- 
donment of animal food and sexual intercourse are conditions of 
success, and they are ali present in a prison, an order was given 
that at meal-times exquisite dishes of fowl and partridge should 
be served up to the Mirza. 

Verse. 1 
When God wills, an enemy may be productive of good. 

After a year when he was released f rom prison they in the 
first place took a \vriting from him to the effect that he would 
not speak in the Presence unless he was aaked a question, for he 
had no control över his tongue. One night Jahangir said to 
Jahângîr Qulî K., " Will you become security for your father? " 
Jahangir Qulî rephed, "I am his surety for everything of him, 
but I cannot be surety for his tongue." When it was desired to 
notify to him his being confirmed in his appointment of Panjha- 
zârî, Jahangir said to Shah Jahan, *' When 'Arsh Âshiyânî (Akbar) 
wished to give the Khân A'zam an increase of 2000, Şhaikh Farîd 
Bakhshî and Rajah* Ram Dâs were sent to his house to con- 
gratulate him. He was in the bath, and they waited at the 
gate for a wâtch of the day (pas, perhaps here an hour). After- 
wards, when he came to the audience-hall, he sent for them and 
heard their felicitations. He sat down and put 3 his hand upon 
his head. He then said that he must arrange another meeting 
for their business, and dismissed them without any politeness or 

l The meaning is that Âşaf 's fears 
led to the Mirza's getting better treat- 
ment. For arı inatance of the belief 
in a prisoner's power of practİ3İng 
incantations see Iqbâlnâma 267-68, 
where there is an acoount of an un- 
fortunate HSfîş; Mullâ Muhammad of 
Tatta who waa killed because he was 
supposed to be muttering incanta- 
tions. See aleo the account of this 
Mullâ's death in Maaşir III. 372. 
Apparently 'Azız Koka's remark 
pbout his never having thought of 

using incantations was understood to 
mean that he had the power to use 
them, and that he had neglected to 
ezercise the power. 

* Rajah Karan B. 483. 

s daste bar Hr guzâght. Ferhaps 
as a salutation, or perhaps as an in- 
dication that the audience was at an 
end. Possibly it merely means that 
he fell into a reverie. in Maaşir III. 
855, 1. 6 from foot, the phrase dost ba 
tir guzâshl is used to express a sahıta 



ceremony. I remember this story, and it would be a shame if 
you, "Bâbâ," should have to pay, your respects as his deputy 
and should have to stand and salute him for the purpose öf 
confirming the Mirza Koka in his appointment." 

in the 18th year M. Koka was sent off as guardian and 
companion to Dâwar Bakhsh, the son of Khusrau, who had been 
appointed governor of Gujarat. He died ' a natural death in 
Ahmadabad in the 19th year, 1033, 1624. He was unique for 
sharpness of intelleot and fluency of speech. He was also excep- 
tional for historical knowledge. He sometimes wrote poetry 
This verse is his. 


As I 've not got happiness from name and fame, 
After this I '11 throw a stone at fame's mirror. 

He wroce Nast c alîq exceedingly well. He was a pupil of 
M. Bâqir, 8 the son of Mullâ Mîr 'Alî, and in t}ıe opinion of judicious 
critios he was in no way inferior for elegance of writing to the 
faraous masters. in drawing up statements * of claim (mudd'aa 
navlsî) he was deeply skilled. Though he was not an Arabic scholar, 
yet he used to say that in Arabic he was an Arab's slave-girl. 5 
They say that in conversation he was unrivalled, and had a com- 
mand of striking expressions. One of them was, "Â man said 
something, and I thought it was true. He was vehement about 
it, and I began to doubt. When he swore feo it, I knew it was a 
lie.' : One of his jesting remarks was, "A man who is well-off 
needs four wives — an 'Irâqi (West Persian) for companionship, a 
Khurasâni for housekeeping, an Indian for sexual intercourse, 
and a Transoxiana one for whipping so that the others may take 

1 Tüzük J. 395. If he was born în 
the same year as Akbar he must have 
been about 82 when he died. 

* Badayünî III. 281. sang bar shi- 
»ha tadan is a phrase for renouncing 

S The MaulânS Baqir of B. 103. 

* I am not sure of the meaning. 
The ezpression ocours in Iqbâlnâma 

i Apparently meaning that he 
had a coHoquial knovvledge of the lan- 
guage. Dâlt-i- Arab ig a proverbial 
erpression for a person in wretohed 
circumstances See Vuliers s.v. aah, 
I. 807a. The IqbS[nSma 230 has a 
different reading. it is in Arabic " I 
am a poor maid-servant (döh çhar\- 




warning." l But he was at the head of ali his contemporaries for 
sensuality, treachery and harsh language, and was exoeedingly 
passionate. Whenever one of his collectors came before him, 
if he immediately paid up the money for whioh he was regarded 
as accountable, he was liberated, otherwise he was beaten till the 
links of life were loosened. If, af ter this, he survived, he was 
not further troubled, though lacs of rupees remained in his charge. 
And there was no year that he did not shave the heads of his 
Indian writers one or two times. They say that on one occasion 
many of them took leave to go and bathe in the Ganges. He 
said to his Dewân Rai Durgâ Dâs, " Why don't you go? " He 
replied, " The Ganges-bathing of your slave is under your High- 
ness's foot." On hearing this he stopped the practice of letting 
them go (to bathe). Though he was not regular in his prayers, 
he was a great bigot. On this account he in no way gave in to 
the apostaoies and impieties which the reigning king had adopted, 
and without reserve he detested and abominated them. He was 
absolutely not a time-server. in the reign of Jahangir during 
the vogue of I'timâdu-d-daula's family he never went to any of 
their houses, not even to Nür Jahân Begam's door. This was 
the opposite of what the Khân-Khânân M. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân did, 
for he hurried to the house of Rai Govardhan, the Dewân of 

As the subject of Akbar's apostacy has been mentioned, it is 
necessary to say something about it, though the matter is more 
notorious than the apostacy of iblis (Satan). Though authors 
and news-writers of the time ha ve, from fear of loss and injury 
to themselves, ignored the thing, yet some ha ve made allusions to 
it, and Shaikh 'Abdul-1-Qâdir Badayûnî and his like ha ve written 
openly about it. Accordingly Jahangir ordered that the book- 
sellers within the empire should not seli or buy the Shaikh's 
history. On this account the work is rarely * met with. The 
expulsion of the 'Ulama, the introduction of the prostration and 

1 See IqbâlnSma 230-31, and B. 

history of Badayûnî was more oom- 

327, where the translatioo is veiled. 

mon in the booksellers' shops than 

* See KhSfî K. I. 197 and Elliot V. 

any other! 

497. According to Khâfî K., l.o. , the 



other customa, are clear proofs of Akbar's views. What more 
eTİdence can there be than that 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, the ruler of 
Turan, wrote to Akbar in language which would not be used to an 
or dinar y individual — far less to a great king. in reply he wrote 
much that was sanctimonious and absolving and made excuses for 
himself by this verse. 


Of God they say he has a son, 
Of the Apostle, they say he was a charlatan, 1 
Neither God nor the Apostle has escaped 
Men's tongues, much less I. 

This is recorded* in the Akbarnâma and also in Şhaikh Abü-1- 
Fazl's letters. 

But from consideration of the evidence it appears to the 
writer of these pages that Akbar did not lay claim to Divinîty 
and prophecy — God forbid that he should! in fact, the king had 
not acquired the elements of learning, and was not in the least in 
touch with books. But he was very intelligent and his under- 
standing was of a very high order. He wished that whatever was 
consonant with reason should prevail. Most of the 'Ulama, with 
a view to worldly advantage, took the course of assentation, and 
of flattery. The advancement of Faizi and Abü-1-Fazl was due 
to this. They indoctrinated the king with rationalistic and 
sophistical {safastlyy) principles and gave the appellation of 
Inquiry (tahqîq) to the severing of the cable of the observance 
of antiquity. They styled him the ' ' Assayer of the Age and the 
Mujtahid of the Time." As the abilities and learning of the two 
brothers were of such a high order that none of their contempo- 
raries could grapple with them, they, who in origin were no 
better than the sons of a mendicant (darveshzâda) and were in 
indigence, ali at önce attained to intimacy and influence with the 
sovereign. Envious people — of whom the world is ever full — and 
especially the rival mullâhs who were desk-ridden (saqiqabaıtd , and 
gave to their dislike and envy the name of " Def ence of Faith"— 

1 Kahna. B. 468 has "sorcerer." 
Set. Vullers II. 929. 

» A.N. III. 49S and Abül Fazl's 
Letters, Book I. 



set no limit to the lies which they ciroulated. There were no 
commotions which they did not excite. From fanaticism and 
partizanship they sacrificed their lives and their fortunes. May 
God have mercy upon them ! 

The Khân A'zam had many children. The eldest was 
Jahângir Qull K. of whom an account haa been given. Another 
was Mîrzâ Shâdm&n who in Jahangir's time received the title of 
Shâd Khân. Another was M. Kharram who in Akbar's reign was 
governor of Jûnâgarh in Gujarat, which was his father's fief. in 
Jahangir's time he became known as Kâmal K. and was appointed 
to accompany Prince Sultan Kharram (Shah Jahan) in the expedi- 
tion against the Rânâ. Another was M. 'Abdullah who in Jahan- 
gir's time received the title of Sirdâr K. The king had impri- 
soned him in the fort of Gwaliyar along with his father. After 
his father's release he too became an object of compassion. 
Another was M. Anwar ' who married the daughter of Zain Khân 
Koka. Every one of them obtained the rank of 2000 or 3000* 


S. Yûsuf K. S. Husain Tukriyah, of both of whom accounts 
have been given. 'Aziz UUah was appointed to Kabul, and at 
the end of Jahangir's reign had the rank of 2000 with 1000 horse. 
After Shah Jahan' s accession, he was confirmed in this rank, 
and in the 7th year had the title of 'Izzat K. and the gift of a 
flag. in the llth year he held the rank of 2000 with 1500 horse, 
and in the same year as he accompanied S'aîd K. Bahâdur to 
the battle near Qandahar against the Persians in which the latter 
were defeated, he had an increase of 500 horse. From Qandahar 
he went with Pur Dil K. to take the fort of Bast. in the 12th 
year he received drums and was appointed to def end the forts of 
Bast and Girishk — whioh had been taken. in the 14th year his 

1 Apparently this is the M. Nur of 
Jahangir's apocryphal Mempirs, Prioe, 
42, who was put to death on a charge 
of homicide. 

* There is a good account of M. 
Koka A'zam Khân in Blochmann 325. 
The DarbSr A. has omitted him. 

Nijamn-d-dîn says very little about 
M. Koka in his notices of distinguished 
men. He states that at the time of 
writing he was in Mecca. He alludes 
briefly to his departure there. See 
EUiot V. 466. 



rank was 3000 with 2000 hor» and he had the title of 'Aziz üllah 
K. in the 17th year 1054, 1644, he died. (Q) 

Third s. KhaM UUah K. Yezdî. After his father's death 
he received a suitable rank and the title of Khân. in the 26th 
year Aurangzeb made l him Mîr Tüzük in «ucoession to Muham- 
mad Yâr K. in the 30th year when his brother Rüh Ullah K. 
was made governor of the province of Bijapur he was made 
governor» of the fort. in the 36th year after Rüh Ullah's death 
his rank became 8 1600 with 600 horse. Afterwards, he was* 
qürbegî, and in the 46th year he was made governor of the fort of 
Qandahar (in the Deccan) in succession to Sirdâr K. s His rank 
became 1500 with 1000 horse. Nothing more is known» of him. 

After Majnün T K. Q&qshâl he was at the head of the Q*qshâl 
officers in Akbar's reign. He distinguished himself in the cam- 
paign against Khân Zaman, in the 17th year, 980, 1572, on 
the first ezpedition to Gujarat, Shahbaz K., the Mîr Tüzük, 
was arranging 8 the troops -when the tactless Türk (Baba K.) 
in his arrogance and presumption fell out with him and be- 
haved rudely to him. The King, in order to punish him and 
to correot other trangressors, ordered him to be severely chastised 
(siâaat 'azim). At the same period he, on account of his good 
•ervioe, became an objeot of favour. After the oonquest of 
Bengal, when the province of Ghoraghat <in northern Bengal) 
was assigned in fief to the Qftqshâls, though, after the death of 
Majnün, the headship was nominally with his son Jabârî Beg, yet 
the control was with Bâbâ K. who was the greybeard (âçsigâl) 
of the tribe. When there were disturbances on the introdnction 
of the branding regulation the grasping clerks opened shops of 

l Musir A. 222. 
s Do. 282. 
3 Do. 349. 
* Do. 461. 
> The Maaştr A. 461 bas Sazâwâr 


s An unole of R3h Ullah, named 
'Aziz Ullah, is mentioned at p. 493 of 

1 Blochmann 369. 

' Akbarnama U. 371. 





avarioe and covetousness and, ovving to the neglect and con- 
nivance of the head officer, the subordinates taxed even the 
minutest things (Ut. priced the head of an ant). Accordingly 
Bâbâ K. plainly said to Mozaffar K., 1 who was the governor of 
Bengal, that he had given Rs. 70,000 in presents to the officers 
and had not yet succeeded in having one hundred horsemen 
passed. in fact Mozaffar paid no attention to rectify this. When, 
on account of similar grievances M'aşüm K. Kâbulî and others 
of the Behar fief-holders stirred up the dust of strife in the 24th 
year, Bâbâ K., who was seeking for his opportunity, with some 
jagirdara of Bengal entered upon rebellion. in the year 989, * 
1581, they in concert with Khâldîn K. shaved their heads, put 
on their caps 3 and went to the city of Gaur which was formerly 
called Lakhnautî. They several times fought with the imperial 
troops, and were always defeated. At last they were reduced to 
beoome suppliants and to ask for quarter. Though Mozaffar K. 
heard of the disturbances in Behar he would not accept their 
apologiea. At last M'aşüm K. and other rebels lef t Behar on the 
approach of the imperial forces and joined the rebels of Bengal. 
These two bodies recommenced disturbances and in the 25th 
year they seized Mozaffar K. who had shut himself up in Tanda, 
and put him to death. When for some time they were successful 
and things went (lit. the wheel went round) aeoording to their 
wiah, they divided the territory and distributed titles and offices 
among themaelvea. Bâbft K. took to himself the tifte of Khân- 
khanan, and gave himself the government of Bengal. İn the 
same year and in the midst of his success he was attacked by 
cancer (khûrah).* Every day two sirs of flesh was put into the 

l A.N. III. 291. it is not stated 
thore that Bâbâ K. aaid thiB to 


* it should be 987. for the rebellion 
broke out in the 24th year, and the 
2flth bağan in the firet month of 988. 
See Elho» V. 410 and A.N. III. 291. 

8 The word for cap U 0qiya, and 
Elüot V. 415 rendem this "high 
cap»," but it rather appears that the 
jÇögtya was a small oap, of the nature 

of a skull oap, worn under the turban 
or helmet. See Vullers s.v. Ap- 
parently the putting on of this cap 
waa a sign of mourning for the death 
of Roshan Beg, or an indication that 
they were no longer in uniform , or in 
the king's service. 

* Blochmann 369, n. 3, calls it can- 
cer in the face. See A.N. III. 321. 
Perhaps it waa a form of lupus. 

ulcer to feed the maggots. He used to say, ' ' Faithlessnesa to my 
salt has brought me to this misery." in the same state he died. 


Son of S'aîd Badakhşhî who was for a time collector of the 
Sarkar of Tirhut. in the 25th year of Akbar's reign when the 
Bihar officers raised the dust of sedition S'aîd left his son on the 
estates and joined the rebels. Bahâdur spent the revenues of 
the crown-lands on the soldiers and hoisted the standard of 
disaffection, and struok coins and recited the Khutba in his own 
name. They say that this legend was put upon the coinage. 

Verse. 1 

Bahâdur ibn Sultan, bin S'aîd, ibn Shah Sultan 
Pisar Sultan, pidr Sultan, Zihî Sultan bin Sultan 
Bahâdur son of a Sultan, s. S'aîd, S. Shah Sultan 
The son of a Sultan, the father a Sultan, Bravo Sultan 
s. Sultan, 

When S'aîd at the request of M'aşüm K. Kabulî went* off in 
order to bring his son — that sedition-monger— to united action, 
Bahâdur had the effrontery to put his father into oonfinement, and 
the father in a short time obeyed him. When Shaham K. Jalâîr 
attacked Patna and was victorious, S'aîd fell 3 in that battle and 
Bahâdur marched out of Tirhut and laid hold of many cultivated 
traets. Sarkar H&jîpür was in his possession, and he stretched out 
hieiıands every where. At last Şâdiq K. sent a force against him, 
and there was hand-tc hand fighting. He lost his life there* in 
the 25th year corresponding to 938. 

1 Thia conplet is quoted in Bada- 
yünî, Lowe, 307, but the reading is 
different. Bahâdur is alao mentioned 
in the Tabaqât A. where he is styled 
Bahâdur 'Alî. See Elliot V. 426. it 
is ootolear why this biography, which 
was added by 'Abdu-1-Hayy, finds a 
place in the Maagir for it does not ap- 
pear that Bahâdur ever held office 

under Akbar. Hfa name does not oc- 
cur in Blechmann. 

* See AkbarnSma III. 306. 
8 EUiot V. 417. 

* There appears to be some.mis- 
take here. BahSdur did not die till 
the 26th year 989, 1581, and he did 
not fail in battle but was put to 
death by Akbar at court. He was 






He was servant of Prince Dârâ Shikoh, and by his good 
service and skill obtained a place in the prince's heart. He 
was more trusted than his contemporaries and rivals. He ob- 
tained the rank of 1000 with 400 horse and was made governor 
of Allahabad on behalf of the prince. When he was engaged in 
settling that territory, he was summoned to court in the 22nd 
year, and appointed to the charge of Gujarat. and obtained the 
rank of 2000 with 500 horse and the title of Ghairat K. Tn the 
23rd year he was raised from the position of being the prince's 
servant and placed among the king's servants and received the 
rank of 3000 with 2000 horse and vvas given a fiag. When the 
prince undertook the charge of the affair of Qandahar and his 
eldest son Sulaimân Shikoh was appointed governor of Kabul, 
the settlement of that province was assigned to Ghairat K. in 
the 28th year he by successive promotions obtained the rank of 
4000 with 2500 horse and the title of Bahadur K. While govern- 
ing Afghanistan he was appointed to Daur, 1 Bânû and Naghz and 
chastised the Afghans there who seditiously did not pay the pro- 
per revenue, and he fixed upon them as their tribute one lac of 
rupees. But the government of Kabul was not properly con- 
ducted by him. in the 30th year the government of Kabul was 
assigned to Rustum 2 K. Fı'rüz Jang, and the charge of Lahore, 
which was in the prince's fief, was made över to Bahâdur K. 
in the year 1068, 1658, near the end of Shah Jahan's reign, his 
rank was increased by 500 horse and he was appointed as deputy 
for the prince in the province of Bihar, and was sent off with 
Sulaimân Shikoh who had been appointed to oppose Shuja'. 

caaght not by ŞSdiq but by Mirza 
Koka' s servants, or rather he surren- 
dered to one of them, Ghâzî K., who 
sent him to Hâjipür. See A.N. III. 
374, Elliot V. 426, where his 'death 
is put into the 27th year, and Bada 
yûnî, Lowe, 307. The text says that 
it was M'aşüm K. KSbuli vvho sent the 
father S'aîd Badakhshi to admonish 

the soa. But A.N. III. 306 only 
saya "M'aşüm K.," snd it look» as if 
M'aşüm K. Farankhüdi w»re meant, 
as he had not then beeome a rebel 
A. F. adds that the father soon fol- 
lowed the son's lead. 

1 See Jarrett II. 303 and 398, note 
6. Text has Daurnabü n Naghr. 

2 Khâfî K. I. 755. 

Though the guardianship and the management were nominally 
assigned to Mirza Rajah Jai Singh, in reality Dâr8 Shikoh made 
Bahadur guardian and made him the person in power över the 
army. When Sulaimân Shikoh after defeating Shujâ' pursued 
Amir K. to Patna, and then on hearing of the march of Aurangzeb 
was returning in ali haste, heon passing Allahabad heard at Karra 
of his father's defeat and became disheartened, and the Mîrzâ 
Rajah and Diler K., as is the way of old servants, lef t 1 him. 
Sulaimân Shikoh was helpless and wished to go to Delhi and 
to join his father by any possible means. Bahâdur K. did 
not approve of this idea, and turned Sulaimân Shikoh 's rein 
towards Allahabad. There too 2 he (Sulaimân) could not abide, 
and after leaving his superfluous baggage and some of the ladies 
in Allahabad Fort he crossed the river at Kutal 3 and wandered 
about on the other side in failure. At every stage his forces 
diminished, tül at last he passed Laknaur* and came to Nagînah. 
As at every ferry that he came to and tried to cross the Ganges 
at, the boats had been removed to the other side of the rivef , 
and he could find no means of getting across he went on from 
Nagîna 6 with the idea that opposite Hardwâr he might with the 
help of the zamindar there and the help of the ruler of Srînagar 
(in the Siwaliks) perhaps get across. He passed Moradabad and 
came to Cândî 9 which is opposite to Hardwâr and near the 
borders of Srînagar, and sent people to the ruler of that country 
to obtain assistance. He waited in expectation of a reply. Mean- 
while the troops of Aurangzeb came against him. He was obliged 
to fly and thought that the hill-country of Srînagar would be an 
asylum. When he entered the hill-country and arrived within 

* Manucoi I. 284, 286. 

* 'Alamgirnâma 171. 

3 Qu ? Kotla or Kotilah in the 
Sarkar of Karra West, J. II. 168. it 
may, however, merely mean a pass or 

* Luoknow in text, and this agrees 
with 'Alamgirnâma 171, but Laknaur 
in Sambhal must be meant. See 
Elliot IV. 384. note and supp. glos- 

sary II. 138. Nagînah is algo men- 
tioned there, 136. it is Nadinah in 
text and in 'Alamgirnâma. 

6 Nadinah in text. it w as in 
Sarkar Sambhal and is now in Bij- 
naur. I. O. X. 159, and Jarrett II. 

s The hill opposite HardwSr. 
'Alamgirnâma 173. 




four stages of Srlnagar he was met by the ruler. 1 The latter said 
that his country was small, and could not support ali Sulaimân's 
men, and that there was no road for elephanta and horses. 
If he desired to take up his quarters in the country he must dis 
misa hi» soldierB and come to Srînagar with his family and a few 
servanta. At this time Bahâdur K. who had fallen ili after 
leaving Allahabad had a dangerous attaok of disease, and lost 
the use of one eve, and was in fact reckoned among the dead. 
But out of fidelity and honour he did not wish to retnain behind. 
Of necessity he had to separate from Sulaimân Shikoh, and when 
he came out of the hill-country he died. 2 

Son of Daryâ K. Daudzai. in his father's lif etime he became 
known to Prinoe Shah Jahan for good service ; and when his 
father became unfaitbiul and lef t the prince, he only attached him- 
self more firmly to Shah Jahan and departed not from his stirrup. 
After the accession he was promoted to the rank of 4000 3 with 
2000 horse and given 4 the fief of Kâlpî and sent off to punish the 
rftcalcitrants there. When in the first year of the reign Jujhâr 
became a rebel and fortified himself in Undcha (Orcha), and 
armies marched against him from every side, 'Abdullah K. Fjrüz 
Jang came wiÇh Bahâdur K. from Kâlpî, whioh is east of that 
country, to the fort of Irîj, 6 every bastion of which rose up high 
as heaven, and displayed alacrity and zeal. The enemy attacked 
the heroea, and there was a hot fight. Bahâdur and his followers 
went on foot, and keeping a rank-breaking " elephant in front of 

1 Prithî Singh. He afterwards 
delivered up the prince. Khâfî K. 
II. 123. Soe also id. pp. 41 , 42. Also 
'Alamgirnuma 174. 

1 id. 42. 'Alamgîrnama 174. 

s Pâdshâhnama I. 117- 

* Do. 191. 

6 Erich of the raaps, Trieh of the 
I.G. it is in the Jhansi district. 
The Pâdshâhnama 1. 247 saya Bahâ- 
dur came from the North, and so he 

would if he came from Kâlpî, which 
is N.N.E. of Erich. 

s file sajahikan bar rû, dâehta. The 
phrase istaken from the Pâdshâhnama 
I. 247, five line8 from foot. There 
instead of bar ru dashta we have pesh 
da/ıhta. The Tazkira of Kewal Kâm- 
I.O. M. S. 2685 also relates the inci- 
den t. it seems to say that it was 
a wild elephant that Bahâdur drove 
before him. 



them, they ran to the gate, swift as the wind, and by the help of 
that Ahriman-like animal broke down the gate and quickly entered 
the fort. With the lily-white sword they turned the swarthy 
Hindus into the colour of tulips and painted a rose-dyed victory 
on the face of bravery. As a reward for this exertion and victory 
he got the honour of a kettle-drum. After that he was appointed 
along with A'zim K., the. governor of the Deccan, to extirpate 
Khân Jahân Lodî. When the A'zim K. made a rapid march and 
attacked Khân Jahân Lodî in Rajürî-Bîr, the latter came out 
with a small body of 350 horse which was with him and marched 
off firmly and in good order, and whenever the imperial korces 
came near him he turned back, and drove them off by archery. 
When he came to the hill of Rajürî, Bahâdur Rohilla quickly 
arrived there and entered into conflict with Khân Jahân's 
brother's son Bahâdur 2 K. who held the rank of 1000 and was 
distinguished for courage. Bahâdur Rohilla displayed great 
valour so that it seemed like the story of Rustam s and Isfandiyâr. 
But at last owing to fewness of companions he was brought into 
difficulty, and dismounted (or was unhorsed) and went on like a 
moth, continually hurling himself against the fire of the sword. 

They say that when he fell on the ground with two wounds 
from arrows on his face and side, his opponents wished to cut 
off his head, and that he cried out " I am the memorial and son 
of Daryâ Khan and a house-born one of you." The Khân Jahân 
forbade his men to kili him. After that when the A'zim Khân 
in the 4th year after taking the fort of Qandhâr * encamped on 
the bank of the Mânjarâ with the design of attacking Bhâlkî and 
Chatkoba, he directed that at the time of encamping and till the 
tents of the troops were put up on the ground assigned to them, 
each corps and some officers should remain on guard by turns, 
for the distance of a kos from the camp, until the men had 

1 Pâdshâhnama I. 321, where itiş 
said to be 24 kos from Maehlîgâon. 

* See Pâdshâhnama I. 323, and 
Khâfî Khân I. 432. There were two 
Bahâdurs and they were on opposite 
sides. The Bahâdur K. who fought 

with Bahâdur Rohilla was Khân 
Jahan 's brother's son. 

S This rhetoric is taken from Khâfî 
K. id. id. 

* PâdshahnSma I. 377. 



gathered firewood and straw. On the day of Bahadur's turn, 
(to collect forâge) as there was no sign of the enemy, he had caat 
away the thread of caution and waa seated with a few men at a 
greater distance from the eamp. By chance there was a village 
near there, the men of which gave battle in order to protect their 
cattle and other property from the camp-followere. Bahâdur K. 
heardof this and hastened with other officers' (and men?) who 
were not more than 1000 in ali, to render assistance. Randaulah 
K. 'Adilkhâni with ali the rabble made an attack, and the officers 
opened the hand of courage and fought. When the contest be- 
came critical they dismounted, and their minds were bent upon 
sacrificing their lives. Shahbâz K., who was one of the officers of 
3000, spent the coin of life, and Bahâdur K. and Yûsuf Muhammad 
K. of Tâshkend became senseless from wounds. The enemy carried 
them ofî and imprisoned them in Bijapur. When Yemînu-d- 
daulah in the 5th year was appointed to devastate the 'Adılshâhı 
territory and came to Bijapur, 'AdilShahreleased* both of them. 
Bahâdur paid his respects at court and had his dignities increased 
and was the recipient of royal favours. He was appointed 3 again 
to Qanauj and ite appurtenances. Bahâdur proceeded to chastise 
the rebels of Malkûsah* who are conspicuous above the other re- 
calcitrants in that country for violence and numbers. No one 
there, whether peasant or soldier, goes without weapons so that 
even the cultivator at the time of ploughing has his loaded gun 
fastened to the plough, and his match burning. On this account 
they do not fully apply themselves to agriculture. At this time 
they were gathered together in Bîrgâon, which was the strongest 
of their plaoes, and had revolted and absolutely refused to pay 
their rents. Relying on God's aid, he at önce fell upon those 

1 Seo PSdshShnSma I. 380 and 
KMtfl KhSn I. 458. There appears tc 
have been some confusion in the MSS. 
The »tatement that the officers were 
not more than 1000 seems odd, and 
the words in brackets in the text are 
not in I.O. MS. 628. The PSdshSh 
nama, p. 380, fi ve lines from foot, saya 

there were not more than on» thou- 
sand horee with BahSdur and his com- 

s id. 416. 

3 id. II. 87. 

* Malkousah of Supp. Gloss. II. 90. 
See alao J. II. 185. 



wicked men and a wonderful battle took place. Bahâdur placed 
the shield of God's protection above his head and came to the 
gate. The rioters were not slow to meet him. At length there 
was a hand-to-hand fight, and after many were killed the rest of 
them took flight, and Bahâdur after destroying the place returned 
to his residence. A victory was gained över the seditious such as 
never before had happened in that country. After this, he dis- 
tinguished himself in the pursuit of Bajah Jujhâr Singh Bandlla. 
He was in the vanguard of 'Abdullah K. Fîrüz Jang and Khân 
Daurân Bahâdur. When that wretch left Garha and Lânji and 
came to the country of Chânda, Bahâdur, who was following at his 
heels, sent on his uncle Neknâm with a few men, as he himself 
had had an illness (chün kofta 1 dâsht) in order to check his flight. 
Jujhâr on perceiving his boldness turned roünd and attacked 
him, and Neknam fell fatally wounded* along with seven others. 
Meanwhile Bahâdur K. came up along with Khân Daurân and 
attacked Jujhar's 8 main body, and the latter scattered like the 
"Daughters of the Bier" (the stars of the constellation of the 
Great Bear). As 'Abdullah K. Fîrüz Jang neglected* to extirpate 
Champat 6 Bandlla, Bahâdur K. was sent off in the 13th year to 
the fief of Islamabad 6 in order to put down that sedition-monger. 
But interested people did not permit this, and impressed the 
emperor with the idea that it was not advisable to convert 
Bandalkand into a Rohilkand. He was soon removed. After 
that he gave proof of courage in the affair of Jagta 1 and the 

1 Koft means a blow. it may also 
mean an illness of some şort as koftan- 
i-dü is given in Vullers as meaning 
palpitation of the heart, and a kind 
of disease. 

* Za&hmhâi münkir. Münkir is 
one of the angels who eramine the 
spirits of the departed. The phrase, 
whieh oocurs also in PâdshShnSma II. 
691, line 10, means nıortal woıjnds. 
The aocount of Neknâm is in Pâd- 
shahnSma I, Part II, p. 113. There 
is however a Neknam K. mentioned 
in KhSfi Khân I. 649, as alive in 
1056. and in association with Bahâdur. 

3 The account of the oampaign 
against Jujhâr is oontained in Pâd- 
shâhnâma I, Part II, 106 et teq., and 
in KhSfi K. I. 509 et seç. 

* PSdshShnSma II. 193 et seq. and 
Khâfî Khân I. 578. 

6 PSdshShnSma II. 136, 193, 221, 
ete. He was a connezion of Jujhâr 
and a supporter of his son Prithîrâj. 

6 This wa» a Sarkar in Bandalkand, 
and among the estates ineluded in it 
were Irîj , Bhander and PanwSr. See 
FâdshShntma II. 307. 

" TheJagat Singh of the PSdehah- 
nSma II. 247, ete. 



taking of Man. His companions under the superintendence of 
their leader made a ladder 1 of the slain and ran up to the 
batteries of the foe. On that day 700* Afghans among his fol- 
lowers were killed. in the 22nd year he was appointed to guârd 
Multan, and as during the cold weather harvest (faşl rabî) he was" 
without a jagir, an order 8 was given to the diwânî clerks that 
they should allow his salary {tcdab-i-aorâ) to be set off against the 
demand. in the Balkh campaign he was in the vanguard of Murâd 
Bakhşh'a army and distinguished himself by his courage. When 
the prince came to the foot of the Tül* pass — which was the 
boundary betvveen the empire and the territory of Badakhshân — 
Aşâlat K. with the imperial pioneers (bîldâr) and some thousand 
labourers, whom the Amîru-1-umarâ 'Alî Mardan K. had collected 
from the districts (balükât) of Kabul. was appointed to clear the 
road of snow as far as the SerairBala (the upper serai) for the 
distance of one kos and the height of two royal yards, and for 
half a kos and in some places for about 2J kos to the Serai Zer 
(the lo\ver serai) which is towards Badakhshân, and to make 
the road passable for laden camels. in other places they were 
to beat down the snow so that horses and camels could pass. 
As this work was not completed by them (the pioneers), Bahâdur 
K. and Aşâlat K. set ali their troopers and foot soldiers to remove 
the snow and öpen out the road. The soldiers used ali their 
efforts and dug up the snow and scattered it on the side of the 
roads with their hands and aprons. By the energy of Bahâdur 
Khân a road two yards wide was made for the distance of 
one kos where there was much snow. When the prince (Murâd 
Bakhsh) cast the shadöw of his arrival there, Nazr Muhammad 

1 Padshâhnama II. 270 

« id. id. 

s KhSfî K. I. 683. The alloıvaneo* 
which Bahâdur should have got as a 
jagirdar but whieh he did not get as 
he was without one, vvere to be set off 
against the demand for the spring 
harvest of Multan. 

* Copied from the PSdshöhnâma 

II. 513. See also Khâfi K. I. 623. 
This refers to the expedition against 
Badakhshân and is anterior to the 
Multan incident. The mareh and 
encounter with the snow oocurred in 
1055, 1645, and in the 19th year, 
while the grant of Multan vvas in the 
22nd year 1057. The TSİ Pass is re- 
ferred to in Jarrett II. 399, 400, 



K., the ruler of Türân, pretended that he was going to Bâgh ' 
Murâd to arrange for a banquet and hastened off to Shaburghân.* 
At an indication from the prince, Bahâdur K. and Aşâlat K. fol- 
lowed him. About 8 10,000 Uzbeg and Alamân horse who had 
o-athered round Nazr Muhammad K. went off with their families 
and properties to Andakhüd on the approach of the imperial army, 
being afraid of being plundered and made prisoners Nazr Muham- 
mad K. with a small force prepared for battle and engaged at the 
distance of four kos from Shaburghân. As soon as the encounter 
began and when scarcely had the sound of conflict reached his 
men's ears, they gave up and took to flight. Nazr Muhammad 
became helpless and turned his rein and went to Andakhüd, and 
from there he went to Khurasan. Though Bahâdur K. had re- 
ceived an increase of rank, yet at this time, which was that of pur- 
suit and when it was certain that with a little exertion* Nazr 
Muhammad K. would have been made prisoner, this brave officer 
purposely robbed himself (of his opportunity). Either the sluggish- 
ness of his companions affected him or there was some other 
cause which prevented him from finishing the work. And this 
impression became fixed in the mind of the emperor. When 
Prince Murâd Bakhsh was disinclined to stay in that country 
and left it without permisaion from Shah Jahan and proceeded 
to Kabul, the government of Balkh and the guarding of the 
country fell upon Bahâdur along with Aşâlat. After Prince 
Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahâdur had cast his shadow över that 
country, Bahâdur K. was in the vanguard and performed feais 
of valour in battle with the Uzbegs who were more numerous 
than ants and locusts. At the time of retreating from the 
country the rearguard was under his charge and he underwent 
much toil in bringitıg off the camp. When he reached the pass of 
Panjshîr 6 which is two stages from the Hindu Koh and is a 

I Padshâhnama II. 539. 

* The Sapurgan of Marco Polc 
90 m. we3t Balkh. 

3 id. 550. 

* Padshâhnama II. 553. 

t Text Tankshîr }&>. This i 


the well-known Pass of Panjshîr in 
northern. Afghanistan referred to in 
the Ain AVbarî II. 399 and note 3. A 
note to text of the Maaşir says that 
in some eopies of the AkbarnSma (by 
which is meant the Ain) the word is 



defile which is difficult to traverse, it began to snow, and this 
continued the whole night and till two par (midday) of the 
next day. With a hundred difficulties the remainder of the 
camp and of the soldiers were taken through the Pan. At 
this time on account of the ezcessive snow a halt of twenty four 
hours was made. The narrow-eyed Haz&ras (referring to their 
Mongolian origin) opened out their eyes from the lust of robbing 
and the baggage and attacked the people of the camp. But 
Bahâdur K. with the help of fortune repulsed them every time. 
When the army got into the Hindu Koh Pass he halted for 
one day in order that ali those who had fallen behind might 
join, and af ter that he himself orossed. Owing to the difficulties 
of the road, the sharpness of the air, and the abundant snow, 
there were lost on the march from firsfc to last 10,000 men, or 
nearly half of the force and ali the quadrupeds. Much property 
too remained under the snow. When Bahâdur ' K. came to the 
head of the Pass, Zü-al-qadr K. who had charge of the imperial 
treasure was obliged to halt on account of the exhaustion of the 
carriers. Bahâdur unloaded bis own camels and those of othere, 
whatever remained, and put treasure on them. The rest he 
divided among the horses and camels (mules) of the soldiers. 
He also contended with the Hazâras and entered Kabul fourteen 
days after the Prince. 

Though Bahâdur K. had made great exertions in the cam- 
paign, yet owing to the representations of some people, Shah 
Jahan became impressed with the idea that he had been remiss in 
the matter of pursııing Nazr Muhammad K and in assisting S'aîd * 

written Tang-Shîr. But in Bib. Ind. 
•d. of Ain I. 590, and 595, the word 
is written Panjhîr with the variant 
Fanjshîr. See the account of the 
crossing in KhSfi K. I. 676. See also 
Elliot VII. 82 for a tranalation of 
the Shah JahannSma of 'Inayat K. 
The pass is there ealled Nek BihSr (?). 
Apparently the author of the Maaşir 
got his account of the crossing of the 
Pass from the work of Muhammad 

Waris, as the son does not raention 
'Inayat Ullah's work among the 

1 KhSfî K. I. 677-678. 

2 See KhSfi K. I. 663 and PSdshah- 
nâma II. 691-692. S'aîd K. was 
wounded and his sons were killed. 
The supineness of Bahadur is com- 
mented on by the author of the PSd- 
shahnSma, do. 692. 



Muhammad at the time of the Uzbeg victory. Therefore, in spite 
of ali the hardships and afBictions he had undergone, he was de 
prived of Sarkara Kâlpî and Qanauj , which were his fief and for 
twelve months of the year yielded a return, they being confiscated ' 
to the crown (khâlşa), in lieu of thirty lacfl of rupees which 
were claimed by the government. This made him grieved at 
heart. in the 23rd year he was appointed to the Qandahar 
expedition along witb Prince Aurangzeb. in the siege of that 
strong place he set up a battery in front of the Mâlürî (variant 
Mâlw'a) Gate, and on 19 Rajab 1059, 19th July 1649, he by reason 
of asthma emerged from the fenced city of life. The prince and 
Jumla-ul-mulki S'aid UUah K. gave fitting officeand allowances to 
every one of his followers, who were 2000 horse in number, who 
was fit for service, and kept a nümber on their own establishment. 
Other officers took the rest. Shah Jahan raised his eldest son 
Dilâwar,* who was 15 years of age, to the rank of 1500, and gave 
offices to each one of his six other sons. Ali his property, except 
the elephants, was relinquished to his sons. They say that his 
zeal and loyalty in the king's service were so great that they quite 
removed from Shah Jahan's heart the cloud which had been 
caused by his father's crooked ways. They say that Bahadur K. 
alvvays lamented that he had not had his revengeonthe Bijapuris, 
and that as long as he lived the shame of this affair appeared on 
his face. 'Aziz K. Bahâdur was one of his sons who in the 49th 
year of Aurangzeb distinguished himself at the siege of Wâkin- 
kira. On account of this the title of Chaghatai * was graciously 
aecorded to him. 

t See statement repeated II 42 in 
the aocount of Diler K. I am not 
sure of the meaning, and I ha ve not 
aooeas to the authority for the state- 
ment. If it refers to the 22nd year 
it is opposed to KhSfi K. I. 683 
which states apparently that Bahâdur 
received the charge of the province 
of Multan, and that his pay for the 
time he waı without a jagir, was to be 

set ofi against the gorernment dav 
mand. The affair of S'aid K. oocurred 
in 1056, in the 19th or 20th year of 
the reign, and probably Bahâdur wa» 
punished by being deprived of hia 
jagir at that time and recompeneed in 
the 23rd year. 

* Dalîl in Khâfi K. I. 695. 

S According to KewSl RSm the 
title was given to Bahâdur himself. 




His name was Muhammad S'aîd, and he was the brother of 
Khân Zaman 'Alî Qulî K. He was one of the Panchazârls (5000) 
of Akbar. At the time of Humayün's expedition to India, he 
received the territory of Zamîn Dâwar. After some time, he out 
of an evil disposition got the idea of taking Qandahar, and 
söught to succeed by dint of stratagem. He did not succeed, and 
when he failed, he collected some vagabonds and prepared for 
battle. Shâh Muhammad K. Qilatî, who was guarding the fort 
on behalf of Bairâm, saw that help from India was far off, and so 
strengthened the fort and applied for help to the king of Persia. 
At his request an army of Persians came and suddenly feü upon 
Bahâdur K. He made a stout resistance, but was not successful 
and had to fly. As he could not remain in the district, he, in the 
second year of the reign, and when Akbar was besieging Mânkot, 
presented himself at court in a shame-faced fashion. On the 
recommendation of Bairâm K., his off ence was pardoned, and he 
obtained Multan as his fief in the room of Muhammad Qulî Birlâs. 
in the third year Bahâdur was appointed along with many other 
officers to conquer Mâlwa. At the same time there oocurred the 
downfall of Bairâm, and the latter recalled him in order that he 
himself might take possession of that territory. But afterwards 
he abandoned this idea. Bahâdur came to Delhi and on the 
recommendation of Mâham Anaga was appointed to the high 
office of Vakîl. A few days had not elapsed when Etawah was 
made his fief, and he obtained leave of absence. in the lOth 
year, when Khân Zaman his eldest brother became rebellious, he 
was sent along with Sikandar K. Uzbeg to Sarwâr, in order that 
he might come to Upper India by that route, and make a disturb- 
ance. On this account Akbar appointed a force under Mir 
M'uizu-1-mulk of Mashhad. Though Bahâdırf made submissions 
and said that his mother had göne to court with ibrahim K. 
Uzbeg, and had obtained forgiveness for his and his brother's 
offences, Mir M'uizu-1-mulk would not agree and came forvard to 
give battle. Though Sikandar K. who was with Bahâdur turned 
to flee, Bahâdur fell upon Mir M'uizu-1-mulk's centre, and Shâh 



Budâgh K., who was one of the soldier-like officers, was made 
prisoner, and the Mir was defeated, As Bahâdur's and the Khân 
Zamân's offences had been pardoned, this act of his was not 
inquired into. But as the pardon was conditional ] on the Khân 
Zamân's not orossing the Ganges so long as Akbar ahould be in 
that quarter, and as at the time when Akbar visited Chunâr, 'Ali 
Qulî neglected this condition, and crossed the Ganges, the king 
was angry and made a rapid march against him. He issued an 
order to Ashraf K. , who was in Jaunpur, to imprison Bahâdur's 
mother. Bahâdur heard of this and made a rapid expedition to 
Jaunpur and took the fort. He imprisoned Ashraf and released 
his own mother, and plundered Jaunpur and Benares, and then 
went off on the return of the king. But önce more on account of 
the pardoning of the Khân Zamân's offences, and the entreaties 
of M' unim K. , Akbar did not direct his attention to suppress the 
immoderate conduct of Bahâdur. At last in the 12th year 974, 
1566-67, he, along with his brother, with utter want of decency 
or gratitude entered upon a contest with Akbar. When Bâbâ K. 
Qâqshâl fell upon the army of Khân Zaman, Bahâdur K. faced 
him and overthrew him. Suddenly his horse was struck with an 
arrow and reared, and Bahâdur was thrown. When his men saw 
this, they dispersed, and the brave men of the imperial army 
attacked him. Wazîr Jamil Beg, who was then an officer of the 
rank of 700, wiokedly and avariciously took something from him 
and let him go. Just then another man came up, and placed 
him in pillion on his horse and brought him to the king Akbar 
said, "Bahâdur K., what evil did we do to you, that you have 
made ali this commotion and strife ? " Bahâdur replied,* "Ged is 
to be praised for whatever happens ! ' ' Perhaps his disloyalty had 
not yet been entirely extirpated, otherwise he would have ex- 
pressed his repentance. At the importunity of well-wishers an 
order was given to Shahbâz K. to cut off his head. 

1 A. N. II. 265. 

• A. N. III. 294, and Badayûnî, 
Lowe 99. The Darbâr A. 222 under- 
stands Bahâdur t o have meant that 

he praised God for giving him a «gbt 
of the emperor. Probably Bahâdur 
mereljr imptied that whatever was, 
was right. 


He had a pofttical vein and wrote verses. This openingis by 



That sauoy tyrant took another stone, 
As if to war with me the wounded one. 


They say that his real native coutıtry was the Panjab. Af ter 
serving the kings of the Deccan for a long time he came to 
Akbar's court, and became his servant in the 43rd year he 
took the fort of Pünâr* in the province of Berar. That fort is on 
a hill and has a river on three sides which is never fordable. 
After that he distinguished himself in various battles. in the 
46th year when he was left vrith Hamîd K. to guard the coun- 
try of Teling&na, Malik 'Ambar brought an army from the coun- 
try of Barld and stirred up strife. They in the pride of their 
valour opposed him with a »mail force and a battle took place on 
the bank of the M&njara. By the fatefulness of heaven they 
were defeated and Hamîd K. was made prisoner. Bahâdur* by 
great efforts crossed the river and gained a place of safety. in 
the 8th year of Jahangir he obtained the gift of a ilag. in the 
9th year he was distinguished* by increase of rank and the gift 
of an elephant. He died at the appointed time. They say that 
this üne was engraved on his signet. 


Whoever is a good friend is a valuable pearl. 




1 These linea with a diSerence in 
the first line are quoted by Badayüm 
III. 240, in his acoount of the KhSn 
Zaman who had the takhallaş of Sul- 
tan. See also Darbâr A. 227 

i Panâr of Ain J. II. 227 and 233. 
in A. N. III. 743 it is Pünâ. The 
Paunâr (Powh5r) of the - 1. G. XI. 
119. it is in Wardha distrîet and on 
river Dhâra. I.G. new ed. xxiv. 368. 

S A. N. IH. 796. 

* in the lOth year of Jahangir, 
Tüzük 139, he w as raised to the rank 
of 3000, and 2300 horse. 

6 Apparently the point of the line 
is that it is a play on the name of the 
owner of the »iğne t. Bahâdur seems 
here to be teken as aPersian word and 
to mean a precious pearl, or simply 
anything raluable. Perhaps it should 
be " Whoever is the acceptable friend 
of an y one is a precious pearl," 

His name was Abü-n-Nabî, and he was one of the nobility of 
Tûrân. in the time of 'Abdu-1-mümin K. he attained to high 
office and was made gövernor of Mashhad. When 'Abdu-1-mümin 
was killed, Bâqî K. (the nıler of Türân) tried to conciliate Bahâ- 
dur, but he got free by pretending that he was going on a pilgrim- 
age to Mecca and came to India. in the 48th year he entered • 
into Akbar's service, and received suitable rank and the present 
of a jevvelled waist-dagger. After the accession of Jahangir he 
received * Rs. 40,000 for expenses and went off with 57 officers to 
assist ghaikh Farid MurtazaK. who had been appointed to pursue 
Sultân Khusrau. in the 5th year he was made faujdâr of Multan 
in succession to Tâj K. in the 7th year he obtained a manşab of 
3000 with 3000 horse and the title of Bahâdur K., and was, on the 
death of M. Ghâzî, appointed 8 to the government of Qandahar. 
Afterwards he got successive increases and attained* the rank of 
5000 with 3500 horse. in the 15th s year he pleaded defective eye- 
sight and resigned the appointment of Qandahar. They say that 
when the approach of the king of Persia's army was bruited 
abroad, he out • of carelessness could not make up his mind to 
remain (?) and so distributed two Iacsof rupees among the royal 
clerks as bribes, and left the place. After that he obtained a fief 
in the Agra province and was prosperous. When Shah Jahan's 
standards moved from Ajmere towards Agra he came 7 forward 
and did homage. Nothing more is known of him. 

BAHARJÎ, landholder of BAGLÂNÂ. 8 
His ancestors held this territory for 1400 years. They regard 
themselves as descended from Rajah Jai Cand Râthor who was 

1 A. N. III. 820, and 839. He is 
there called Abu-i-BaqS. 

2 Tüzük J. 28. 3 Tüzük J. 109. 

* it is mentioned under the llth 
year of the Tüzük 162, that he got an 
increase of 500. 

* Tüzük 323. 

9 The sentence is obscure. Appar- 

ently it means that he was afraid to 
stay, and so left, but sent two laca of 
rupees to the clerks at headquarters 
to seoure a favourable representation 
of his case. 

1 Pâdshâhnâma I. 82. 

} J. II. 251, Elliot VII. 66. EıSfî 
K. I. 561. Pâdshâhnâma II. 105. 


Raiah of Qanauj. Whoever ruled this country was called Baharjî. 
in former times they coined money. As it was between Gujarat 
and the Deccan, the ruler served whichever side was strongest. 
After having long been tributary to Gujarat, the rulers of Khandes 
came to prevail owing to their pro X imity. in the year 980, 1572 
when Gujarat came into Akbar's possession. and the royal 
standards were planted in the delightful spot of the blessed port 
of Surat, Baharjî submitted and produced» M. Sharafu-d dm 
Husain (afterwards) the king's brother-in-law , who had rebelled 
and had entered Baharjî's territories with the intention of goıng 
to the Deccan, and had been imprisoned there. in consequence 
Baharjî was treated with favour. After this the ruler of Baglâna 
always submitted and paid tribute, and when necessary made his 
appearance when summoned by the viceroys of the Deccan. 
As Baglâna on one side adjclned Gujarat, and on the other 
Khandes, and was in the middle of the imperial territories, Prınce 
Muhammad Aurangzeb in the time of his first viceroyalty ap- 
pointed Muhammad Tâhir, who received the title of Wazır K., 
with Mâloji Deccanî, Zâhid K. Koka, and Saiyid <Abdu-l-Wahâb 
of Khandes, to conquer Baglâna. After a siege, the fort of 
Mulher which was the capital, was taken, and Baharjî sent his 
mother to make a reconciliation, and after making a treaty he in 
the 12th year (of Shah Jahan) surrendered the fort and waıted 
upon the prinoe (Aurangzeb). Shah Jahan made him an officer 
of 3000 with 2500 horse and at his request assigned to hım as his 
dwelhng-place pargana Sultânpür , which had been lying waste since 
the time of the famous f amine» in the Deccan. The territory of 
Baglâna was included in the province of Khandes. Râmgîr, 
which is a district of Baglâna, was likewise taken out of the 
possession of Sum* Deo, the son-in-law of Baharjî. As the ex- 
penditure on it exceeded the income, Baharjî received it back, 
and Rs 10,000 was fixed as the annual tribute. After Bahar] ı's 
death Shah Jahan converted his son Bairam' Sâh to Muham- 



1 A. N. III. 29. 

2 in 1830-31, PâdshâhnBma I. 362, 

JBUiot VII. 24. 

8 Râmnagar in PacUhâhnama II. 
109. * PâcUhBhnâma II. 109. 

t Khâfi K. 1. 564. 

madanısm and gave him the title of Daulatmand K., and the 
rank of 1500 and the pargana of Pünâr Khandes (Paunâr) as 
'in'âm in lieu of Sultânpür. He lived into the reign of Aurangzeb 
and in that town (Paunâr) erected splendid buildings of which 
vestiges stili remain. 


From the marks of broken gates and walls 

The signs of foreign (or of Persian) princes are visible. 

Baglâna is mainly a hill-country. Its length is 100 kos and its 
breadth 30.' On the east are Gâlna and Nandarbâr. West is 
Sorath. North, Tipli (Râjpîplah) and the Vindya range. South, 
the Sambha* range on the top of which are Nâsikand other places. 
Formerly it was rated at 3000 horse and 10,000 infantry. it 
had two great cities Antâpür and Cintâpür. At present there 
are not many villages. it had seven forts of note, and ali were 
hill-forts. Two were espeçially famous, Mulher (Muleir of the 
maps) known as Aurangarh with a tovvn one kos off. The river 
Mosan 8 Hows 60 kos west of Aurangabad. Sâlher is called Sultân- 
garh and is the loftiest of forts and summits. 

For Sâlher is the son of high heaven 
in height he is as tali as his sire. 

Other places are Hatgarha,* Jülher, Besül, Nâniya and Sâlûta. 
This country 6 is well vvatered and has abundant orchards and 
various kinds of crops. it has abundance of mangoes and choice 
rice which is the best in the Deccan. in the time of former 
aulers the collections were ten lacs of rupees. Six and halfkrorsof 
dâms were its fixed revenue As it had been devastated by f amine 

1 PâdshahnSma has 70 for the 
breadth, i. o. length from N. to S. 
But A.N. III. 30 has 30. 

2 So in text, but the variant Sahyâ- 
chal ia right, the range in questİQu 
being the Sahyâdri hiUs of the I.G. 
XII. 137 old edition. 

8 Mus or Mos in text, but variant 

has Mosan. I.G. VI. 192 has Mosan) 
it is a tributary of the Girnâ which 
flows into the Tâptî. 

* See PâdshShnâma II. 106, which 
has Hatgarha, Pepül (qu. Bhus5wa]), 
Bâûna and Salüda. 

>> See Khâfi K. I. 561-662 who 
speaks from personai knowledge. 





and the repeated marchings of troops the revenue after the 
conquest was fixed at four lacs of rupees. At present Rs. 11,000 
has been deducted from this also in the offices. The parganas 
were in old times reckoned at 32, and of these 27 have now 
been included in three or four estates. Also the villagea of 
t.his oountry which are in the hill-tracts towards Jawâr l (Jawhâr ?) 
yield little and are in the possession of the Bhîls. 


Son of Yamînu-d-daulah Khân-Khânân Âşaf K. He was 
of an independent disposition, of a careless nature, and a lover 
of comfort and pleasure. He spent his life in a delightful manner 
and had a sufficiency of the means of enjoyment. He did 
not deal with armies or marching. in perfect tranquillity and 
freedom from çare he spent his days and nights. When he was 
Mir Bakhshî he coütinually by feigning illness abstained from 
waiting on the royal stirrup, and spread the carpet of ease and 
comfort. Sometimes he went to the Deccan to visit his brother 
Shaista Khân, and sometimes, on the same pretext, he went o fi 
to Bengal. Many of his sallies and expressions are on the tip 
of people's tongues. From a regard to the merits of his ancestors 
and to his connection with the royal family both Shah Jahan 
and Aurangzeb excused him from many of the disagreeables of 
service and strove to make him comfortable. in the lOth year 
of Shah Jahan he held the rank of 500 with 200 horse. After 
his father's death he got an increase and was always treated 
with kındness. in the 19th year his rank was 2000, with 200 
horse, and in the 22nd year it was 3000 with 300 horse and he 
had the title of Khânzâda Khân. in the 25th year he returned 
from the Deccan, where he had been to visit his brother Shaista 
Khân, and entered into the royal service, in the end of the same 
year he had the rank of 4000 with 500 horse and the family 
title of I'tiqâd K. which his father and uncle had both held. 
And hewas made Mir Bakhshî. As frequently, he on the plea of 

l Samt javıâr. -Perhaps " the villagea 

the neighbcrarhood of the hill 

illness was unable to carry on the duties, he in the 26th year 
at the time when the king was returning from Kabul to the 
capital begged, when the army reached Lahore, to be allowed 
to halt for a while and to adopt remedies. This was granted 
and a yearly allowance of Rs. 60,000 made him satisfied. After 
he got well, he in the 27th year attended court and was out of 
kindness restored to his former rank and service, in this service 
he continued till the end of the 30th year without covetousness 
or selfish designs, in perfect independence and freedom from 
çare, and gathered the treasure of a good name. After the 
battle vvith Dârâ Shikoh at Samogarha, which is a famous hunting- 
place, he had the distinction of entering into the service of 
Aurangzeb. in the 5th year he got the rank of 5000 with 1000 
horse and receıved royal favours. in the lOth year he obtained 
a flag and took leave to go and see his elder brother (Shaista K.) 
who was then governor of Bengal. He stayed a long while in 
that country, and spent his time in enjoyment. in the 15th year, 
1082, 1671, he died. 1 May God have mercy upon him! He was a 
very honest man and free from anxieties. He was pious and had 
a perfect love for the poor. 

They say that one day he had göne off into the lanes with- 
out ceremony to see an enthusiast. As this was contrary to 
the diginity of an Amir the emperor asked him by way of rebuke, 
"Were any of the king's servants with you ? " He replied, 
' ' One was there — this ashamed one (lit. this black-faced one) ; 
ali the others were servants of God." His son Muhammad Yâr 
K. was also the unique of the age for his good qualities. He has 
been noticed separately. His daughter Fâtima Begam was the 
wife of Muftakhir K. the son of Fakhr K. Najm-şânî. in the end 
she found favour with Aurangzeb and became Şadru-n-nisâ„ 
" Mistress of the Harem." 

Third s. Nazr Muhammad the ruler of Balkh. As some ac- 
count of Nazr Muhammad has been gfven at the end of the 

1 in Bengal, Maaşir A. 114. 





biography of Khusrau Sultan (his second son), and his final 
fate has been mentioned in the biography 1 of 'Abdu-r-Rahmân 
Sultan, it is necessary to give in this place some account* of 
his ancestors. He and his elder brother imâm Qulî K. were 
the sons of Dîn Muhmmâd K. commonly known as Yatım Sultan 
and who was s. Jânî Sultan, s. Yâr Muhammad K., who was the 
cousin of Hâjim K., the ruler of Ürganj, the capital of Khwar- 
azm. When the country of Sher s Khân (i.e. Astrachan) had been 
taken by the Russians from his ancestors, 4 Yâr Muhammad came 
away in a destitute condition. Perhaps he was influenced by 
the improper conduct of Hâjim towards himself. Anyho\v, when 
he came to Transoxiana, Sikandar K. (i.e. Iskandar) the father 
of the famous 'Abdullah K perceived that he was a young 5 man 
of ability and lineage, and gave him in marriage his daughter 
(Zahra Khânim) who was the full sister of 'Abdullah K. The 
fruit of this union soon appeared in the person of Jânî K. He 
had five 8 sons, viz. Dîn Muhammad, who was the eldest, Bâqî 
Muhammad, Walî Muhammad, Pavinda Muhammad Sultan and 
Alîm Sultan. Ali these five brothers submitted 1 to 'Abdullah K. 
and passed their d ay s in Tün, Qâîq s and other countries of Quhis- 

1 See Maaşir I. 767 and II. 812. 

2 Copied from Padshâhnâma I. 216- 

s This seeras to be a mistake for 
Haşhtar Khân or Hajj Tarkhan, i.e. 
Astrakhan at the mouth of the Volga. 
it is Haşhtar Khân in the Pâdshah- 
nâma I. 217. 

* Text âbâish "his ancestors," 
»hich seems to have no sense here. 
for Astrakhan was taken from Yâr 
Muhammad himself, who was then an 
old man. The Padshâhnâma 1. c. has 
amâlish " his hopes," and thesentence 
geems to mean that Yâr Muhammad 
fell from his hopes of power and sway 
and had to eome in a destitute condi- 
tion to Transoıiana. This was in 975, 
1567. Desmaison's Abü-1-Ghâzî, p. 
188, n. Hâjim Tarkhân is frequently 
mentioned in that work. The Astra- 
khan dynasty is known as the Jânids. 

it came to an end, according to S. 
Lane Poole, in 1554, p. 229 Yâr 
Muhammad's genealogy is gıven in 
Vambery's Hist. of Bokhara 305, n. 2. 
6 it was Jânî Beg the son of Yâr 
Muhammad who received in marriage 
the daughter of Iskandar, and sister 
of the colebrated 'Abdullah K. See 
Howorth, Part II,. 744. Vambery's 
Bokhara 305, and Stanley tane 
Poole's Muhammadan Dynasties, p. 

6 So in Padshâhnâma. According 
to Vambery, p. 306, he had only 
three — Dîn Muhammad, Walî Muham- 
mad, and Bâqî Muhammad. 

1 Az qibal 'Abdullah Khan, " under 
his suzerainty " (?). 

* Qâin in Padshâhnâma. it lies 
between Yezd and Herat, Blochmann 
591. it is the old capital of Kohis- 
tan and is the Kayin of the mapa. 

tan (for Kohistân). Alîm Sultan died there. When there came a, 
rupture between 'Abdullah K. and his son 'Abdu-1-Mûmin, the 
brothers had regard to their obligations to 'Abdullah and did not 
submit to 'Abdu-1-Mümin. When the latter became ruler of 
Tûrân, he got ridof ali his relations, whom be suspected of good* 
conduct and propriety, and so raised smoke (dûd which also 
means sighing) from his own family (düdmân). He also proceeded 
to act badly to Yâr Muhammad K. and drove him out from Balkh, 
and he seized Jânî K. and imprisoned him. The brothers sounded 
the drum of opposition in Khurâsân, and behaved presumptuously. 
As it chanced, in the year 1006,1598, when 'Abdu-1-Mümin was 
marching with a large army from Bokhara with the intention of 
attacking Khurâsân he was killed one niğht by an arrow shot by 
an Uzbeg who was grieved for the sorrows of the afflioted and was 
lying in wait. Dîn Muhammad regarded the coin of opportunity 
as a great treasure and placed the cap of joy on the apex of 
f örtüne. He came to Herat and took possession of it, and ap- 
pointed Walî Muhammad to the charge of Merv. As there was 
great commotion throughout Türân, every head (sir) was a 
sirdâr (leader) and every döor (dar) was a caucus (darbâr) and the 
üzbegs being without remedy agreed to his supremacy in Khurâ- 
sân. He established his power in Herat and had the Khutba 
recited and coin struck in the name of his grandfather Yâr 
Muhammad K. Yâr Muhammad ' after being turned out of Balkh 
had göne to India, and waited upon Akbar and been treated with 
royal favours. After some time he took leave to go on pilgrimage 
and had come to Qandahar, when the heavens caused this tramp- 
ling upon dominion. Dîn Muhammad K. had not yet moved some 

Jarrett III. 86,. n Apparently it iş 
the Ghaein of Macgregor'a Khurâsân 
II. 148. 

1 This account of Yâr Muhammad 
is copied from the Padshâhnâma. 
But it disagrees with Vambery who 
says that YSr Muhammad (of Astra- 
khan) died soon after his arrival in 
Transoxiana. Nor is there any men- 
tion of a Yâr Muhammad Sultan's 

coming to India in Akbar's time. 
Perhaps the Yâr Muhammad of Pad- 
shâhnâma I. 217 is not the father of 
Jânî Beg and grandfather of Dîn 
Muhammad. But see infra in this 
notice. The " trampling upon domi- 
nion ' ' referred to is the death of 
' Abdu-1-Mümin whioh took place in 



steps towards the accomplishment of his wishes when Shah 'Ab- 
bâs Şafavî who was waiting for an opportunity of extricating his 
hereditary territories, equipped an army for battle and came to 
Herat. Some well-wishing and far-sighted people said to him 
(Dîn Muhammad) that it was not adv'isable to make a disturbance 
about Khurâsân which for a hundred years had been the territory 
of the Persians, and of which a part waa in his (Dîn M. 's) posses- 
sion. The proper course was to propose friendship to the king of 
Persia, and to arrange the affairs of Türkistan, which was his old 
and hereditary possession and was without a fitting head. After 
subduing that country he might without objection, if he were abl 
to do so, address himself to the conquest of Khurâsân. Din 
Muhammad K. at the inatigation of warlike young men for whom 
the pleasures of the government of Khurâsân had not lost theiı 
taste, and a\so because in the time of 'Abdullah K., and of the 
confusions in Khnrâsân, war had been successfully made against 
some of the officers of that country, thought that the oontest 
would be an easy one. At the Rabat Pariyân near Pul Sâlâr, 
which is four farsakhs (leagues) from Herat, an engagement took 
place. Tlîere was a great battle ' and the Uzbegs were defeated. 
Nearly 5 or 6000 of the best men in the army were killed, and Din 
Muhammad fled. When he came to Mârücâq weakness over- 
powered him on account of his wounds, and his companions laid 
him down in a corner in order that he might get repose. There he 
died. Some say he took refuge with one of the servants of the 
soldiers in a tent. He was not recognized and was ill-treated by 
the men, and when they did recognize him they were frightened 
of reprisals and so put him to death. Payinda Muhammad Sultan 
went to (Jandahar, and Shâh Beg K. 2 the governor there impri- 
soned him and sent him to Akbar. He made him över to Hasan 
Beg 3 Shaikh Umarı who was going to Kabul, and he made him-" 

l Vambery, Hist. of Bokhara, p. 
:D6. A.N. III. 803, where Dîn M. is 
apparently called Ilâehim K. See 
also 'Alam Arâî, lith., p. 392. The 
Hâshim K. of the A.N. is apparently 
a mistake for Yatîm Sultan or Yatîm 

K. , which was another name for Dîn, 
Muhammad. * Blochmann 377. 

3 Do. 454. Hasan Beg is the man 
who afterwards joined Khusrau and 
was put to death with torture» by 



över to Qulîj K. the governor of the Panjab. After one year he 
died in Lahore. Walî Muhammad K. came away from the battle- 
field with 30 to 40 servants without knmving what had become of 
his elder brother Dîn Muhammad and hastened to Bokhara. 
There he joined Pîr Muhammad K. who was one of the relatives 
of 'Abdullah K., but whom 'Abdu-1-Müminhad not put to death as 
he thought ' him an opium-eating dervish because he always spent 
his time in opium-shops (koknâr khâ-nha) in poverty and wretched- 
ness, but who had afterwards been seated on the masnad of 
Türân. When at that time Tawakkal K. Qazzâq on finding that 
Transoxiana was destitute of a powerfuI ruler led an army against 
it, Bâqî Muhammad (a son of Jânî K.) distinguished himself in 
the battle, and received from Pîr Muhammad the government of 
Samarkand. Bâqî Muhammad after behaving obediently for 
some time perceived that he was fitter for rule than Pîr Muham- 
mad and eonceived the idea . of being sovereign and called him- 
self Khân. He also marched out from Samarkand to take Miyân- 
kâl. Pîr Muhammad was made miserable and restless bv this 
news and came to Samarkand with 40,000 horse. Bâqî Muhammad 
craftily had resort to supplications, but though he tried to clear 
himself it was of no avail. When he found himself helpless he 
opened the gates of contest and one day he came out of the 
fort and fell upon Pîr Muhammad's centre and defeated him. 
He was wounded and captured and was immediately put to death 
by Bâqî Muhammad's order. Bâqî M. then proceeded to Bokhara 
and sate upon the throne of rule. By ability and courage he also 
brought under his sway Balkh and Badakhşhân. Yâr Muhammad 
his grandfather, who was stili in (Jandahar, on hearing this news 
gave up the thought of going on pilgrimage and proceeded to 
Türân. Bâqî M. welcomed him with honour and seated him on 
the masnad, and had the khutba recited and coin struck in his 
name. But when after two years he perceived that his grand- 
father was eager to advance, his sons 'Abbâs Sultan, Tarson Sul- 
tan, and Pîr Muhammad Sultan who were not by the same mother 
as Jânî K., he deprived Yâr Muhammad of power, and placed his 

1 'Alam Arâî, p. 381, w here he is called Pîr Muhammad Sultan. 



ıatner Jânî K. in his room. Af ter this when Yâr Muhammad K» 
and Jânî it. died, Bâqî M. recited the khutba and struck coins in 
his own name and his power rose as high as the Pleiades, and the 
vault of Orion. When he died in 1014, 1605-06, Walî Muhammad 
succeeded to pöwer. He made över Baikh, Andakhud and their 
appurtenances — vvhieh were on this side of the Oxus — and which 
during his brother's time had belonged to him (i.e. Bâqî M.) to 
his brother's sons imâm Qulî and Nazr M. Sultan who were the 
sons of Dîn M. K. They for a Iong time were obedient to their 
uncle, but at last they on account of their youth and the instiga- 
tion of ignorant companions becauıe disöbedient and took the 
road of rebellion. They made ' their honoured uncle suspected in 
the matter of reügion on account of the coming and going of the 
Persian ambassador, and induced most of the Uzbeg officers to 
have an aversion to him. At last Khwâja Abü Hâshim the 
Khwaja of Dahbîd, and Muhammad Bâqî Qalmâq who governed 
Samarkand on behalf of (az qıbal) Walî Muhammad K., and 
Ilangtosh Be Atâlîq who was there as his (Walî's) auxiliary, and 
who had been vexed by the evil conduot of Wali Muhammad, 
recited the Khutba and struck coin in the name of imâm Qulî and 
summoned him from Balkh. He with his brother Nazr Muham- 
mad crossed the Jaıhün (Oxus) and wished to come to Samarkand 
by the route of Koh-i-Tan.* Walî M. on hearing the news ga- 
thered together an army from Bokhara and blocked their path. 
When they came near, as imâm Qulî had not power to fight, he 
stirred up questions and brought forward charges. Walî M. too 
wished that things should not come to fiğhting. Suddenly, by 
accident, one night two or three boars came out of a reed bed 
into Walî's camp. People made a noise and came out of their 
tents and proceeded to fight with them. There was a great out- 
cry that imâm Qulî was making a night attack, and people 
assembled in Walî M.'s enclosure. No trace could be found of 
him, as he out of suspicion against his own people had withdrawn 
himself with some persons that he trusted. Crowds of men 
joined the two brothers. Some are of opinion that these noctur- 

1 See ' Alam Arâî, lith. 589. 

2 PSdshShDâma I, p. 219. line 2. 



nal rumours did not spring from mean and riotous fellows. Ra- 
ther Walî M.'s chief officers who from unfaithfulness and avarice 
had shut their eyes to their obligations to their master and 
looked at his failure as their success raised the cry of a night at- 
tack and turned the face of hope to his enemies. However this 
may be, Walî M. af ter being for some time a spectator of the 
catastrophe went off to Bokhara in complete mortification and 
despair. There too he did not see his way to settle, and went off ' 
with failure to Persia. 

imâm Qulî having received unexpected good fortune hastened 
to Bokhara and sate upon the masnad, and gave Balkh and 
Badakhşhân to Nazr M. K. Ai Khânim was the daughter of 
'Ibâd Ullah Sultan, younger brother of 'Abdullah K., and waa 
first marriedto ' Abdu-l-Mumîn. After his death she came into 
the possession of îşham K. Qazzâq, after that she was married 
to Pîr Muhammad K., after that to Bâqî M. K.; after that to 
Walî M. K. She was famed among the üzbegs for good looks 
and beneficent influence (? yamn qadam). % When Walî M. was 
going to Persia, he, on account of want of time, had left her in 
Cârjü fort on the bank of the Jaihün (Oxus). imâm Quli now 
sent for her and wished to cohabit with her, but as she did not 
agree, he laid his hand on the skirts of the Qâzi and the Mufti 
and sought for subterfuges. No one wouId come forward to help 
him. But one Qâzî who was worldly gave his religion to the 
winds and gave a decree to the effect that as Walî M. K. had 
shown a heretical disposition and göne out of the Muhammadan 
circle his wives were husbandless . 8 That audacious (imâm Qulî) 
and incontinent one took in marriage the undivorced wife of his 
living uncle, a thing which is not allowed in any religion. 

Walî M., who had come to Ispahan, was welcomed by Shah 
Abbas the İst, and although he ignorantly interviewed the Shah 
from onhorseback, the Shah behaved with gentleness and cor- 

1 Vambery I, c. 311. See also ac- 
count of the uproar caused by the 
boars in the 'Alam Arâî, 590. 

* Possibly it means " graceiul 


s M'uaUaç, literally suspended. 
See Lane 2137, ool. 2, " a woman 
whose husband has been lost to 
her, neither having a husband, nor 



diality and did not forsake the rites of hospitality. The chrono- 
gram was Âmâda jjâdshüh Türân, " Arrived Türân's king " 1020, 
161 1. 1 Though the Shah increased his affectkmateness and 
heartiness Walî M. remained depressed and did not expand. 
After some time when a musical entertainment came to an end, 
and political questions fell to be discussed, the Shah said: '' This 
year the Türk (Rûmî) has come to Tabriz ; I must dispose of him ; 
next year I shall myself aceompany the Khân and establish him 
on his aneestral throne." The Khân said:* " Delay and procras- 
tination won't do. As yet the power of imâm Qulî has not been 
established. The help of the Qizilbâshes will be an object of 
horror to the. Uzbegs." By ohance at that time, letters came 
from the Uzbeg chiefs, whose unfaithfulness had made him an 
exile, full of repentance for the past, and of service and devotion 
for the future. By urgency he got leave from the Shâh and prc- 
ceeded to Bokhara. After six months, which were spent in going 
andcoming from Persia, hecame to Tûrân, and with the help of 
some of the ofncers, who were penitent for what they had done 
and wished to repair it, he got possession of Bokhara without a 
battle. imâm Qull fled from Bokhara and came to Qarshî. 
There he left Ai Khânim and came to Samarcand. Walî M. in 
the pride of success and from a distracted disposition set about 
taking vengeance (on his enemies), and without getting together a 
suitable f orce he trusted to the words of recalcitrants and traitors 
and proceeded against his brother's sons. The two parties came 
to blows at two farsakhs (leagues) from Samarcand. Many of the 
leadere turned away from fighting and withdrew to the rear He 
could not bring himself to incur the disgrace of flight> but afc- 
tacked imâm Qulî with 2 or 300 of his own men and was wounded 
and fell. They lifted him up and brought him before imâm 
Quli, who immediately ordered him to be put to death. 3 Thus 
the sovereignty of Türân became established in İmâm Quli with- 
out a partner or rival, while the government of Balkh and 

1 Walî Muhammad laft Turan in 
1019, bat met Shah Ab bas in the 
beginning of 1020. 'Alam Arâî 592, 

where several chronograms are given. 
î id. 593. 
3 Vambery 321. Alam ArSî 599. 



Badakhshân fell to Nazr M. After thirty-five years of sovereignty 
he (imâm Qulî) in the year 1051, 1641, became blind and the 
affairs of the country fell into confusion. Nazr M. shut his eyes 
to his obligations tovvards his brother 1 and set before himself the 
seizure of Samarcand and Bokhara. Though the Uzbegs were 
so pleased with imâm Qulî's excellent behaviour that they unani- 
mously said that though eyesight (başârat) was göne, foresight 
(basirat) was apparent, and that in spite of his blindness they 
were pleased with his rule, yet as imâm Qulî was from the bot- 
tom of his heart willing that Nazr M. should take* his place, they 
were obliged to bring him to Samarcand and to recite the lçhutba 
in his name. Nazr M. sent him off by the route of Persia to the 
holy place though he wished to travel by India, and did not per- 
mitany of his ladies to aceompany him, not even his beloved Ai 
Khânim. He also laid hold of ali his accumulated treasures. 
imâm Qulî in great distress and in company with Khwâja Naşîb, 
Nazr Beg Taghai (uncle by mother's side) , Rahim Beg and Khwâ- 
jah Mîrak Diwân — about 15 persons in ali, Uzbegs and slaveg — set 
out, and after interviewing Shah 'Abbâs the 2nd and receiving 
his hospitality, went off to the Kaaba. He then proceeded to 
Medîna, and there he died 3 and was buried in the Baqî' ceme- 
tery. * 

As the establishment of Nazr M. on the throne, the commo- 
tion of the Uzbegs. and the coming of the armies of India to that 
country (Transoxiana), ha ve been fully detailed in the accounts of 
Khusrau Sultan the 2nd, son of Nazr M. , we no w proceed with 
our narrative. When Prince Murâd Bakhşh arrived at Balkh in 
the month of İst Jumâda 1056, June 1646, Bahrâm Sultan, 
Subhân Qulî Sultan and some great men and nobles of Balkh 
entered 6 the victorious camp. The prince sent Aşâlat K. the 
Mir Bakhshî to bring them in, and Amîru-1-umarâ 'Alî Mardan 
K. received them at the door of the diwânkhâna. The prince 
treated them with much respect and placed them on the right 

1 He was only his half-brother. 
Vambery 318. See account of imâm 
Qulî and Nazr M. in PSdshâhnâma II. 
252, ete. 

2 Vambery 319, and Pâdshâhnâma 
II. 255-256. s Vambery 319. 

* Lane'a Dict. 2356. 
6 PSdshahııSma II. 536. 

«p — 



hand of the masnad on the state carpet (sozanl). He showed 

them various kindnesses, and then dismissed them in order 

that they might go and exert themselves for the comforting 

of the Khân. They were to teli him that every kind of aid 

and service in chastising the malcontents and factions would 

now be translated from intention into deeds, and that untii the 

settlement of the Khân ( the victorious army would not set 

their feet on the skirt of repose. As the fortune of Nazr 

Muhammad had come to an end, a groundless suspicion took 

possession of him, and he announced that he vvas going to 

prepare a banquet for the prince, and went off to Bâgh Murâd. 

He took some jewels and ashrafîs along with him and fled vvith 

his two sons Subhân Qulî and Qutluq Sultan. When this news 

reached the prince he directed Bahâdur K. Rohilla and Aşâlat 

K. to pursue him, and occupied himself in making arrangements 

for the country and for confiscating the Khân's property. 

Twelve lacs of rupees worth of jewelled vessels, ete, and nearly 

2500 mares, 1 vere received into the royal establishments. Though 

the amount of his accumulations which he had himself placed 

in ehests, and the details of which were written in his own 

hand and lef t by him there, and the keys of which were ahvays 

kept by him, were not found, yet from the verbal state ments 

of the elerks it appeared that his treasures amounted to seventy 

lacs of rupees in money and goods. None of his ancestors 

had had as much. in the disturbance of the Uzbegs and 

Alman, and the time of flight and confusion, a little was spent 

and much was plundered. The revenue of Balkh and Badakh- 

shân and the whole of Transoxiana and Türkistan — which were 

in the possession of the two brothers — according to a oopy 

of the registers, ineluding the regular land revenue and the 

miscellaneous receipts, the payments in money and in kind, the 

inereases 2 and the tithes amounted to about one kror and twenty 

1 Horses and marea, Pâdshâhnâma. 
II. 540. 

* Cf. II. 814 in the acoount of 
'Inayat, and aleo Pâdshâhnâraall. 542. 
The ezpresaion in text is j'ami' "hhirâj 

irtifa 'ât corıesponding bo the irtifa' 
of II. 814. The Pâdshâhnâma l.c. 
puts the total revenue of Nazr M.'s 
kingdom at about one kror of shâhis, 
i.e. khânıe, which was equal to 25 lacs 



lacs of khânis— which is the curreney of the country, and which 
came to 30 lacs of rupees. Of this, 16 lacs of rupees were 
received by imâm Qulî K. and 14 by Nazr M. 

in the month of Jumâda-al-akhir, in the beginning of the 
20th year of the reign of Shah Jahan, the Khutba was recited 
in his (Shah Jahan's) name in the city of Balkh. Bahrâm 
and 'Abdu-r-Rahmân, the sons of Nazr M., together with Rustum 
the son of Khusrau Sultan — ali three of whom on acoount of 
want of information had not accompanied Nazr M. and had 
remaıned behind in the citadel of Balkn with his household — were, 
together with the wives and daughters of the Khân, kept under 
surveillance and sent off to the Presence. When they came 
to Kabul, Saiyid Jalâl Şadru-ş-Şadûr received them at the avenue 
(khiyabân) and condueted them to the Presence. Bahrâm Sultan 
received the rank of 5000 with 1000 horse and Rs. 25,000 in cash 
and other favours, and was always treated with respect, and 
spent his time in tranquillity. When Nazr M. was again estab- 
lished in his hereditary territories his conneetions in obedience to 
summons went off in the 23rd year to Balkh. Bahrâm Sultan 
could not withdraw his heart from the pleasures and delights of 
India and was unwilling to go to Türân, and spent the rest of 
his days in India in the enjoyment of a suitable pension, and 
lived on till the reign of Aurangzeb. 


He was Mîr Bakhshî and his name was 'Azîzu-d-dîn. His 
father Mirza Bahrâm was the 4th son of the well-known Şâdiq 1 K. , 
who was the sister's husband {yazna) of Yeminu-d-daulah* Aşaf 
K. When Şâdiq K. died. M. Bahrâm, \vho was of tender age, 
received the rank of 500 with 100 horse. Af ter that he had 

of rupees. I he irtifa' spoken of here 
and in the account of 'Inayat Ullah 
are the inereases to the revenue ef- 
feoted by Nazr Muhammad's careful 
management and greedy ways. See 
Pâdshâhnâma II 542, where it is 
mentioned that Na?r Muhammad in- 

creased his revenues, whereas imâm 
Quti allowed hi» to deteriorate. 

1 Şâdiq K. Mîr Bakhshî, Maaşir-ul 
Umara II. 729-31. 

s Brother of Nur Jahan and father 
of Mümtaz Mahal 



not much promotion but was sometimes darughah of the gold- 

smith's office and sometimes steward. He had the rank of 

1500 with 300 horse. When his elder brother Umdatu-1-mulk 

J'aafar K. was made governor of Bihar he also was appointed to 

that province. When in the 3rd year it was arranged that Sulai- 

mân Shikoh , the eldest son of Dara Shikoh , should be married to his 

daughter, he was summoned from Patna, and Shah Jahan gave 

jewels and ornaments to the vahıe of one iac of rupees asa marriage- 

present. Af ter that he lost his eyesight and lived for a long time 

in retirement in the capital. He had two sons, 'Azlzu-d-dîn and 

Sharafu-d-dîn. The first obtained in the lOth year of Aurangzeb 

the title of Bahramand K. As he possessed ability and rectitude 

he performed his duties well and there were few services in which 

he was not employed. He was promoted from being daroghah of 

the elephant stables to be bakhshî of the Ahadîs, and then be- 

eame Mas.ter of the horse {akhtabegi). in the 23rd year he was 

made Mîr Âtişh (artillery-officer) in the room of Şalâbat K., and 

in the same year Ajmere became the abode of the king. While 

the Khân was on the other side of the Âna Sâgor and had his 

lodging in the garden, he happened to be sitting in the shade 

of a tree when there was a stroke of lightning, and the Khân 

jumped and fell into the tank. For some time he was insensible. 

in the 24th year he became Master of the Ceremonies (Mîr Tüzük), 

and after that he, in succession to Lutf üllah became daroghah 

of the ghuslkhâna. After that when the imperial retinue marched 

to the Deccan, and encamped at Ahmadnagar, the Khân, who 

besideB being a good office-man, was a capable leader, w as 

appointed to attack the banditti. When in the 28th year his 

father died in the capital, Ashraf K. the bakhshî-ul-mulk vvent 

by orders and brought him to the Presence, where he \vas com- 

forted by receiving an orphan's robe of honour. Asad K. the 

Jamla-ul-mulk, as he was the sister's son of the deceased, 

received a nlma astın (tunic) which the king was wearing. in 

the 30th year after the battle of Bijapur, Bahramand was 2nd 

bahhshl in succession to Rüh Ullah K., who was raised to the 

post of İst bahhshl. When the Jumla-ul-mulk Asad K. was 

sent off to take the fort of Ginjî, Bahramand was made vizier. 



in the 36th year he was, on the death of Rüh Ullah, made 1 Mîr 
Bakhshî, and had the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse. Aftervvards 
he had the rank of 5000 with 3000 horee. 

During this time he went several times against the enemy 
and in the 45th year when Marwângarha,* which is two kos 
from Khatânûn, was taken by the excellent exertions of Fath 
TJllah K. Bahâdur, and its neighbourhood became the imperial 
camp, a large army was sent under the commaııd of the Khân 
Bakhshî-ul-mulk (i.e. Bahramand) to take the fort of Nândgarha, 
which is known as Nâmgarha, as also the forts of Candan 8 and 
Mandan, which were known as Miftâh (the key) and Maftüh 
(opened). He with the help*of Fath Ullah K. took ali three 
forts in a few days and then returned. in the 46th year, after 
the taking of the fort of Khelna, he died 6 on the 5 Jumâdâ-al-akhir 
1114, 16 October 1702. As the daughter of Jumla-ul-mulk Amîru- 
1-umarâ Asad K. was married to him, Prince Kâm Bakhşh, in ac- 
cordance with orders, removed her from her sorrow and sent 8 her 
to oourt, where she was comforted. Bahramand had no son. One 
daughter was married to Muhammad Taql K. Banî Mukhtâr, and 
her son is the present Bahramand K. who has been described in 
the biography of Dârâb 7 K. Another daughter was married to 
Mir K., the eldest son of Amîr K. deceased. This marriage took 
place after Bahramand's death. Mîr K. had in Aurangzeb's time 
the rank of 1000 with 600 horse. in the beginning of Bahâdur 
Shâh's reign he was for some time governor of Lahore as deputy 
of Aşaf u-d-daula. Afterwards he was the governor of the fort of 
Kâlinjar, which is a celebrated fort in the province of Allahabad. 

To sum up. Bahramand K. was an officer poseessed 9 of 
gravity and modesty, a master of dignity and firmness, of a püre 

1 Khâfî K. II. 407. 

forts were Nândgîr, afterwards called 

* Qu. Wardângarha. M.' Alamgîri, 

Nâmgîr, Candan and Wandan. Maasir 


A. 44.4. 

s Do. The Kahâwan of Khâfî K. 

• M. 'Alamgîrî 461, where the date 

II. 490, and EUiot VII. 370. 

given is 25 Jurnâd-al-akhir. The 

* Chandan and W andan. EUiot 

death was from paralysis. 

VII. 370, note. They are N, Sattara 

1 M. A. 461. 

of Maasir 'Alamgîri 442. 

s Maasir, İL 40. 

' Khâfî Khân II. 491. The three 

• M. A. 161. 



disposition and good morals, and also pleasant and affable. in 
his latter days he had an impediment in his speech. They say 
tbat when in the Deccan campaign he had become Mîr Bakshî and 
a great officer, he often said that if the king would give him leave 
of absence for one year to Delhi he would give a lac of rupees as 
Peshkash (present). His companions said to him, " Are not the 
society of the emperor and the respect of the public worth the 
pleasures of Delhi ? " He rephed , ' ' True , these are great blessings , 
but the joy would be if I could go to my own city and be my own 
master (shahryâr). Nothing can be pleasanter to the vain soul 
than that in the place where I was seen in my former condition, I 
might be beheld in my present circumstances." 

He was separated by three intermediates from 'Alî Shükr 
Bahârlü who belonged to the great Turkman tribe of the Qar- 
âqümlü. At the time when this tribe was in its glory and there 
were such chiefs as Qarâ Yüftuf and his sons Qarâ Sikandar and 
Mîrzâ Jahân Shâh who were rulers of Arabian Persia and Azarbai- 
jân, 'Alî Shukr held the territories of Hamadân, Dînawar* and 
Kurdistan, and up to this day those coııntries are known as the 
possessions of 'Alî Shukr. His son Pir 'Alî Beg came to Hişâr 
Shâdmân at the time of Hasan (Uzzun Hasan) the king öf the 
White Sheep who contrived to extirpate the Black Sheep, and 
was for a while with Sultan Mahmüd Mirza, and then went off to 
Persia. He fought a battle with the ruler of Shiraz and was 
defeated. At the same period he fell into the handsof the officers 
of Sultan Husain Mîrzâ and was put to death. Af ter that his son 
Yâr Beg lef t Persia in the time of Shah Ism'aîl Safavî and came 
and settled in Badakhşhân. From there he went to Amîr 
Khusrau Sbah in Qandüz, and on the termination of the latter'-s 
authority he with his son Saif 'Alî Beg, who was Bairâm K.'s 

1 B. 316. Darbâr A. 167. Elliot 
V. 215, note 1. A.N. trans. I. 381. 
Bairâm was the fourth descendant of 
«Alî Shukr. 

2 Desoribed in Burhan Qâtî, Appen- 

dix, as a large city of Persian Irâq. 
it is in N.W. Persia and lies N.W. 
Hamadân. See J. III. 82, note. This 
part of the account seems taken from 
the Haft Iqlim. 



father, becatne the servant of Bâbur. Bairâm K. was born in 
Badakhşhân, and on his father's death went to Balkh and ac- 
quired leaming. in his sixteenth year he entered the service of 
Jinnat Ashiyânî (Hümâyûn) and grew daily in the shadow of his 
favour, till at longth he became his companion and an Amîr. He 
hazarded his life in the disaster of Qanauj and went tovvards 
Sambhal. There he was received with kindness by Raja Mitr Sen, 
who was one of the important landholders of that country, in the 
town of Lakhnûr. When Sher Khâa heard of this news, he sent 
for him and had a meeting with him on the road to Mâlwa. Sher 
K. rose up and embraced him. He sought to attract him by en- 
ticing words, and remarked, " Whoever âcts sincerely does not 
err." Bairâm answered, " So it is, whoever acts sincerely shall 
not go astray." Near Burhanpur he after a thousand difficulties 
and with the help of Abü-İ-qâshu governör of Gwaliyar made his 
escape and went off to Gujarat. On the road Sher Khan's am- 
bassador, who was coming from Gujarat, heard of him and sent 
men and had him and Abu-l-qâsim — who was of distinguished per- 
sonal appearance — arreafced. Bairâm K. out of high spirit and cour- 
age objected, saying, " I am Bairâm K." Abu-l-qâsim out öf gener- 
osity said : " This is my servant, and he wants to devote himself 
for me." They withheld their hands from him and so Bairâm K. 
eseaped and went to Sultan Mahmüd in Gujarat. Not recognizing 
Abu-l-qâsim, they put him to death. Sher K. used often to say 
that " When Bairâm K. said, ' Whoever is sincere, shall not go 
ascray,' I perceived that he would not arrange matters with us." 
Sultan Mahmüd Gujaratî also tried to win him, but Bairâm would 
not consent. He took leave to go on pilgrimage and came to the 
blessed ' port of Surat and from there he went to the country of 
Hardwâr. 2 With the idea of serving Jinnat Ashiyânî he took the 
road to Scinde and on 7 Muharram 950, 13 April 1543, at the 
time when Hümâyûn had returned from the country of Mâldeo 
and was in the town of Jün — which was on the bank of the Indus 

1 So calied as the pilgrims' port. 
1 See Akbarnâma trânslation I. 
382, note 4. AU this part of the ac- 


oount of Bairâm is taken from Abul 



and vraa remarkable for the number of ita gardens and streams. 

By chance on the day that he came to Jün he had to appear on 

the battle-field before he could pay his respects to Hümâyûn , for 

the latter's forces had a fight with the Argb.ûnîâns. Bairâm took 

part in the fight and fought bravely so that the soldiers thought 

he was a heaven-sent ally. When it appeared that he was Bairâm 

K. there came a cry of joy. in the expedition to Persia he was 

the best and most faithful of servants. The king of Persia also 

admired his abilities and loyalty. As that sovereign sometimes 

feasted with Hümâyûn for the sake of enjoyment, and sometimes 

had a hunting party with him, he, one day, when there was a display 

of polo and of tilting (qdbk andâzl), gave him (Bairâm) the title of 

Khân. After the return from Persia he was sent with a letter of 

royal advice and a firman of favour to Mirza Kâmrân. He con- 

sidered -within himsetf that it would not be right to present the 

two rescripts to Kâmrân who would doubtless be sitting, and 

whom it would be difficult to induce to pay the respect of rising 

up to receive them. He therefore took a copy of the Koran in 

his hand and tendered it as a present. The Mirza stood right up 

out of respect to the volume, and just then Bairâm presented 

the two documents. When Hümâyûn after taking Qandahar 

made it över to the Persians according to the promise he had 

made to the Shah and decided upon conquering Cabnl, it became 

necessary to have a place of safety for his family and domestics. 

Accordingly he took Qandahar by force from the Persians, and 

made it över to Bairâm K. and wrote to the Shâh a letter of 

apology saying, "Bairâm K. is the trusted servant of both of u» 

We have made över the for t to him." 

When in the year. 961, 1554, some make-bates spoke to the 
king untrue things about Bairâm K., he came to Qandahar and 
ascertained that the reports were false. He treated him gra- 
ciously, and Bairâm became in the expedition to India the best of 
ali the leaders and was a forefighter in battle, and was victorious. 
Especially, in the battle of Macîwâra, when with a few men he 
attacked a numerous army of Afghans and defeated it. He ob- 
tained the parganaa of Sirhind, ete. in fief , and received the lofty 
titles of Yâr Wafâdâr (the faithful friend), Barâdur Nekü-siyar 


37 i 

(well-conditioned brother) and Farzand S'aâdatmand (auspicious 
son), in the year 963, 1556, he was made the guardian of Prince 
Muhammad Akbar, and was appointed to suppress Sikandar 
K. Sür, and to manage the affairs of the Panjab. in the same 
year on 2 Rabîu'-l-akhir, Friday, 14 February 1556, when Akbar 
sate upon the throne in the town of Kalânûr, Bairâm was made 
Vakîlu-s-sultanat. He had the control of affairs, and had the 
title of Khân-Khânân and was styled in correspondence Khân 
Bâbâ. in the year 965, December 1557, Selîma Sultan Begam, 
whom Hümâyûn had promised to Bairâm, was given to him in 
marriage. She was the daughter of Mirza Nûru-d-dîn Muhammad, 
and the niece (half-sister's daughter) of Hümâyûn. M. Nüru-d-dîn 
was the son of Alâü-d-din Muhammad who was the son of Khvrâja 
Husain known as the Khwâj azada of Caghânîân, and who was great- 
grandson of Khvvâja Hasan A.fctâr, who was the immediate son 
of Khwâja Alâü-d-dîn \vho was the successor (khalîfa) of Khwâja 
Naqşhband. The daughter of Shâh Begam, the daughter of 'Alî 
Shukr, the great-great-grandfather (text, third grandfather) of 
Bairâm, who was in the household of (i.e. was married to) Sultan 
Mahmüd tbe son of Sultan Abû Ş'aîd, had been married to the 
Khwâj azada, it was on account of this conneetion that Bâbur 
gave his daughter Gulbarg 1 to M. Nûru-d-din, and for the same 
reason was this marriage made. The Begam (Selîma) had a 
poetical vein and wrote under the name of Makhfi (conoealed). 
This verse of hers is famous. 


in my passion I called thy lock the " thread of life " ; 

I was wild and so uttered such an expression. 

1 Jâhangir, Tüzük 113, calls her 
Gulrukh. See Akbarnâma translation 
II. 97, 98, and note. Selîma is said 
by Jâhangir to have been sixty years 
of age when she d i od in 1021, or 1611. 
If so, she must have been a child of 
six when she was married to Bairâm 
in 1557. it appears, however, from a 
note by Mirza Muhammad in a MS. 
of Kâmgar jŞasain Ghairat K.'s his- 

tory, and which is one of Col. Hamil- 
fon'a MS8. in the B. Mueeum, that 
Selîma was really 76 w nen she died, 
she having been born in Shaww5l 945, 
so that she was some three years 
older than Akbar. The ohronogram 
of her birth is khûjjjhâl, which yields 
945, 1 538-9. See A.S.B.J. for 1905 
and Tüzük J. traus., p. 232, and note 
6, p. 509. 



After Bairâm'8 death Akbar himself married her. She died 
in the seventh year of Jahangir. 

Good God ! in spite of this proximity, solidarity, influence, 

and ali that wisdom, experience, abundant loyalty, and devotion, 

some marks of the caprice of fate appeared upon the tablet of 

manifestation, so that the disposition of Akbar became alienated 

from that great man. in fact strifemongers who were full of 

envy, out of spite and self-interest, exaggerated matters (lit. made 

one a hundred) and perverted the feelings of the young monarch. 

Also flatterers and overturners of houses altered the nature of the 

aged Amir, so that he did not pay Akbar the deference that was 

due to him. For instance, one day Bairâm was taking an airing 

on the river Jumna, and one of the royal elephants rushed into 

the water and made for Bairâm's boat. Though the driver by 

great efforts got him under control, the Khân Khânân suspected 

something, and was much disturbed. The king, out of considera- 

tion for him, sent the driver to him, and Bairâm withont paying 

regard to court-rules, put the driver to death. The king was much 

displeased ; and determined to free himself from his minister. 

Accordingly, he in 967, 1560, lef t Agra on pretence of hunting 

and went off to Delhi. When he arrived there he summoned the 

omcere» and, on the recommendation of Mâham Anaga, Şhihâbu- 

d-dîn Ahmad K. was appointed to the charge of affairs. The 

Khân Khânân wished to present himself, but Akbar sent him a 

message that he eould not see him at this time, and that it would 

be better for him npt to come. Some are of opinion that the king 

did go off in order to hunt, and that when he came to Sikandar- 

âbâd in the Delhi district, Mâham Anaga instigated him to gallop 

off to Delhi to wait upon his mother Miriam-Makânî. There was 

no cloud then on his heart with regard to Bairâm K. though sin- 

ful and envious people were trying to produce such a feeling, and 

said things to him with this object, and Adham K. and his mother 

were especially active in this respect. But as the idea of Bairâm 

K.'s unsullied loyalty was firmly rooted in the royal mind such 

representations had no effect. But as has been said — 



Verse ' 

"VVhenever rivals are regarded with favour 
1 assure them that words have their effect. 

The strifemongers, who had their opportunity, at this time 
implanted ideas of alienation. in shorfc Bairâm himself from a 
right conception of the situation sent the insignia of office along 
with the principal officers "to court and asked permission to go on 
pilgrimage. Afterwards at the whisperings of some evil-disposed 
persons he proceeded to Mewât. When it was reported that. the 
royal army had göne in pursuit of him, ali the king's servants lef t 
Bairâm ; and he sent the tumân-togh, the standard, the drum and 
other insignia of office to court by his sister's son Husain Qulî 
Beg. He wrote to the officers who had been told to pursue him 
that he had withdrawn his hands from everything, and asked why 
they tormented him. He had for a long time desired to visit the 
holy shrines ; now the thread of the accomplishment of his desire 
had f ailen into his hands. The officers were obliged to return. 
As Rai Mâldeo the Rajah of Jodhpür was on the road to Gujarat 
(i.e. his lands lay on the way) and was on bad terms with Bairâm, 
the latter went from Nâgor to Bîkânîr. Rai Kalyan Mal the 
Iandholder of that place came before him with loyalty and gave 
him hospitality. At this time a report arose that Mullâ Pîr 
Muhammad had come from Gujarat and had been ordered to follow 
Bairâm. Strifemongers stirred up Bairâm, and by exciting him 
to resistance made him turn back to the Panjab. Owing to the 
deceitf ulness of foolish talkers he removed the veil from his ao- 
tions, and set his face to\vards the Panjab. He busied himself in 
collecting men, and wrote to the various officers, "I intended to 
go to the Hijâz, but when it became known that Mâham Anaga 

' These lines are quoted by Ferish- 
ta. but in the first Üne he has nihayat 
instead of 'inayat. See Newal Kish- 
ore'g lith., p. 248. it is, howev«T, 'in- 
ayat in a MS. of Feriahta and it 
seems to have the negative nist in the 
first üne. The "them" in seoond 

üne is perhaps honorific for the king or 
minister concerned. The verse is also 
quoted again in II. 568, where insan 
is incorreçtly substituted for iskân. 
See note to translation of life of 



and others had perverted the royal mind and were plptting my 
ruin, it occurred to me that I should first punİ3h those evil-doers 
and then proceed on the blessed pilgrimage, and also that I should 
lay hold of Mullâ Pir Muhammad Shirwânî,' who has now obtained 
a flag and has been appointed to eipel me." 

in short, ali these things having irritated him he became 
overpowered by wrath, and could not restrain himself. Strife- 
mongers too got their opportıınity and aggravated his disposition 
stili more. When the rebelliousness of the Khân-Khânân became 
manifest, Akbar sent on the Atga Khân in advanee and also set 
out' himself from Delhi. At that time the Khân-Khânân was 
scheming to take Jâlandhar. When he heard that the Atga 
Khân was coming, he advanced to meet him. After a severe en- 
gagement he was defeated and toök refuge in Talwârâ— a strong 
place in the Sivalik hills— with Ganesh the Rajah thereof. When 
the report of the arrival of Akbar's army reached the hill-country , 
his men came out of the fort and fought. They say that in that 
encounter Sultan Husain Jalair of the kîng's army was killed, and 
that his head was cut off and brought to the Khân-Khânân. He 
burst into tears and saîd, "My life is not worth my being the cause 
of the killing of such men." in great grief he sent his slave 
Jamâl Khân to H.M. and bagged forgiveness of his offences. 
Akbar sent Mun'im K. with other officers into the hills in order 
that they might assure him of safety and bring him into the 
Presence, in Muharram of 968, October 1560, the 5th year of 
the reign, Bakam came into the camp, and ali the officers received 
him with honour. When he came before Akbar he had a hand- 
kerchief (rüpâk) round his neck and he flung himself at the king's 
feet, and wept greatly. Akbar with consummate graciousness em- 
braced him and removed the handkerchief from his neck. He en- 
quired after his health and bade hım be seated according to the 
established custom (i.e. on his right hand). He also presented him 
with a glorious robe which he himself was wearing and gave him 
leave to visit the holy shrines. 

When he came to the city of Pattan in Gujarat, which was 
formerly known as Nahrwâla, he remai'ned there for some days in 
order to rest his cortege. At that time Musa Khân FülâdI was 



governor of that city, and a number of Afghans had collected 
about him. Among them, one Mubârak K. Lohânî, whose father 
had been killed in the battle of Maciwâra, cherished the idea of re- 
venge. Also the Kashmîrî wife of Selim Shâh was in the caravan 
with her daughter by him. She intended to go to the Hijâz , and 
it was arranged ' that the daughter should be married to Bairâm's 
son. The Afghans were also displeased at this. On Friday 14 
Jamâda-l-awwal, 31 January 1561, Bairâm went boating on the 
lake which is the recreation-ground of the city, and is known 
as the Sahas Lang, because there are a thousand idol-temples on its 
banks. When he was disembarking from the boat that savage 
represented that he had conıe to pay his respects, and during the 
interview he struck him with his dagger and killed him. The 
Khân-Khânân uttered the kalma Allah Akbar and departed from 
this vvorld and obtained the martyrdom which he had long prayed 
for, and had begged from the men of God. They say that for 
3'ears he had never omitted to shave and bathe on Wednesdays % 
in accordance with the intention of martyrdom, and that on one 
such occasiona simple-minded Saiyid, who had heard of this, said to 
him as he lef t the assembly, " We shall repeat the fatiha with the 
intent that the Nawâb obtain martyrdom." Bairâm smiled and 
said, " Mir, what kind of sympathy is this ? I desire martyrdom, 
but not so soon as this." 

Upon the occurrence of this catastrophe every one of his ser- 
vants ran off, and Bairâm lay there in blood and dust. A number 
of Faqîrs took up his bleeding body and committed it to the 
earth in the tomb of Shaikh Hisâm — who was one of the great 
Shaikhs there. Afterwards the body was, by the çare of Husain 
Qulî K. , buried in holy Mashhad. Qâsim Arslân of Mashhad made 
the chronogram of the event. They say that he, a long time 
before the occurrence, had been warned of it in a dream and had 
made the verses. 

I This is stated by Abul Fazl büt' 
seems unlikely. The girl must have 
been several years older than Bairâm's 
aon, for her father died in 1554, 

whereas 'Abdu-r-Rahim was not born 
till the end of 1556. 

'■* it was on a Wednesday that Mu- 
hammad bathed for the last time. 




When Bairâm donned the ihram to visit the K'aaba 
His purpose was effected by his martyrdom od the way. 
in truth a epirit uttered the chronogram 
" Muhammad Bairâm was made martyr." (968) 
(Shâhîd shud Muhammad Bairâm.) 

His body was removed to Delhi , and in aocordance with his 
will it was taken to Mashhad in 985, 1577. Bairâm was greatly 
skilled in poetry. He composed ' brilliant odes and made fitting 
insertions in the poems of the masters. He collected these and 
gave them the name of dakhliya. They say that when Bairâm 
wa8 in Qandahar Hümâyûn wrote this quatrain : — 


thou friend of my saddened heart, 

How thy sweet nature is well-balanced ! 

I'm never at »ny time without thought of thee, 

But what sadness hast thou in thought of me ? 

Bairâm replied : — 


thou who art incomparable shade (protector), 
Greater than any praise I can offer thee, 
When thou knowest how it passes without thee 
Why ask, " How feelest thou, when parted from me?" 

They 3 say that one night Hümâyûn was conversing with the 
Khân, and that the latter became inattentive. The king said, 
" We are addressing you." The Khân woke up and said, " My 
king, I was attending, but I ha ve heard that in waiting upon 

l I am not sure of the meaning. 
The verb dârad is wanting in the text 
after ghara, but occurs in a variant 
and aeems required Also it is found 
in Ferishta from whom the passage is 
borrowed. BairSm's odes were com- 
posed in honour of 'Ali. 

* Hümâyûn is said by Ferishta to 
hav e Bent this quatrain to BairSm at 

Qandahar after the taking of Kabul, 
and Bairâm is said to have written 
the quatrain whioh followa in reply. 
See DarbSr A. 163-64. As the first 
word of the fourth line of Hümâyûn ,'s 
quatrain Ferishta has aya " come " 
instead of ama " but." 
3 BadayünillI. İ92. 



princes one should have heed to his eyes, and when serving der- 
vishes should have heed to his heart, and in presence of the eru- 
dite should guard his tongue. and so I was thinking that as ali 
three pereonalities were collected in your Majesty, which of them 
I should observe." The king was pleased with this eztempore 
pleasantry and praised him. 

The author of the Tabâqât Akbarî vvrites that twenty-five of 
Bairâm' s servants attained the rank of 5000 and received flags 
and drums. The truth is that Bairâm was adorned with ability, 
excellence, probity, vigour, genius, and generosity, and was 
strong of heart and profound. He was devoted to the house of 
Timur. At such a crisis when Hümâyûn was removed before his 
empire was stablished and the prince was young and inex- 
perienced, and ali the territory except the Panjab had been lost, 
and when the Afghans were numerous and were raising the stan- 
dard of empire, and in every hole and corner, waiters upon events 
were beating the drum ot opposition, and the Chaghatai officera 
who were not well affected towards staying in India were advising 
a departure to Kabul, and Mîrzâ Sulaimân had seized his opportu- 
nity and recited the Khufcba in his own name in Kabul; Bairâm, 
by the sole influence of his courage, firmness, and excellent 
arrangements, made the stream which had lef t its course return to 
its channel, and re-established the sovereignty. Akbar also by 
many favours and attentions entrusted the management of affairs 
to him in order that he should carry out what he thought proper, 
and should not pay heed to any one else, and be without fear of 
censure. He also quoted this verse. 


Grant a loving friend, and let both worlds be foes. 

Whetı the power of the Khân Khânân beeame greater day by 
day, th« thorn of envy broke off in the hearts of others. Envious 
peraons mixed up calumnies with truth, made one into a hundred, 
and so alienated the king's disposition. The Khân-Khânân also, 
in his might and grandeur, gave no consideration to others and 
did not take them into account. He was suspicious of them and 



thought that they would soon take up a new position towards 
him (?). Even af ter his downfall he had no real intention of re- 
belling. As soon as he received the king's message, which was 
conveyed by Mîr "Abdu-1-Lâtif Qazvinî, he sent the insignia of 
office fco H.M. and showed a desire to go to the Hijâz. Strife- 
mongers on both sides did not allow him to do this. Op- 
ponents wrote to the landholders on the route that they should 
not allow him to pass through in safety, and his associates 
urged him and said, " Men who are of no rank ha ve leagued to- 
gether to overthrow you and so are having recourse to intrigues, 
and are seeking to cast you, in spite of ali your rights, into con- 
tempt and. misery. 'Tis better to die with honour than to live 
with disgraoe.'" in this way they succeeded in ruining him, ac- 
cording to the saying (nukta). "Presumption and the love of 
glory bring a man to evil days, and cast him into dangers and 
sorrows." Hence it is that the love of the world is the head of 


Verse. l 

Ambition is the ruin of the brain. 
'Tis the propefty of a hood to extinguish a candle. 


He was Mîr Bakhshi in the time when Shah Jahan was a 
prince, and was then one of his principal officers. He held high 
office and had the title of Khân Daurân. When the prince on ac- 
count of the treachery of Rustam K. Shighâlî turned back beföre 
Sultan Parvîz and crossed the Narbada, he took the boats to his 
own side and made the ferries strong with cannon and muskets, 
and lef t Bairâm Beg in charge on the bank of the river, and has- 
tened off to Burhanpur. When Mahâbat K. arrived with Sultan 
Parvîz at the river-bank he proceeded to engage Bairâm Beg. 
There was a battle of guns and muskets on both sides, and when 
Mahâbat K. saw that crossing was difficult, he had recourse 
to craft. He wrote to the Khân-Khanân M. 'Abdu-r-Rahîm 

l Sir u barg is a phrase meaning ths fcrain, and also pride. Ezaltation is like 
putting a hood (külah), i.e. an eztiaguiaher, on a candle. 



through Râo Ratan, and set in motion the chain of peace The 
Khân-Khânân too expostulated with Shah Jahan , and reque?ted 
that peaee might be established on his guarantee. If the servants 
(of Jahangir) were not conciliated by him, his ('Abdu-r-Rahîm) 
sons might be put to death (by Shah Jahan). He added strong 
oaths to these representations. When the sound of peace was 
spread abroad, the guarding of the ferries was neglected and Mahâ- 
bat K. crossed the river at night before the arrival of the Khân- 
Khânân. The Khân-Khânân too forgot ali his promises and 
joined the imperial arruy. Bairâm Beg was obliged togo to Burhan- 
pur. After that in the expedition to Bengal when Shah Jahan 
was at Bardwan, Şâlih Beg, the brother's son of Âşaf K. Ja'afar 
who was faujdâr there, in spite of the weakness of the fort, shut 
himself up in it. 'Abdullah K. proceeded to besiege him and re- 
duced him to extremities so that he came out and was imprisoned 
by Shah Jahan's orders. The Sarkar of Bardwan was given in 
fief to Bairâm Beg and he was sent off to administer it. When 
the prince, after subduing Bengal, went to Behar and took pos- 
session thereof , Bairâm Beg came from Bardwan and took charge 
of Behar. After that, the prince encountered the imperial army 
at Benares, and Wazir K. was appointed to the charge of Behar, 
and Bairâm Beg was summoned to the Presence. One day when 
Sultan Parvîz had sent his bakshi Muhammad Zaman across the 
river, Bairâm Beg Khân Daurân was ordered to seize an opportu- 
nity for attacking him. He from pride and arrogance did not re- 
gard Muhammad Zaman sufficiently and attacked him with a few 
men at the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges and was 
wounded. He sacrificed ' his life. His son Hasan Beg escaped 
from the field of battle wounded and also died after a few days. 


Brother's son and son-in-law of Qulîj -K. Jânî* Qurbânî. 
in the 8th year of Jahangir's reign he obtained the rank of 1000 
with 700 horse. in the 9th year he attained the rank of 2000 

l PSdahShnSma I. 124. 

* Said to be the name of a tribe. See B. 35 and Badayünî III. 188. 



with 200 horse, and was appointed to Bengal. Afterwards he was 

for a long time stationed at Kabul, and in the first year of Shah 

Jahan's reign had the rank of 2000 with 1500 horse. When af ter 

the death of Jahangir, Nazr Muhammad K. the ruler of Balkh 

came with an army to Kabul, and the dust of commotion rose 

high, he (Nazr) sent a threatening message to the king's men who 

were in the city, but they out of loyalty refused to listen, and 

Bâljû l Qulîj who was among them, impressed his fidelity more 

than ever on the mind of the king. in the 2nd year he at the in- 

stance of the governor Lashkar K. marched with a force against 

Zohâk and Bâmîân. The Uzbegs out of terror abandoned the 

forts and fled. in the 3rd year he in company with S'aîd K. dis- 

tinguished himself in chastising Kamâlu-d-dîn Rohilla, the son of 

Raknu-d-dîn, who in the time of Jahangir had been raised to a 

manşab of 4000 and afterwards had out of a seditious mind been 

lifting the head of presumptiön in that country. * He received a 

manşab of 2500 with 1800 horse and the title of Shamsher K. in 

the 4th year the thânas of both parts 8 of Bangash were entrusted 

to him, and he had a mınşab of 3000 with 2500 horse. in the 

5th year corresponding to 1041, 1631-32, he died. His son Hasan 

K. received a manşab of 800 with 300 horse and 'Ali Qulî his 

brother had a manşab of 900 with 450 horse and died in the 17th 

year of the reign of Shah Jahan. 


One of the trusted slaves of the king. By a happy horosoope 
and good service he had a place in the heart of Shah Jahan. Ih 
the 6th year he obtained the rank of 700 with 500 horse, and in the 
9th year he had the rank of 1000 with 1000 horse. in the lOth 
year he got an increase of 1000 zât and 1000 horse and his rank 
became 2000 with 2000 horse, and he was given a flag, a horse, 

ı PâdshShnânıa I. 20. İt is BSlcü 
there. Bâljû does not seem to be 
mentioned ip the Tüzük I. He is 
called Balkhû in PSdshâh'nâma I. 183. 

* id. 311. The country was Pesha- 

8 That is Upper and Lower Bang- 
ash. The term UppBT and Lower 
Bangash occurs several times in the 
Maaşir, e.g. II. 239. 



and an elephant and made faujdâr of Catra ' which is a pargana 
belonging to Orcha in Bandelkand. When this territory was 
taken from Jujhâr Singh and became imperial property, that par- 
gana which contained 930 villages and yieldad eight lacs of re- 
venue, and was adorned by ample territory and abundant rivers, 
was made Khâlşa and received the name of Islâmâbâd.* At this 
time Bâqî K. was made the faujdâr thereof, and distinguished 8 
himself by putting down the malcontents of the country. When 
Campat Bandlla the servant of Rajah Jujhâr Singh made, after 
the death of the latter, his son Prithîraj the instrument of sedition, 
and plundered the villages of Orcha and Jhansî, 'Abdullah K. 
Fîrüz Jang was made the jagirdar of Islâmâbâd, and appointed to 
extirpate Campat. When he came there he wished that Bâqi K. , 
who had already exerted himself in chastising the wretch, should 
personally march against the recalcitrants. The Khân from love 
of work promised that if 'Abdullah lent him his troops he would 
finish the affair. Fîrûz Jang out of indolence did not go himself 
but turned back, and Bâqî K. in the 13th year made a rapid 
march and took the rebels unawares. Campat with great diffi- 
culty saved himself, and Prithîraj was captured. in the 17thyear 
Bâqî K. was made darogha of the ghuslkhâna and afterwards he 
was made governor of the fort of Agra. in the end of the 27th 
year he died on his fief of Bari * which belongs to the province of 
Agra, and his jagir became crown-land. His sons Sirdâr K. and 
Bâqî K. were distinguished in the reign of Aurangzeb, and have 
been separately noticed. They say that Bâqî Beg in the beginning 
of his career was kotıvâl of Lahore which was then in the fief of 
Yemenu-d-daula Aşaf K. On behalf of the latter, Bâbâ 'Inayat 
Ullah Yezdi, who was a trusted servant of Aşaf K., was the gov- 
ernor, and as he did not esteem Bâqi K. he engraved on his ring 
the words " The work is 'Inayat's 6 and Bâqî is a pretence." 

1 Pâdshâhnâma I, Part II, p. 277. 
Catra or Jhatra was formerly in Sar- 
kar Irij. Jarrett II. 188. Orcha is 
written in text as Andcha. 

* Khafî K. I. 454. 

» PâdahâhnSma II, 136, and 193. 

* Jarrett II. 182. 

6 Kâr b'inayat ait u bâql bahâna. 

The words pun upon the meanings 
of 'inayat and bâgi, the first meaning 
favour, and the lecond, remainder. 



Younger brother of Sirdâr K. Kotwâl. in the 23rd year of 
Aurangzeb he received the title of Hayât K. in the 28th year 
he received the charge of the palace-guards (amânat-i-haft caukî) 1 
in succession to Mir «Abdu-1-Karîm. Afterwards he was raade 
darogha of the ghuslkhâna of Muhammad M'uazzam commonly 
known as Shah 'Alam. When during the siege of Bijapur the 
disposition of the king suspected the prince of disloyalty and 
was unkindto him, and ordered his advisers, such as Mümin K. 
Najm Şâni, the darogha of the artillery ; Multafat K., the 2nd 
bakhshî, and Bindrâban Diwân, to be expelled, the prince did not 
take warning but during the siege of Haidarabad carried on a 
correspondence with Abü-1-hasan, with whom he had previously 
had relations. Ali his endeavours in this respect were that the 
knot (of the siege) might be untied by his hand, and that his 
father might connect the taking of the fort with his name. III- 
wishers and envious persons represented these excellent endea- 
vours in a bad light and alienated the king's affections from 
him. One day the king in his private chamber examined ' Hayât 
K.* about this affair, and though he strongly asserted the prince's 
innocenee, he did not produce any effect. The king ordered that 
an intimation should be conveyed to the prince to the effect that 
Shaikh Nizâm Haidarabad! wouId on this night make an attack on 
the camp, and that the prince should put his servants in the front 
parts of the camp, in order that they might resist the attack, and 
that when his men had göne off in that direction , ihtimam K. Kot- 
wâl would guard his tents. Next day, which was the 18th 
Jumâda-al-akhir of the 29th year of the reign, the prince came to 
the Darbâr in accordance with orders, accompanied by Muham- 
mad M'uizzu-d-dîn and Muhammad 'Azîm (his sons.) At this time 
the king was seated in the hail of state. After he (the prince) had 
sat for some time the king said, " Certain matters have been 
mentioned to Asad K. and Bahramand K.— go into the Oratory 
and have a conference with them." The prince was helpless and 

1 Blocbmann 257. 

* Khâfi K. II. 331. 



had to go. Asad K. asked for his arms and said, " You must 
spend some days in quietness." He was then conducted to a tent 
which had been set up close by. They say that at the time of 
taking his arms M'uizzu-d-dîn meditated doing something else (i. e. 
he thought of resisting) but that his father looked sternly at him , 
and that thereupon he subsided The imperial olerks took posses- 
sion in the tvvinkling of an eye of the insignia of office. The king 
left the hail of audience and came to the female apartments. He 
cried " Alas ! Alas ! " and laying his hands on his knees said, " I've 
reduced to dust the labour of forty years." After this catastrophe 
as Sirdâr K., the elder brother of Hayât K. , was a favourite, the 
Khân also was not censured, and became a zealous servant. 
Afterwards he received his father 's hereditary title of Bâqî K. and 
in the 48th year obtained the rank of 2000 and in succession to 
Kâmgâr K. was made governor of the fort of Agra, vvhich is for 
strength distinguished from ali other forts. On this account it is 
reckoned above ali the other forts in India, and the royal jewels 
and treasures are preserved in it. After the death of Aurangzeb, 
Bâqî K. determined with himself that he would give the keys of 
the fort, and the treasures, to whomsoever among the heirs of the 
kingdom should arrive first. These treasures consisted of ashrafis 
and rupees and surplus 1 presentation-pieces, besides uncoined gold 
and silver in the shape of vessels, and amounted, according to a 
statement ( qaul) , to nine krors of rupees, and according to rumour 
(revayll) to thirteen krors. Though the idea was that Muhammad 
A'zam Shah would be the first to arrive, yet as the liters of the 
book of destiny had inscribed it with the name of Bahâdur Shah , 
it came about that the latter came first, and the former last. 
Muhammad 'Azîm (Bahâdur Shah's son) who had been dismissed 
from the Government of Bengal was travelling with the intention 
of coming to the Presence (of Aurangzeb) ; on hearing the news 
(of his death) he came to Agra by relays of horses. Bâq> 

1 u 'urfi u gharibneıvüz. The pas- 
aage seem» to be copied from Khâfî K. 
II. 568, four lines from foot, but the 
word urfi which I have conjecturally 
renderedas " surplus," doeanot occur. 

Professor Dowaon render» «he words 
rupiya gharibnetvâz as presen tation- 
raoney, Elliot VII. 389, and this 
seems to be right. KhSfî K. goes on to 
say that tho ghar\bnewâz <whraji» and 



K. refused to give up the fort and alleged ' the compact he had 
raade with himself. The prince erected batteries, and some can- 
non-balls reached the Begam's mo3que (Jahânâra's) At last the 
prince saw that the attempt was vain and withdrew his hand 
from battle, and entering the gate of conciliation sent Bâqî K.'s 
petition and compact to his father. Meanwhile Bahâdur Shah's 
standards had traversed a great distance and reached the capital 
(Delhi) On hearing fche news he increased his speed and reached 
Agra, and Bâqî K. delivered up the keys of the fort and the 
treasure, and congratulated Bahâdur Shah on his accession. He 
was rewarded by princely favours. Bahâdur Shah rapidly took 
four krors of rupees from the treasury and made presents to the 
princes and nobles according to their rank. He also paid the old 
servants their wages and gave two months' pay to the new ser- 
vants, and gave something to the fenıale department, and some- 
thing to the poor and needy, and spent two krors. He lef t Bâqî 
K. as before in charge of the fort. He died in the beginning of 
Bahâdur Shah's reign. He had many sons and and sons-in-law. 


Foster-brother of Akbar and elder brother of Adham K. 

His mother was Mâham Anaga, who was closely connected with 

the king (Akbar). At the time when the reins of power were 

in her handa she celebrated Bâqî Khân's marriage, and the king 

rupees, for he mentions both, weighed 
up to fi ve huridred toku. So I sup- 
pose that the pieces raeant are thoae 
whioh were struck at coronations, ete, 
and distributed. The word 'ur/i, 
which the Maasir has added. means, 
I suppose, accumulations of these 
coina, or surplus remaining över after 
distribution. An enormous gold piece, 
above 70 ounces in weight, of Shah 
■Tahan's time is deseribed in Richard- 
son's Dict., ed. 1806, undet the word 
Slkka, by Sir Charles Wilkin». The 
same or a similar coin is flgured in the 
J.A.S.B for January 1883, p. 2. it 
wae a 200 mohur pıeoe. in the Maasir 

test there is a conjunetion betvveen urfi 
and gharîbnewâz, but the Blochmann 
MS. has not this and it seeras be t ter 
away. A variant to the teıt omits it. 
Oharibnewâz is perhaps used as a 
synonym for tbe Arabio word nisâr. 
Mr. Gibbs points out that Tavernier 
mentions the distribution of large gold 

The word khazâin in text means 
both treasures and treasuries. Acoord- 
ing to Abul Fazl, Blochmann, p. 14, 
Akbar had twelve separate treasur- 

ı The prince was not the heir, as his 
father was alive. 



out of his affection for her, came tothe entertainment. Bâqî K. 
obtained the rank of 3000, and from Badayünî's history it ap- 
pears 1 that he died in the 30th year of the reign in Garha Ka- 
tanga, which was his fief. 


This family goes bacK to Yâr Ahmad of Ispahan. He (Yâr 
Ahmad) firot gained a name for reetitude and ability when he was 
in companionship with Mîr Najm Gîlânî, the Vakîlu-s-sultanat of 
Shah Ism'aîl Şafavî. When Amîr Najm died, the Shah made över 
the bridle of affairs to Yâr Ahmad and gave him the title of 
Najm Şânî (second star), and raised his rank above that cf ali 
the othpr officers. 


Najm Şânî who had no second in the two worlds. 

They say that his magnificence and grandeur were euch that 
nearly two hundred sheep were daily used for his table (shilân) 
and that a thousand dishes of excellent food were his daily por- 
tion. On marehes forty strings of camels carried his kitehen. in 
the Transoxiana campaign, though he was marehing rapidly, 
thirteen silver caldrons (deg) were used in cooking. When his 
magnificence and greatness had got to such a piteh, and he had 
become arrogant and proud, he was appointed to conquer Tûrân. 
The Shah sent him to assist Bâbur who had left that country on 
account of the predominanoe of the Uzbegs, and had applied 
for aid to the Shah. Najm Şânî erossed the Oxus and set him- 
self to commit massacre and rapine. The Uzbeg princes bar- 
ricaded themselves in Ghajdawân and prepared for battle. The 
Qizilbâsh officers, who were insincere and treacherous, prosecuted 
the siege negligently. Conseqüently Amîr Najm planted his foöt 
firmly, and made great efforts and was made prisoner. in the 
year 918 (1512), Ubaidullah K. Uzbeg put him to death. 

They say that the father of Bâqir K. w#a for a time diwan of 

1 Badayünî, Lowe 351. it really was the 29th year : see A.N. 436. 
date of his death waa early in September, 1584. See also Blochmamı 381. 





Khurasan. By heaven's decree he underwent deprivation and 
Bâqir K. came to India in great distress. As he was a youth of 
merit he became enrolled among Akbar's servants and obtained 
the rank of 300. Some say that in the time of Jahangir he came 
from Persia and that he was made a day-servant 1 and received 
the rank of 200 with 5 horse. By chance Khân Jahân Lodî came 
to court, and asked the king who the young man was. Jahangir 
told the whole story of Najm Şânî. Khân Jahân represented 
that it was a pity that with such a record his rank should be so 
small, and accordingly he was promoted to 900 with 30 horse, 
As his horoscope was fortunate they married him to the daughter 
of Khadîja* Begam the sister of Nur Jahân. Immediately the 
gates of power w ere thrown öpen for him. He obtained a 
mansab of 2000 and the government of Multan with the faujdârî 
of the 'Alam Khân 8 river. By his ability* and industry he pro- 
duced great tranquillity and took presents (peshkashhâ) from the 
Bilücîs, the Dudayân, 6 and the Nâhar," who form another 
world between Multan and Qandahar, and became possessed of 
much money and goods. Bâqirâbâd-Multan was named after him. 
Jahangir out of great affection called him farzand "ehild." in 
the time when Shah Jahan was a prince, he became governor of 
Oudh. He came with a well-equipped army to the Presence, and 
received praise and compliments. in the end of Jahangir 's reign 
he was made governor of Orissa, and there too he distinguished 
himself. in the 4th 7 year of Shah Jahan he led an army to 

1 rvz malâzamat. The Rouzinpar 
(rüzânadâr) of Bernier. 

» She was wife of Hakim Beg, 
Maaşir I. 574 

8 Text eiU. JU v | 5b-i-'Alam Khân. 
Apparently thifl is the Shah Alam river 
mentionedinl. G. XIV, 247. it is the 
southern branch of the Kabul river. 

* Text ,yiı5 jK jljt oo <»* kardan* but 
the I.O. MS. No. 628 and alao Blooh- 
mann's MS. have aw5z-i-lcardâni, 
"The repoıt of his skill," and this 
seems more probable. 

6 Text cJ^İİ«S>S Dudayân. Perhaps 
the Dâdî tribe is meant. I.O. MS 628 
has apparently Daud Khân. DSüdzai 
is named as a tribe in J. II. 402. 

6 Variant TBhar and so in I.O. MS. 
Perhaps it should be NSghar, J. II. 
402. More probably it is the Nazharî 
or Tazhari tribe of Balcı chistan men- 
tioned in J. II. 337, and note. 

T it was the third year. PSdshahnâ- 
ma I. 332, ete. See also id. 373, Elliot 
VII. 17. 



Khairapâra, two kos from Chhatardaıvâr, 1 which is a defile between 
Orissa and Telang. and is so narrow that if a small body of 
musketeers or arehers took possession of the pass it would be im- 
possible to get through. On the other side of Khairapâra at the 
distance of four kos is the fort of Manşûrgarha which Manşür, a 
slave of Qufcbu-l-mulk, had built and called by his own name. 
Bâqir negleeted nothing in the way of ravaging the conntry. 
When he came to the fort he fought bravely and defeated and 
drove off the enemy. When the garrison beheld his courage and 
vigour they got frightened and begged for quarter and delivered 
up the fort. He remained for a time in the province of Orissa. 
His father whose condition had been changed by his great age and 
who lived with his son died there. in the 5th year on account of 
his behaving badly and unjustly to the inhabitants of Orissa, he 
was removed *, and when he came to court in the 6th year he was 
made governor 3 of Gujarat. After that he was made governor 
of Allahabad, and there he died' in the lOth year and begin- 
ning of 1047 (1637). 

He was unequalled for courage and he was the first of his age 
for military skill. He was deeply skilled in arehery. Jahangir 
has vvrjtten in his diary 6 that "Öne night Bâqir K. in my 
presence placed a slender white glass in the light of a torch and 
made something of wai of the size (qadr) of a fly's wing and 
stuck it on the (top of the?) glass. Above it he put a grain of 
rice and above that a pepper-corn (fuljul). With the first arrow he 
shot away the pepper, with the second the rice, and with the third 
the wax, without ever brushing the glass." 

They say that Bâqir K. delighted much in bearing the sound 
of a trumpet, because Rustum used to listen to it ; and he had a 
well-equipped orehestra (naubatkhâna). One day Hakîm Ruknâi " 

1 Apparently it is the defile men 
tioned in the Tüzük I, p. 302, by 
which Shah Jahan entered Orissa. 

» ibid., 430. 

* ibid., 451. 

* ibid., Part II, pp. 274 and 295. 

* This apooryphal story is told iti 
Price's yersion of the Memoirs, p. 93. 

Apparently the author of the Maasir, 
or his son , considered the work authen. 
tic. Cf. Elliot VI. 279. The pepper- 
corn wasprobably " long pepper,' ' i.e. 
a chilli. The fly's wing mjght be a 
buttorfly's wing. The story is not in 
the authentic Memoirs, 
* Pâdshâhnâma I, Part II, 349, 



Kâslıî came to see him. The trumpet was sounded in his pres- 
ence and the Hakim said, " Nawab Salâmat, Hail tp the Nawab: 
Rustum sometimes listened to the trumpet." Bâqir K. was much 
skilled in prose and poetry and in oalligraphy. He composed 
a ditvân. The following is an extract. (Seven lines follow.) 

M. Şâbar,.his eldest son, died in the beginning of his youth. 
The account of his second son Fâkhir K. 1 has been separately 


He belonged to the Caglıatai tribe of Arlât. His father 
M. Muhammad Yâr was a native of Balkh and came to India in 
the time of Shah Jahan, and was enrolled among the rmnsabdârs. 
M. Sultan Nazr was born in India and after coming to years 
of discretion obtained an office and attached himself to Muham- 
mad A'zim Shah. At last he was the prince's agent and remained 
at court. After the death of Aurangzeb, Muhammad A'zim- 
Shah gave him the rank of 3000 and +he title of Şalâbat K. and 
made him darogha of the diwân-i-khâş. He was wounded in the 
battle with Bahâdur Shah and fell upon the field. Afterwards 
he joined Bahâdur Shah and received the title of Basâlat K. and 
as made Bakhshî of the Risâla (troop of cavalry) which was 
known by the name of Suitan 'Alî Tabâr.» At the time of re- 
turning from the Decean he was retired on its being found that 
the pay (of the soldiers) was left in arrear and that the men of 
the risâla were in evil case. in the time of Jahândâr Shah he 
was, by the exertions of Zü-1-Fiqâr K., confirmed in his mansab 
and former jagir. in the time of Farrukh Siy ar, Husain 'Alî K. 
remembered old assooiations and made Him bakhshî of the force 
«hich had been appointed to chastise the Rajputs, and took him 
with him. Afterwards, in the march to the Decean, he also 
accompanied Husain 'AlîK. in the year 1167, 1754, he was killed 
in the battle with Dâüd Panî near Burhanpur. and was buried in 

Ethe, I.G. Cat. 858. Rieu II. 603a and 
688ft. His poetical name was Masilj. 
I do not see the point of his re- 

) Maaşir III. ,26. 
* Household troopa. 
and 44. 

Cf. Irvine* 40 



his estate in the Sanvvâra quarter of that city. He was famed for 
his friendliness, and he was also very well spoken. His eldest son 
had the name of M. Haidar. By the help of Husain 'Alî he got his 
father's office of bakhshî. After the deaths of the Saiyıds he went 
into retirement. His second son, who was called by his father's 
title, was a companion of Âşaf Jâh. The wroer has &een him. 
He had two sons who are stili living and who hold small offices 
and jagirs. (Q) 

BARKHÜRDÂR. 1 (M. Khân 'Alam). 

Son of M. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân Duldai whose ancestors long 
served the Timuride family. His forefathers had from the time 
of Timur been Amire, generation after generation. His ('Abdu- 
r-Rahmân's) great grandfather Mir Shâb, Malik was one of the 
great officers of Timur, and was always renowned for his right- 
mindedness and loyalty M. Barkhûrdâr held up to the 40th 
year of Akbar's reign a manşab of 250. in the 44th year when 
Dalpat U jjaini * — who was one of the contumacious in the provinee 
of Bihar — was released 8 from prison and obtained leave to return 
to his home, the Mîrzâ, out of revenge for his father's having 
been killed in battle with that landowner, fell upon Dalpat 
in the fields with some followers, but Dalpat escaped. Akbar 
ordered that the Mîrzâ should be bound and sent to Dalpat, but 
this was remitted at the intercession of some courtiers, and he 
vvas imprisoned. it chanced that he was much engaged in the 
service of Sultan Selîm, and after the accession as he was much 
skilled in the duties of chief huntsman he was made Ghief Falconer 
{çüshbegî). in the 4th year he became known as Khân 'Alam, 
and whenin the 6th year 1020, 1611, Shah 'Abbâs Şafavî, the king 
of Persia, sent Yâdgâr 'Alî Sultan Tâlish to offer condolences for 
the death of Akbar, and to congratulate Jahangir on his accession, 
Khân 'Âlâm was in the 8th year sent back with Yâd gâr 'Alî as en- 
voy. As the Shah had göne to Azarbaijan to attack the Turks 
Khân 'Alam was desired to stay for some time in Herat and Qüm. 

l B. 612 and 46S. 

' Dalpat belonged to the Dunıraon family. 

8 A.N. III. 758. 



They say he had many men with him, viz. 200 falconers and 
huntamen and 1000 of the trusted ( servants of the king. On 
account of his long stay he sent most of them back from Herat. 
in the year 1037, 1627 — 28, when the Shah returned to Qazwîn the 
capital, Khân «Alam who had with him 700 or 800 servants, 
arrived at the city with ten powerful elephants with gold and silver 
trappings, a number of beasts of prey, and war-horses, birds, in- 
cluding birds that talked, Gujarat cattle, ornamented chariots ' and 
palanquins. Ali the principal officers came out to welcome him, 
and brought him to the S'aâdatabad garden. Next day the Shah 
had polo and tilting (qabaq andâzi) in the S'aâdatabad plain. 
Khân 'Alam paid his respects, and the Shah showed him much 
honour and observed that "as between us and the noble king 
Jahangir there is the relationship of brotherhood, and as he has 
ealled you brother, the brother of a brother is also a brother." 
Thereııpon he embraced him in brotherly fashion. Khân 'Alam 
wished to present one of the presents each day. The Shah wished 
to go to Mazandarân for zangûl* hunting, which is specially prac- 
tised in that country and for which the time was now passing. 
Accordingly he produced the special rarities on one day, and the 
other things were made över to the Biyütât (the housekeeping- 
department), in order that the Shah might inspect them gradually. 
The Shah was so eaptivated by his company that if it was ali 
writtejı down it would be taken to be exaggeration. in the exceas 
of his graciousness he used to cali him Jân 'Alam (life of the world) 
and could not spend a moment without him. If by day or night 
it chanced that he did not come, the Shah would without cere- 
mony go to his quarters and shöw him stili greater favour. One 
day 3 when he had taken leave of the Shah and made his quarters 

1 gardûnhâ. Is this a mistake for 
the Karhadan (rhinooeros) of the 'Alam 
Aral ? The same book speaks of 
deer as among the animals. 

> Shikâr zangûl. Zangûl means a 
beli or a rattle, and th<- reference may 
be to the kind of nunting ealled 
Ghantaharah, B. 292. The 'Alam 
Arâi, Tehran ed., p. 663., 32nd year of 

reign, saya it is a kind of boar-hunt- 
ing, shikâr gurâz. Can zangûl be eon- 
nected with Latin singularis— French 
sanglier ? 

S Khâfî K.I. 300. Perhaps this re- 
fers to the day when Khân 'Alam took 
his fiı.al leave of the Shah and went 
outside of Ispatıan ■ The apologies the 
Shah made were in case he had un~ 



outside of the city the Shah came to him on foot and made 

Certainly Khân 'Alam performed his mission well and spent 
much money and acquired a great name. Sikandar ' Beg Munshî, 
the author of the 'Alam Arâî history, writes that he saw the pomp 
with which Khân 'Alam entered Qazwîn, and that he heard from 
credible people that from the beginning of the Şafavî dynasty no 
ambassador had come from India or Turkey with such splendour. 
Nor was it known if any had come so grandly in the time of the 
Khosroes or of the Kayanian dynasty. Khân 'Alam returned 
from -Persia in the beginning of the year 1029, 1620, which wasthe 
end of the 14th year of Jahangir and at a time when the king was 
going for the first time to Kashmîr (as king) . Khân 'Alam appeared 
then before the king in the town of Kalânür* and paid his res- 
peets. The king from excessive graciousness kept him for two 
days and nights in his own bedehamber and gave him his 
own blankets. As a reward for his having accomplished the em- 
bassy he raised him to the rank of 5000 with 3000 horse. it is 
strange that Shaikh 'Abdu-1-hamîd of Lahore has wr itten in the 
Pâdishâhnâma Shahjahanî that Khân 'Alam was wanting in 
cajolery and tact, and so did not conduet the embassy well. One 
does not understand why he has so written, and what his author- 
ity was. 

When the sovereignty came to Shah Jahan, Khân 'Alam was 
raised to the rank of 6000 with 5000 horse and received a flag and 
a drum , and was made governor of Bihar in succession to M. Rüş- 
tüm Şafavî. As on account of excessive addiotion to köknar (opium) 
he could not transact business, he was removed in the same year. 
in the 5th year, end of 1041, 1632, when Shah Jahan returned to 
Agra from Burhanpur, Khân 'Alam paid his respeets. On account 
of his great age and his addietion to opium the King excused bim 
from service, and allowed him a lac of rupees a year. He spent 

intentionally failed in any of the 
duties of hospitality. Comparo Tûzuk 
J. 284, ete. 

1 Tuzuk J. 285. 

5 'Alam Arai, account of 32nd year, 

p. 662. As B. remarks 513, the author 
of the Pâdshahnâma say» Kh5n 'Alam 
was a failın-e as an ambassador. Khfffî 
K. I. 299, 300, says he djd exoellently. 



his days with tranquillity and comfort in Agra, and died a natu- 
ral death. He had no children. His brother M. ' Abu-sSubhân 
was faujdâr of Allahabad and did his duties well. Afterwards he 
was appointed to Kabul and was killed ' in a fight with the Af rîdîs. 
His son Sherzâd K. Bah&dur was full of courage. He fell in 
the battle of Sahîndah fighting against Khân Jahân Lodî on the 
king's side. The author of the ' Alam Arâi writes * that Khân ' Alam 
received from Jahangir the title of "brother," but, this is not 
mentioned in the Indian histories, nor is it commonly reported. 
But as the Shah mentioned this at the interview, as has been re- 
lated above, it appears to be genuine for without inquiry the Shah 
would not have said such a thing. But God knows ! 

(Rajah) BÂSÜ. 
He was the zamindar of Mau 3 and Pâthân (Pathankot), which 
is a tract in the Bârı Düâb in the Panjab and near the northern 
hills. When the inevitable event (the death) of Hümâyûn dis- 
turbed the world, and the somnolent seditionş awoke in every 
quarter, Sultan Sikandar Sür, who had crept into the defiles of 
the Panjab hills, and was watching for his opportunity, raised the 
head of rebellion. Bakht Mal, who was then the chief of the 
tract, raised the head of influence, and was prominent in exciting 
sedition. He joined Sultan Sikandar and strove to support him. 
Afterwards, in the 2nd year of Akbar, when Sikandar was besieged 
in the fort of Mânkot, and the distressed condition of the garrıson 
became more apparent every day, inasmuch as it is the way with 
most of the zamindars of India, to abandon the path of straight- 
forwardness, and to watch every side and join whoever is the 
stronger and is being victoriou», Bakht Mal acted in accordance 
with zamiııdari wües and joined the royal army. After the fort 
had been taken and Sultan Sikandar had withdrawn, and the city 
of Lahore had become the halting place of the imperial standards, 
although severity towards those who have come in be not ap- 

1 B. 514. Tûzuk J. 158. Thia was 
in Jahangir' 8 time, 1026=1616, and 
when Khan 'Alam had been appointed 
ambassador to Persia. 

* 'Alam Âiaî 662, top line. 
S Jarrett II. 319. 



proved of, even though they have yielded out of necessity, yet 
Bairâm K. took into consideration his seditious spirit, and judging 
it right to destroy him, put him to death, and appointed his 
brother Takht Mal in his room. When the proprietorship of the 
tract came to Rajah Basu, he always trod the path of obedience, 
and performed good service. When Akbar, after the death of 
M - Muhammad Hakim and the taking possession of Afghanistan , 
perceived that the settlement of the Panjab was the important 
matter and fixed upon that province as his residence, Rajah Bâsû 
from shortsightedness and foolish thoughts proceeded to be sedi- 
tious. Accordingly, in the 31st year Hasan Beg Şhaikh 'Umari 
was sent against him. His orders were to punish him if he did 
not listen to advice. When the royal army came to Pâthân 
(Pathankot in Gurdâspur) the Rajah was roused from slumber by 
a letter from Rajah Todar Mal and came to court with Hasan Beg 
and submitted; Afterwards, in the 41st year he brought över 
many of the landholders to his side, and again became disobe- 
dient. Akbar gave Pâthân and its neighbourhood in fief to M. 
Rustum Qandaharî and sent him off to chastise Bâsü. Âşaf K. 
was also sent with him to give assistance. But the two leaders 
did not act together and so the work was not accomplished. M. 
Rustum was recalled and Jagat Singh, the son of Rajah Mân Singh, 
was appointed. The royal servants made promises of working in 
harmony and addressed themselves to the task. They invested 
the fort of Mau, which was famous for its strength, and waa 
Bâsu's residence. Fighting went on for two months, and at last 
the fort was surrendered. in the 48th year when news of his recal- 
citrancy was brought, another army was ordered against him. 
Jamîl Beg, 1 the son of Tâj K., was killed by his (Bâsu's) men. 
After that the Rajah attached himself to Prince Sultan Selim, in 
order that by his representations he might obtain pardon for his 
offences. Again he became turbulent, and in the 49th year, when 
the prince for the second time submitted to his father, he came 
with him in the hopes of his intercession. But, on account of 
dread, he remained* ön the other side of the river. Before the 

» B. 467. 

* Akbarnâma 


III. 833. Mâdhü 

Singh was Rajah M5n Singh's brother's 
son according to the statement there , 



the prince had spoken for him, Akbar sent Mâdhü Singh Kach- 
wâha to seize him. He got news of this and fled. When Jahan- 
gir came to the throne he received the rank of 3500. in the 6th 
year he was sent off to the Deccan, and in the 8th year he died, 1 
1022, 1612. His sons were Rajah Süraj Mal and Rajah Jagat 
Singh. Both of them have been separately noticed. 


His name was Bayazîd and he \vas son of Shujâ'at K. who 
was generally known in India as Sajâwal K. When Sher Shah took 
Mâlwa from Malû K. who has known as Qâdir Shah, he made Shu- 
jâ'at, who was one of his officers and of his elan, the governor of 
that country. in the time of Selîm Shah he went to the Presence, 
and after some time he became displeased and went back to 
Mâlwa. Selîm Shah led an army against him, and he took refuge 
\vith the Rajah of Düngarpûr. At last Selîm Shah summoned him 
to his presence by making promises and oaths, and kept him un- 
der surveillance, and distributed Mâlwa among his officers. After 
that, in the time of 'Adli he again got possession of Mâlwa and 
wished to recite the khutba and to coin money in his own name. 
in the year 912, 1555, he died a natural death, and Bâz Bahâdur 
succeeded him. in 963, he defeated most of his opponents and 
hoisting the umbrella över his head recited the khutba in his own 
name He brought the whole of Mâlwa in subjection to himself 
and led an army against the extensive country öf Garha. He was 
defeated by Rânî Durgâvatî, who was the ruler of that country, 
and did not attempt to retrieve himself, but occupied himself in 
pleasure and dissipation. He let the foundation of his povver go 
to the winds and waves, that is, he became so addieted to wine 
and music that he made no difference between night and day, and 
gave heed to nought except these two things. 

Physicians have preseribed wirıe according to fixed quantities 
and seasons vvith reference to the bodily frame and certain consti- 

but it appears from Blochmann 437 that Mâdhü was Rajah Bhagwân Dâs's son 
and consequently Mân Singh's brother. Jahangir alsospeaks of Madhü as being 
his wife's brother. 

1 Tüzük 123. He died at Shahabad in Bajputana, 



tutions, and prudent and wise persons have sanetioned music at 
the time of çare and melaneholy — such as are produced by en- 
grossment in worldly matters, with the object of recruiting the 
faculties, but have not approved of making these two things the 
great objects of life and of ever sacrificing to them precious hours 
for which there is no exchange. Bâz Bahâdur who was himself 
the teacher of the age in music and melody, employed ali his ener- 
gies in colleeting dancing girls (pâtarân). They were ali famous 
över the world for music. The head of the troop was named Rüp- 
matî. They say that she was a "Padminî," 1 which is the fîrst 
elass of the four kinds of women, according to the division made by 
Hindu sages, that is, the elass which is compounded of excellent 
qualities. Bâz Bâhadur was wonderfully attached to her, and 
continually wrote Hindi love-songs about her, and emptied his 
heart for her. Stories about their love and beauty are stili upon 
people's tongues. 

in the sixth year, 968, 1560-61, Adham K. and other officers 
were sent to conquer Mâlwa. Bâz Bahâdur had made a f ortifica- 
tion two hos distant from Sârangpûr, which was his capital, and 
he showed fight. His men were vexed and did not show alacrity. 
At last there was a stubborn battle, and he was defeated. As he 
had left some trustworthy men with his women and dancing girls 
in order that if news of his defeat should arrive they should put 
them to death as is the custom of India, when his defeat was 
known, some were put to the sword, and a large number were 
wounded, and stili had some flickerings of life, while others were 
yet untouched. The imperial army came to the city and there 
Avas not time to kili the rest. Adham K. got possession of every- 
thing and made search for Rûpmatî, who had been severely 
wounded. But when this news (" naghma" melody) came to 
her ears her fidelity grew ardent and she quaffed the cup of poison 
and manfully died for love of Bâz Bahâdur. 

When the government of Mâlwa was taken from Bâz Bahâ- 

1 " Padminl is incomparable for 
her beauty and good disposition, and 
is tali of stature. Her limbs are per- 
fectly proportioned : her voice soft, 

her speech gracioııs though reserved, 
and her breath fragrant as the rose. 
She is ohaste, and obedient to her 
huşband." Jarrett III, 243. 



dur and given to Pir Muhammad Shirwânl, Bâz Bahâdur, who was 
wandering in the jungles between Khandes and Mftlwa, collected 
an army and came forward to fight. He was again defeated by 
Pir Muhammad and took refuge with Miran Mubârak the ruler of 
Khandes, who gave him his army. On this occasion he again op- 
posed Pir Muhammad, who af ter taking Bijagarh hastened off with 
a few men to plunder Burhanpur and was returning laden with 
booty. As fate would have it, Pîr Muhammad was defeated. and 
in his üight and oonfusion he was crossing the Narbada. He got 
separated from his horse and was drowned, and the fief-holders of 
Mâlwa lost heart and went off to Agra. Bâz Bahâdur again be- 
came securely possesed of Mâlwa. On hearing of this occurrence, 
'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, who was one of the great officers, was sent 
off along with a number of other officers, in the 7th year, to con- 
quer the country. Bâz Bahâdur gave way before the arrival of 
fche imperial army and fled. At the sound of the pursuit of the 
viotorious army he threw himself into the mountain-defiles, and 
spent his rîays in wretchedness. For some time he went to Baharjî 
the landholder of Baglâna, and from there he went to Gujarat to 
Cingez K. and Sher K. Gujaratl. After tlıat he went to Nizâmu- 
1-mulk in the Deccan, and being unsucoessful everywhere, he took 
refuge with Bânâ Udai Singh. in the 15th year Akbar sent Hasan 
K. Khazânoî to make him hopeful of favour and to bring him into 
service. At first he received the rank of 1000, and finally got the 
rank of 2000 zat u saroâr (personal, and cavalry). Bâz Bâhadur 
and Rüpmatî both sleep l on a ridge in the middle of the wide 
lake of Ujjain. 

He was a good poet. He came to India in the time of Ja- 
hangir and became one of the king's servants, and was included 
in the list of poets. in the time of Shah Jahan he on account of 
his sagacity and skill received the title of Bebadal (Incomparable) 
Khân, and was for a long time darogha of the goldsmith's office 

ı Through the kindneaı of Çaptan 
Luard I have Mcartained that if 
B5ı Bahâdur wm ever buried belide 

Rijpra»tî, there ig nothing to slıow 
the fact at preaent. 



in the royal establishment. The jewelled throne — known by the 
name of the Peacock-throne — was finished by him in the course of 
seven years at the cost of a kror of rupis, or 333,000 tomans of 
Persia, or four krors of the khânî coinage of Transoxiana. As a 
reward he was weighed against gold. in fact so valuable and 
adorned a throne was never seen in any other age or race, nor at 
the present day is there anything like it. 


No second to it has come to view 

However many side-glances 1 have been thrown. 

When by the revolutions of Time various kinds of costly jew- 
els had been gathered together in the royal jewel-chamber, it oc- 
curred to Shah Jahan in the beginning of his reign that the sole 
object of collecting such eye-pleasing rarities was to add lustre to 
the sovereignty and therefore they should be so made use of that 
both sightseers might share the beauty of these products of the 
mine and ocean, and also that a fresh glory might be added to the 
Sultanate. After reserving the private jewels which were in the 
females' appartments, and which were of the value of two krors of 
rupees, it was ordered that jewels to the value of eighty-six lacs 
of rupees should be selected out of the jewels in the store-rooms, 
and which were nearly three krors of rupees in value, and made 
över to Bebadal Khân so that with them and one lac of tolahs of 
püre gold, corresponding to 250,000 misgâls, the value of which 
was fourteen lacs of rupees, he might make a throne three and a 
quarter yards (gaz) long, two and a half yards broad and five yards 
high. The inside of the canopy was to be chiefly of enamelled 
work and with a few jewels, but the outside was to be inlaid with 
rubies and cornelians and the canopy was to be supported by 
twelve emerald-ooloured pillars. On the top of the canopy there 
were two (?) peacocks made of jewels, and bebween every two (?) 
peacocks there was a dirakht (tree, the bouquet of Tavernier) set 
with rubies, diamonds, emeralds and pearls. in order to asoend 
to the throne there was a stair of three steps which was adorned 

l Ahval. lit. " squinta." 





with lustrous jeweis. The middle one of the eleyen jewelled 
balustrades (takhta) which went round the throne in order to 
retain the pillows, and which is the one on which the kmg 
rests his arm, carried jewels worth ten lacs of rupees, and 
among them was a ruby - the price of vvhich was one lac of 
rupees Shah 'Abbâs Şafavî had sent it as a present to 
Jahangir and the latter had given it to Shah Jahan as a reward 
for his conquest of the Deccan. At first the names of Amir Timur, 
M Shahrukh and M. Ulugh Beg were engraved on it. Afterwards 
when by the revolutions of Time it fell into the hands of the Shah 
(of Persia) he had his own name cut upon it. Jahangir had his 
own name and that of Akbar engraved on it, and af terwards Shah 
Jahan had his own name engraved on it. At the New lears 
feast of the 8th year, 3 Shawâl 1044, 12 Mareh 1635, he sate upon 
this incomparable throne. Hajî Muhammad K. Qudsi* made the 

^^AumZ Shahinshâh 'Âdil. " The throne of the just Shahin- 
shâh/' 1043, 1633-34. 

He also wrote a masnavi in praise of the throne, of whıch the 

following is a verse. 


If Heaven approached to the throne-foot 
it would give Sun and Moon as guerdon. 8 
Bebadal K. also wrote 134 couplets, every first line of twelve 
couplete gave the date of the king's birth, every first İme of 
the 32 followin g couplets gave the date of the Accessıon and 
every first line of the remaining ninety couplets gave the dates of 
theTxpedition from Agra to Kashmir which took place m 1043 
1633-34, of the return to Agra, and of the sitting on the peacock 
throne. The followin g famous qu.train is also a productıon of 

Bebadal. . 


That which was your throne majestic as heaven 
W as the ornaaenfc of your justioe över the world 

Thou wilt last as long as God exists 

For substance is ever accompanied by its shadow. 

in the beginning of the reign of Aurangzeb the Peacook- 
Throne was by orders of the reigning sovereign stili more adorned 
by Amînâ at a cost of a kror of rupees. in the year 1152, 1739, 
when the great Shahinshâh Nâdir Shah filled the capital of Shah- 
jahânâbâd with glory by his power, he took away the throne ' from 
the king of the time as part of the spoils of India. 


His name was S'aad UUah and he was the son of S'aîd K.* 
Caghatai of Akbar's time. He had ali the advantages of an 
Amîr's son. He was famed for personal beauty , the strength of his 
limbs, and pleasant speech. He surpassed his companions in skill 
in polo and in military aptitudes. in the lif etime of his father he 
gaineda name for reliability. in the 46th year Akbar gave M. ' Azîz 
Koka's daughter in marriage to him. He had a lofty mind and 
behaved like a prince in matters of etiquette, and was always in 
quest of fame. When his father died he, though his rank was 
amali, did not dismiss his father 's servants. in the beginning 3 of 

1 See Tüzük 202. A»other ruby 
worth a lac iı mentioned in KhMR K. 
I. 293. 

s Ri«u II. 6486 and Ethe 846. 
8 rfinamöi. Preeent to a bride on 

l For Tavernier's description see 
vol. II, pp. 241, 242, ed. 1676. He 
speaks of only one peacock. The 
acoount in the Maaşir is copied from 
the Pâdahâhnama I, Part II, pp. 78, 
ete. See tbe translation in Elliot VII. 
45. This translation has been useful 
to me, but the description is stili 
somewhat obscure. According to 
Elliot' s ver»ion there were two pea- 
cocks on the top of each pillar. 
Though Tavernier speaks of only one 
peacock, I think there were two for 
Bernier speaks of two, II. 53, ed. 
1699. The peacock-throne was first 
used at Agra. in my father 's His- 
tory of India, II. 705, a representation 
is given of a jewelled peacock which 
vu one of the ornaments of Tipu 
Sultan 's throne. See also Keene's 
Delhi, p. 19. The totol cost of the 
materials of the throne according to 

the PadshShnâma was a kror of 
rupees, that is one million sterling. 
Tavernier's aocount of the cost, p. 242, 
as stated by his informants, is rauch 
greater and presumably ineludes 
workmanship, ete. He saw it af ter 
Aurangzeb had spent an odditional 
kror of rupees on it, but stili two 
krors are far less than the 107 thou- 
sand lacs mentioned by him. Accord- 
ing to Beale, Bebadal is probably a 
sobriquet of thepoetAbfi yâlihKalîm. 
Elsewhere he calls Saidai Saidai Qîl- 
âni and says his poetical name was 
Bedii. See pp, 106 and 344. Saidai 
is the Mulla Shaidâ of Rıeu. Cat. III. 
1083a and I. 251a. But if Shaidâ 
lived till 1080, 1669-70, he must have 
been a very long-lived inan. 

2 B. 331. 

8 Tüzük 96. İt w»s in the 0th 



Jahangir's reign he obtained the title of Nawâzişh K. When in 
the Sthyear, 1022, 1613, Ajmere became the residence of Jahângir, 
it was perceived that the rernedy for the long-standing trouble of 
the Rânâ, which had not been brought to a conclusion, lay in ap- 
pointing Prince Shah Jahan to the task. Beglâr K. 1 was his 
assİ3tant. When Udaipür, the Rânâ's residence, was oecupied by 
Shah Jahan, Nawâzişh K. and some other officers were sent to 
Kambhalmîr, which was in the hill country, and there was such a 
want of grain that a sır of it could not be had for a rupee. An 
universe of men gave their lives for want of bread. At this time 
the Khân in his zeal and generosity shared his food every dav 
with a hundred others. As he had no money, he sold his 
dishes of gold and silver and expended the proceeds. When dis- 
sension broke out betvveen Jahângir and the heir-apparent, and 
love became hatred, and the dispositions of both parties were 
turned towards strife, the imperial retinue proceeded with a small 
force from Lahore in order to collect troops on arrival at Delhi. 
Nawâzişh K. also zealously came to the Presence from his fief in 
Gujarat and did homage. As such times were tests of the jewel 
of loyalty , he was the recipient of a thousand congratulations and 
was the subject of favours. He was appointed to accompany 
'Abdullah K. who was in charge of the vanguard of the army. 
Tt happened that as soon as the imperial army and Shah Jahan's 
men encountered one another, 'Abdullah K. in accordance with a 
secret treaty galloped off and joined the prince. Nawâzişh K. 
was ignorant of what was beneath the surface and thought that 
the urging on of the horse was for purpose of battle. He and 
some other officers and followers f ought bravely and acquiredfame 
for courage. He became more and more an object of favour and 
received the title of Beglâr K. He obtained the faujdâri and the 
fief of Sorath and Junâgarh, the rank of 2000* with 2500 horse, 
and hoisted the flag of glory. He stayed long in that country 
with honour and respect, and af ter the accession of Shah Jahan 

l in the 8th year he got aa increase 
of 500 horse so that his Tank became 
2000 personal and horse. Tüzük J. 

* in the löth year of Jahângir he 
obtained the rank of 3000 with 2000 



though he received ali increase of 1000 zât, yet in the same year 
he was removed, and in the third year, 1039, 1630, he died. He 
was buried in Sirhind in his father's tomb. Af ter him. none of 
his family became distinguished. 


They say that formerly Marwâr and Meywâr were in the pos 
session of this tribe (the Gaur tribe) before they came to be held 
by the Râthor and Sîsodia tribes. After the latter became vioto- 
rious, several parganas of those districts remained in tlıe possession 
of the Gaur tribe. Bethal Dâs was the second son of Rajah 
Gopâl Das Gaur who, at the time of the return of Sultan Kharram 
from Bengal and of his coming to Burhanpur, was governor of the 
fort of Asir. After that the prince summoned him to his presence 
and put Sirdâr K. in his place. At the siege of Tatta he with his 
son and heir Balarâm bravely saorificed their lives. Bethal Dâs 
came from his home to Junair, and entered into service. After 
Shah Jahan had aacended the throne he obtained the rank of 3000 
with 1500 horse, the title of Rajah, a flag and a horse with a 
gilded saddle, an elephant, and a present of Rs. 30,000. After- 
wards, he was sent under Khân Jahan Lodî to chastise Jujhâr 
Singh Bandila. in the 2nd year he was sent off, along with 
Khvvâja Abü-1-hasan, in pursuit of Khân Jahân Lodi. in the 
keenness of his zeal he did not wait for the commander but went 
off like a whirlwind. Near Dholpür he came up with Khân Jahân 
and engaged him. After the manner of the Rajputs he dis- 
mounted and behaved with gallantry, and received several 
wounds. As a reward, he received an increase of 500 horse, and 
the present of a drum: in the third year, when the king came to 
the Deccan and sent three armies, under three leaders, to chastise 
Khân Jahân Lodî and to devastate the country of Nizâmu-1-mulk 
he vh sent off along with Rajah Gaj Singh, and did good service 
in the battle against Khân Jahân Lodî. 

As his and his father's fidelity had been witnesse by the king, 
and he was desirous of becoming the governor of a fort— without 
which the title of Rajah did not carry infhıence— he was made 



governor of the fort of Ranthambur in place of Khân Celâ. in 
the sixth year he was made faujdâr of Ajmere in succession to M. 
Mozaffar Kirmanı. Afterwards, he was appointed to the Deccan 
in attendance on Prince Muhammad Shujâ' and did good service at 
thesiegeof Parenda. As the fort could not be taken, and the 
prince was summoned to coûrt, he in the 8th year, after coming to 
court , was sent to Ajmere. in the 9th year, when the king came 
to the Deccan and sent three armies under three leaders to chas- 
tise Sâhü Bhonsla, he was placed in the contingent of Khân 
Daurân When out of great liberality, the country of Dhandera 
had been given to his brother's son Siv Rftm, and the latter had 
göne with a body of troops and driven out Indarman the zamin- 
dar, the said zamindar collected a force and retook the terrifcory 
from Siv Râm. Thereupon, in the tenth year, the Rajah was 
sent wıth a force— of which the leader was Mut'amid K.— to set 
the territory free. Af ter he came there, he erected batteries över 
against the fort of Sehra. The zamindar got hard pressed and 
waited upon Mut'amid K., and the Rajah came to court and 
received the rank of 4000 with 3000 horse and the territory of 
Dhandera as his home. in the llth year when the king was 
going to Lahore, he was made the governor of the fort of Agra. 
in the 12th year, he, by orders, conveyed treasure from Agra to 
Delhi, in the 14th year he, on the death of Wazir K., was lef t 
i» charge of Agra, and in government of the fort. 

in the 16th year, af ter the arrival of the royal retinue at 
Agra, he received the rank of 5000, with 3000 horse, and in the 
19th year his rank was 5000 with 4000 horse. He was now sent 
in the vanguard of Prince Murâd Bakhşh to take Balkh and Bad- 
akhşhân. Af ter Balkh was taken, when the Prince became discon- 
tented and returned to court, and S'aad Ullah K. went off to settle 
the country, he in the 20th year came to court with the persons 
lef t behind by Nazr Muhammad. in the 2 İst year, when the 
king entered the newly-erected buildings of Shahjahanabad, his 
rank was 5000 with 5000 cavalry of which 1000 were two-horse, 
and three-horse, and was appointed to Kabul, in the 22nd year 
he came to court and another 1000 of the cavalry of his con- 
tingent were made two-horse and three-horse. in company with 



Prince Aurangzeb he distinguished himself in the battle with the 
Persians, which took place during the siege of Qandahar. When 
the fort could not be taken, he came with the prince to court in 
the 23rd year. He obtained leave to go home, and he died there 
in 1061, 1651. 

As he was noted for his fidelity and loyalty, the king grieved 
for his death, and favoured those whom he had lef t behind. His 
eldest son was Rajah Anurüdha, 1 of whom a separate account'has 
been given. The second was Arjan who became known to Shah 
Jahan during his father's lifetime. On the day when Râo Amar 
Singh killed Şalâbat K. in the king's presence, he behaved bravely 
and struck Amar Singh twice with his sword. in the 19th year he 
vvas appointed with Prince Murâd Bakhşh to the Balkh campaign. 
in the 2 İst year his rank was 1000 with 700' horse, and in the 22nd 
year he had an increase of 100 horse, and in the 25th year, after 
his father's death, he had an increase of 500 with 700 horse and was 
appointed to Qandahar in attendance on the prince. in the 32nd 
year he accompanied Maharajah Jaswant Singh to check the advançe 
of the Deccan army, and was appointed to Mâlwa. in the battle 
which took place betvveen the Maharajah and Prince Aurangzeb 
near Ujjain, Arjah behaved bravely and sacrificed his life. The 
third son was Bhîm, who after his father's death received a proper 
rank and who fought well at the battle of Samogarha on the side 
of Dârâ Shikoh and came near the qür of Prince Aurangzeb, and 
was killed. The fourth was Harjas, who entered into service in the 
time of Aurangzeb. After the Rajah s death the ten lacs of rupees 
which he had lef t were divided as follovvs • six lacs, and also 
goods, to Rajah Anurüdha, thfee lacs to Arjan, Rs. 60,000 to Bhîm, 
and Rs. 40,000 to Harjas. Girdhar Dâs the younger brother of the 
Rajah was, in the 9th year of Shâh Jahan, after the killing of 
Jujhâr Singh Bandîla and the capture of the fort of Jhânsî, made 
governor thereof. in the 15th year he had the rank of 1000 with 
400 horse, and in the 22nd year he had an increase of 1000 horse. 
After the Rajah's death his rank was 1500 with 1200 horse. He 

was appointed to the siege of Qandahar and in the 29th year he 

* . ^ _^_____ 

l Maasir II. 276. 





was made governor of the fort of Agra in succession to Siyâdat 
K., and had the rank of 2000 with 1200 horse. in the 30th year 
he was made faujdâr thereof in âddition to his governorship and 
had an inerease in his contingent of 800 horse. in the battle of 
Samogarha he was in Dârâ Shikoh's vanguard, but it appears fronı 
the ' Âlamgîrnâma that he was also actively employed during the 
reign of Aurangzeb. 


Son of Rajah Bihâra Mal Kachwâha. He distinguished him 
şelf at the battle of Sarnâl in 980, 1572, vvhen Akbar after the 
conquest of Gujarat made an onset with 100 troopers on ibrahim 
Husain Mirza. He was rewarded with a flag and a dram. He 
also did good service in the nine days' expedition to Gujarat and 
thereafter was sent by way of Idar to the Rânâ's country, in 
order that he might put down the re beis the re. The Rajah 
brought ali the landowners of Budhnagar and Idar into the high- 
way of good service, and had an interview with Rânâ Kîkâ and 
brought his son Amr Singh to court. in the 23rd year, when the 
jagirs of the Kachwâha family were placed in the Panjab, the 
Rajah was made governor of that province. tn the 29th year his 
daughter was married to Prince Selim (Jahangir). 

The Moon and Venüs were conjoined. (993) 

Akbar personaUy went to the Rajah's quarters, and the latter 
gave a splendid feast, and produced the bridal present and tribute 
wbich came to a large sum. They aay there were strings of 
Persian,. Arab, Turkish, and Cutch horses, together with 100 ele- 
phants, and many male and female slaves. Abyssmian, Circassian 
and Indian. The dower wâs two krors of rupees.* The king 
and jJrince were conveyed in litters, and on the whole road rare 
cloths were spread. in the year 995 (on the 4th August 1587), 
Sultan Khusrau was born of this marriage. in the 30th year the 

I B. 333 
The T A. and Badayûnl say it was tankas, i.e: dâms. 

Rajah was made a panjhazârî, and in the year in which Kunwar 
Man Singh was appointed to the Yûsuf zai affair, the Rajah was 
made governor of Afghanistan. He formed some unfitting desires 
and the king recalled him. The Rajah repented and had recourse 
to entreaties , and his apology was admitted. But when he crossed 
the Indus and came to Khairâbâd he was seized with madness, 
and they brought him back to Attock. A physician was feeling his 
pulse, and the Rajah drew his (the physician's) dagger and stabbed 
himself. The king's physicians were appointed to treat him, and 
afte* a long while they cured him. in the 32nd year he and his 
tribe had a jagir in Bihar, and Kunwar Mân Singh was sent to look 
after that country. in the beginning ' of 998, 1589, he died in 
Lahore. They say that when Rajah Todar Mal was cremated, he 
was present. When he came to his house he vomited* and had an 
attack of strangury. After fiVe days he died. One of his good 
works was the building of a Jâm-a' s masjid in Lahore where many 
men collect and sav their prayers on Fridays. 


Son of Satr Sâl who had a place in Dârâ Shikoh's vanguard at 
the battle of Samogarh, and bravely lost his life. Bhâo 4 Singh 
in the first year of Aurangzeb came from his home to court, and 
did homage. He received the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse, the 
gift of a flag and a drum, and the title of Râo with the zammdari 
of Bündî, ete. , which had belonged to his ancestors. in the battle 
with Shujâ' he was appointed to the king's artillery which was in 
front. When Shujâ' had fted, he, in company witıı Prince 
Muhammad Sultan, was appointed to pursue him. Afterwards, 
when the prince 's army had passed Bîrbhûm 6 on the way to Bengal, 

1 Apparently both officers raust 
have died in the end of 997, for 
Akbar got the news at Kabul in that 
year or very early in 998. 

» A.N. III. 570. The word is ist- 
farügh , and perhaps it means " over^ 
strained himself." 

3 The Jâm'a Mosque in Lahore 
waa built by Auıangzeb in 1674. it 

seems unlikely that Bhagw5n would 
build » mosque. He ereeted a famous 
temple to Hârî Dev at Mathurâ, 
Grovese, 3Ö4. 

■* 'Âlamgîrnâma 231. Satr Sal is 
the Chuttar Sâl of Tod who deseribes 
his death in battle. 

* 'Âlamgîrnâma 498. The Rajputs 
left because tbey had heard falso 



Bhâo Singh left the prince vvithout leave and returned. He was 
appointed to the Deccan, and in the third year in company with 
Shaista K. the Amîru-1-unıarâ he was engaged in the siege of the 
fort of Islamabad ' or Cakna, which had been constructed by 
Maliku-t-tajâr the general of 'Alâu-d-dîn Ahmad Shah Bahmanî, 
who had been appointed to conquer the Konkan. The garrison 
fell into difficulties, and by Bhâo Singh's intervention made över 
the fort. Aftervvards when Shaista K. was removed from the 
Deccan, and Maharajah Jaswant Singh stayed in that quarter to 
punish Siva, Bhâo Singh also remained with him. As Râo Bhâo's 
sister was married to the Maharajah, the iatter sent for her from 
her native country in order that she might make friendship be- 
tween them , but Râo Bhâo Singh was f aithf ul to his salt and did 
not agree. After the arrival of Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh at the 
Deccan, he made campaigns along with him. in the 9th year he 
svent wrth Diller K. against the zamindar of Ohanda* (in the Central 
Provinces). From the Naskha Dil Kushâ 8 it appears that he was 
for a long time in Aurangabad. He had formed an intimacy with 
Sultan Muhammad M'uazzam. in the 21st year corresponding to 
1088,* he died. 

As he had no sons, the rule of his native country fell to the 
grandson 6 of his brother Bhagvvant Singh, who was called 
Anurûdha Singh and was son of the Kishn Singh whom Sultan 

reports about the result of the battle 
of Ajmer vvith Dâıâ Shikoh. Atp.490 
of the 'Alamgîrnama mention is made 
of one Kamâl Afghatı the zamindar of 
Bîrbhüm. This would seem to indi- 
eate that the Benşal Rîrbliûm vvas 
raeant, for an Afghan family did get 
possession of that zamindari about 
1600. See Hunter's Rural Annals of 
Bengal, App. F., whore a Kamâl K. is 
mentioned. At p. 496 of the 'Alam 
girnSma Bîrbhüm is spoken of as a 
village and at 458 as a station. 
Apparently the geography of the 
'Alamgîrnama is vague. Mîr Jumla 
did try to take Shujâ' in the rear by 
marehing via Bishanpur, ete. See 
Stevvard's Bengal, 269. The rain» 

obliged Mîr Jumla to return to Râj- 
mahal. Perhaps the defection of the 
Rajput3 also contributed to this. 
l Elliot VII. 262. 

* 'Âlamgîmâma 1023. 

s Rieu's Cat. I. 271a. it is a book 
of historical memoirs relating to the